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MCNAMARA - FINAL 5/20/2009 5:17 PM<br />

788 WISCONSIN LAW REVIEW<br />

observation.” 158 Some witnesses may not have enough visual<br />

information to produce a reliable likeness, yet social pressures may<br />

result in the witness attempting to build a composite anyway. 159 Police<br />

may overlook a witness’s <strong>sketchy</strong> memory because of pressure to solve<br />

the crime. 160 Similarly, witnesses may believe they saw details they did<br />

not because of pressure to be helpful to the investigation. 161 Further,<br />

regardless of social influences, all memories are subject to<br />

contamination by information acquired after the event. 162 All of these<br />

factors combined indicate that any facial composite will deviate in some<br />

respects from the culprit, and in some cases significantly enough such<br />

that they are no longer useful tools for investigation.<br />

2. EFFECT OF FACIAL COMPOSITES ON SUBSEQUENT IDENTIFICATIONS<br />

Not only are facial composites poor indicators of the likeness of a<br />

culprit, they also have the potential to taint the memory of the<br />

<strong>eyewitness</strong> who helped to create the composite. Findings from recent<br />

studies show that the image of a composite either replaces or blends<br />

with the original image in the memory of the <strong>eyewitness</strong>. 163 This has an<br />

effect on a witness’s ability to accurately identify the culprit in a later<br />

<strong>identification</strong> procedure, such as a lineup. 164<br />

Memories, like physical trace evidence, can be tainted or decay<br />

over time. 165 Retrieval of memories is influenced not only by the<br />

158. Christgau, supra note 82, at 42.<br />

159. See Clifford & Davies, supra note 56, at 66–67; Woocher, supra note 35,<br />

at 988–89.<br />

160. See Findley & Scott, supra note 17, at 322–27 (describing institutional<br />

pressures on police to solve cases quickly). Forensic artists often express an emotional<br />

connection to their work and strong desire to help catch culprits; this may affect their<br />

ability to impartially evaluate the quality of a witness’s description. See TAYLOR, supra<br />

note 17, at Preface (“One image can literally be responsible for the recovery of a<br />

precious stolen child, stopping a serial rapist or murderer, or providing closure for the<br />

family who has lost a loved one to homicide.”); Lori Consalvo, Sketching Out ‘Evil,’<br />

INLAND VALLEY DAILY BULL. (Ont., Can.), Aug. 17, 2008 (describing an artist who<br />

carries around the sketch he made of a man wanted for sexually assaulting and killing<br />

several people, explaining that “[i]f I really want to remind myself why I do this, I need<br />

to have an image of evil”); Poole, supra note 136 (describing one artist who is reduced<br />

to occasional tears when discussing the cases she has helped solve).<br />

161. See Woocher, supra note 35, at 981.<br />

162. See David F. Hall et al., Postevent Information and Changes in<br />

Recollection for a Natural Event, in EYEWITNESS TESTIMONY: PSYCHOLOGICAL<br />

PERSPECTIVES 124, 126–27 (Gary L. Wells & Elizabeth F. Loftus eds., 1984); Loftus et<br />

al., supra note 38, at 28.<br />

163. See Wells et al., supra note 76, at 148–49, 154–55.<br />

164. Id.<br />

165. See supra text accompanying notes 37–46.

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