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Ben-Elia, E. and Ettema, D. (2011) Changing commuters' behav- ior ...

Ben-Elia, E. and Ettema, D. (2011) Changing commuters' behav- ior ...

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esults sustain this association in three ways. First, there appear to be significant betweengroup<br />

differences in the <strong>behav</strong><strong>ior</strong> change. Yeti users had relatively higher shares of driving<br />

later compared to higher shares of driving earlier in the money group. Yeti users’ main<br />

advantage was the real-time access to travel information whereas the participants in the<br />

money group had to search for the same information i.e. it involved more effort. However, as<br />

noted this result could also be confounded by pr<strong>ior</strong> arrangements with employers over<br />

flexible working times which were more dominant with the Yeti group. Hence, we cannot be<br />

certain if the different response is attributed to the Yeti treatment or related to<br />

prearrangements which facilitated driving later. However, the information explanation is<br />

strengthened by the fact that moderating this effect by group was not significant.<br />

Second, access of travel information, mainly traffic but also public transport information,<br />

intensified during the course of the experiment (pre/post-test comparison). Thus, decisionmaking<br />

in a changed environment apparently increased the need for information about the<br />

outcomes of alternatives. Third, information availability is positively associated with not<br />

driving or driving later. Participants who frequently accessed public transport information <strong>and</strong><br />

who were actively perusing information over public transport connections were more likely to<br />

avoid driving altogether. In addition, participants with higher frequency of accessing traffic<br />

information where more likely to choose driving later. It seems therefore that information<br />

acquisition <strong>and</strong> choice of avoidance <strong>behav</strong><strong>ior</strong> are clearly related. However causality here is<br />

uncertain as participants could also increase information acquisition for the alternative they<br />

found is best.<br />

6. Summary <strong>and</strong> conclusions<br />

The main conclusion regarding the use of rewards in encouraging commuters to change<br />

<strong>behav</strong><strong>ior</strong> is that it actually works. Rewards are effective extrinsic motivators for travel<br />

<strong>behav</strong><strong>ior</strong> change - here rush-hour avoidance. The monetary reward was likely perceived as<br />

a gain with diminishing sensitivity, whereas the Yeti should be regarded as an in-kind reward<br />

which had added endowment <strong>and</strong> instrumental qualities. The rewards were able to sustain<br />

the <strong>behav</strong><strong>ior</strong>al change throughout the experiment. Nonetheless, it is still an open question<br />

whether the change would be sustained in the long run <strong>and</strong> without rewards. We do not have<br />

enough post-test observations to provide an answer apart from subjective assessments by<br />

the participants. A second conclusion that can be drawn from this research is that the reward<br />

influences the magnitude of change – an increase or decrease in rush-hour avoidance.<br />

However the choice how to avoid – driving at other times, switching to another mode of<br />

transport or working from home, is determined by external factors relating to participants’<br />

personal <strong>and</strong> social characteristics, scheduling flexibility, history <strong>and</strong> information availability,<br />

Although already of some interest to the travel <strong>behav</strong><strong>ior</strong> research community these issues<br />

deserve further attention in future research.<br />

As a closing remark, following the success of the current study, application of reward-based<br />

schemes is now taking place across The Netherl<strong>and</strong>s. Although some concern, based on<br />

traffic simulation models, indicated that too many people might start changing their<br />

schedules to gain a reward (Bliemer & van Amelsfort, 2008), the evidence in the field does<br />

not support this claim. Their effectiveness in mitigating congestion, especially in situations<br />

involving temporary road maintenance or lane closures has been verified (Bliemer et al.,<br />

2009). A recent survey of firms also has shown positive attitude amongst employers towards<br />

the reward scheme (Vonk Noordegraaf & Annema, 2009). So far, the majority of the Dutch<br />

public (apart for the public transport users who are ineligible <strong>and</strong> consequently grumbling)<br />

<strong>and</strong> the government are quite content with the results. However as recently published in the<br />

media the (last) government also wanted to advance a punishment policy through universal<br />

kilometer road charging – a decision that stresses the importance of well-informed,<br />

evidence-based, as well as <strong>behav</strong><strong>ior</strong>ally-sound public policy.<br />

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