"The Cruel Striker War" - NIU Digital Projects
"The Cruel Striker War" - NIU Digital Projects
"The Cruel Striker War" - NIU Digital Projects
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efore, Lincoln had denounced the reshaping of national life by the expansion of slavery.<br />
Local efforts to organize the Union Labor Party are reported in the RR, June 23, July 14,<br />
25, 28, October 21, 1888. See also Alfred W. Newcombe's "Alson Jenness Streeter—An<br />
Agrarian Liberal," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 34, 1946). Streeter had<br />
been a friend and pallbearer of Chauncey Colton, who had first brought the railroad to<br />
Galesburg. See "Mr. Colton," in Litvin's Voices, 247. Also Knox Directory, 153. <strong>The</strong><br />
strike of 1888 proved "a critical turning point" in the thinking of Eugene V. Debs about<br />
the labor movement, leading him toward the idea of "One Big Union" in the industry and,<br />
ultimately to leadership of the American Railway Union and finally to socialism. Nick<br />
Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana: Unversity of Illinois Press,<br />
1982), 79, also 74-82. <strong>The</strong> CB&Q payroll records note that 276 employees in Galesburg,<br />
Burlington and Creston received discharges and "Time Given" for joining Debs' ARU.<br />
Stromquist's A Generation of Boomers, 94. On Labor Day, 1900, Galesburg unionists<br />
joined others in the region at Canton, Illinois to hear Debs, then the Socialist presidential<br />
candidate. Perry, History of Knox County, 1779.<br />
46. Although concerned with several case studies, Fink also compiled what he<br />
acknowledges to be an incomplete list of generally unstudied "Knights of Labor Political<br />
Tickets, by State or Territory, 1885-88," Workingmen's Democracy, 28-29. A quick<br />
comparison with Garlick's Guide shows that the order is not known to have even existed<br />
in some places where such labor campaigns took place. Neither the Guide nor a modern<br />
state map reveals Milburn in Connecticut, Fayette City and Kendalia in West Virginia,<br />
Berlin Mills in New Hampshire, or Kanawha Falls in Virginia, where Fink's sources<br />
mention labor parties. <strong>The</strong> Guide gives no known assemblies as a basis for political<br />
activities listed by Fink at Salem, Marion County, Illinois; DePere, Brown County,<br />
Wisconsin; and, Mountain Cove, Fayette County, West Virginia. (Likely, two of these<br />
locations refer to the Falls of the Kanawha in West Virginia and nearby "Mountain Cave,"<br />
the site of an antebellum spiritualist settlement still active in national reform circles as late<br />
as the 1870s.) A further comparison reveals that the Knights never seemed to reach into<br />
Boone and DuPage counties, Illinois, where labor tickets took the field at<br />
Belvidere and Batavia, while Knights organized at Las Animas in Colorado, Marion in<br />
Indiana, and St. Paul, Minnesota, only in 1890 and 1891, after the insurgent labor parties<br />
are noted. (Guide, 63, 75 and 28, 98, 268). Not until after 1886 are Knights known to have<br />
had assemblies at such sites of third party activities as: Prestonville, Kentucky; Willow<br />
Springs, Missouri; Washington, New Jersey; and, Statesville and Burlington, North<br />
Carolina. Added to this category might be the aforementioned Berlin Mills and Fayette<br />
City if they refer to Berlin Falls in Coos county, New Hampshire and Fayette Station in<br />
Fayette county, West Virginia. Conversely, the order had collapsed by 1886 at Somerset,<br />
Massachusetts, Ashtabula, Ohio, and Ottawa, Kansas, which are listed as supporting labor<br />
insurgencies. In short, many of the "labor parties" ascribed to the Knights had no<br />
demonstrable connection to the Knights and were probably more based on local<br />
Greenback persistence than any clear "labor" base.<br />
112