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Why do Europeans Migrate to Berlin? SocialStructural Differences ...

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22 Verwiebe<br />

the paper, principally through the analyses. Social reasons for migration<br />

<strong>to</strong> <strong>Berlin</strong> are more common among women (pre<strong>do</strong>minantly from Italy<br />

and Poland), among individuals with vocational training at the secondary<br />

level and among <strong>Europeans</strong> from the middle or lower class. Economic<br />

reasons for migration are found more frequently among male<br />

<strong>Europeans</strong> and among those who are integrated in<strong>to</strong> networks of their<br />

respective nationalities. The age group between 21 and 29 years (especially<br />

from Italy and Great Britain), the highly educated and those without<br />

higher education degrees (most of all from Poland and France),<br />

those who have been mobile since the mid-1990s within Europe (especially<br />

from France and Italy), as well as those from a higher social class<br />

all migrate more often for cultural reasons than other social status<br />

groups.<br />

Finally, in terms of future research, it would be useful <strong>to</strong> consider the<br />

relevance of the results presented here for the migration of other<br />

national groups <strong>to</strong> other European countries as well. How <strong>do</strong> the reasons<br />

for migration of Spanish or German migrants in Lon<strong>do</strong>n differ<br />

from those of British or French migrants in <strong>Berlin</strong> for example? It seems<br />

equally important <strong>to</strong> study more intensively the motives for migration<br />

and the migration patterns of individuals from the new EU states, the<br />

so-called accession countries, because it is very likely that migration<br />

from these countries will increase in the coming years, which will probably<br />

change migration patterns within Europe and the social fabric of the<br />

European Union as a whole. For such an enterprise it would be very<br />

useful <strong>to</strong> have access <strong>to</strong> more extensive data, with more respondents per<br />

participating nationality and additional independent social status variables,<br />

which would allow one <strong>to</strong> take in<strong>to</strong> account more aspects of<br />

European migration than has been possible in this modest study.<br />

NOTES<br />

1. For an overview of important aspects of family and marriage-related migration,<br />

cf. e.g. JEMS, Volume 30 (2).<br />

2. According <strong>to</strong> Kofman (2004: 247f.), four fac<strong>to</strong>rs have militated against taking<br />

the family unit as an object of analysis in migration studies: 1. Economic<br />

theory neglects the family because the activities that take place<br />

within it cannot be measured in monetary terms. 2. The second fac<strong>to</strong>r is the<br />

view that transactions occur between the individual and the state, and on<br />

the individual level the principal agent for those transactions is assumed <strong>to</strong><br />

be the male head of household. 3. The third fac<strong>to</strong>r is based on the<br />

dicho<strong>to</strong>my between the economic and the social in which the economic<br />

Ó 2011 The Author<br />

International Migration Ó 2011 IOM

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