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Messner (2002) also argued that athletes will often value the perceived notion<br />
of what it takes to fit in best with the team over their own uniqueness. Overman and<br />
Terry (1991) concluded the following in their study: “The structured experience of<br />
college athletics may influence some aspects of drinking,” and “participation in sport<br />
may socialize all types of athletes towards similar drinking behaviors” (Overman &<br />
Terry, 1991, p. 114). They argued that this is why male and female athletes use alcohol<br />
more similarly than male and female non-athletes.<br />
In her study of female rugby players, Baird (2001) came to the conclusion that<br />
certain behaviors were expected of players on certain teams. The sometimes dangerous<br />
conduct was meant to help develop a special bond among the participating athletes.<br />
Donnelly and Young (1988) stated their belief that the team is a subculture. Thus,<br />
newcomers to the team were forced undergo a successful socialization procedure in order<br />
to gain acceptance. This procedure often involved negative behaviors, such as binge<br />
drinking, because drinking is often a vital part of a team’s culture. That team culture is<br />
where many young men and women find their identity. In a study of 600 adolescents who<br />
self-described themselves as jocks, jock identity was significantly associated with<br />
drinking behavior, but the frequency of athletic activity was not (Miller et al., 2003).<br />
Messner (2002) theorized that sports teams can sometimes wind up with an<br />
unsafe hierarchy in which leaders set dangerous policies for inclusion. Another group,<br />
which he called the audience, was made up of followers who actively applauded and<br />
supported the practices of the leaders and hoped one day to be part of that group.<br />
Meanwhile, a third group, which he called the “marginals,” were the lower status group<br />
members who supported leaders with silent participation.<br />
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