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Indian Climate Policy - Global Commons Institute

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46 | MATHUR AND VARUGHESE<br />

Having undertaken proactive policies in the last year and having made<br />

considerable efforts to communicate them, India has managed to erase somewhat<br />

the impression that it represents an “obstruction to a climate deal” as it had been<br />

painted by many countries. Often, however, the seemingly pragmatic focus of<br />

the Annex I states on the reality that all countries need to act fast misses the<br />

<strong>Indian</strong> moral arguments, leading to frustration on both sides. It is therefore now<br />

the turn of the Annex I countries to recognize their historical responsibility and<br />

make a radically enhanced offer of mitigation effort and finance.<br />

THE WAY FORWARD<br />

As many analysts have pointed out, India has historically been more comfortable<br />

with negotiations when it is defending its moral entitlements (e.g., in the WTO<br />

on issues of stonewalling by developed countries against granting full market<br />

access to the exports of poor countries and instead demanding serious<br />

concessions from developing countries.) And in these negotiations, India has<br />

often stood its ground well. But one of the consequences of India’s traditional<br />

negotiating position is that it has seldom been strong at bargaining. A moral<br />

entitlement approach to negotiation and a bargaining approach to negotiation<br />

require two very different sensibilities. The former requires sticking to a<br />

principle, even if the outcome is deadlock or isolation. The latter requires cutting<br />

deals, even if they are not based on the most equitable moral principle.<br />

While India’s position so far has been largely articulated in the language of<br />

entitlements, recent statements by <strong>Indian</strong> leaders in international meetings have<br />

indicated a shift towards the bargaining style. This is understandable, since many<br />

of the major countries in the G77 block such as Brazil, Argentina, and China<br />

have shown signs of being willing to give and take as well on crucial issues like<br />

emission reductions, Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV), and<br />

Reduced Emissions on Degradation and Deforestation (REDD). Agreement<br />

between India and China to coordinate and calibrate their positions before every<br />

major international gathering on climate change – and not to accept legallybinding<br />

targets on emissions reductions that may impact their development<br />

priorities – shows that India does not plan to let itself be sidelined during the<br />

central deal. But India’s negotiators will keep open the option of a veto at<br />

Copenhagen if confronted with what they regard as an unreasonable outcome. It<br />

would not be difficult to sell this decision domestically by highlighting how little<br />

India has contributed to the problem and how pressing its development needs are.

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