Indian Climate Policy - Global Commons Institute

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46 | MATHUR AND VARUGHESE Having undertaken proactive policies in the last year and having made considerable efforts to communicate them, India has managed to erase somewhat the impression that it represents an “obstruction to a climate deal” as it had been painted by many countries. Often, however, the seemingly pragmatic focus of the Annex I states on the reality that all countries need to act fast misses the <strong>Indian</strong> moral arguments, leading to frustration on both sides. It is therefore now the turn of the Annex I countries to recognize their historical responsibility and make a radically enhanced offer of mitigation effort and finance. THE WAY FORWARD As many analysts have pointed out, India has historically been more comfortable with negotiations when it is defending its moral entitlements (e.g., in the WTO on issues of stonewalling by developed countries against granting full market access to the exports of poor countries and instead demanding serious concessions from developing countries.) And in these negotiations, India has often stood its ground well. But one of the consequences of India’s traditional negotiating position is that it has seldom been strong at bargaining. A moral entitlement approach to negotiation and a bargaining approach to negotiation require two very different sensibilities. The former requires sticking to a principle, even if the outcome is deadlock or isolation. The latter requires cutting deals, even if they are not based on the most equitable moral principle. While India’s position so far has been largely articulated in the language of entitlements, recent statements by <strong>Indian</strong> leaders in international meetings have indicated a shift towards the bargaining style. This is understandable, since many of the major countries in the G77 block such as Brazil, Argentina, and China have shown signs of being willing to give and take as well on crucial issues like emission reductions, Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV), and Reduced Emissions on Degradation and Deforestation (REDD). Agreement between India and China to coordinate and calibrate their positions before every major international gathering on climate change – and not to accept legallybinding targets on emissions reductions that may impact their development priorities – shows that India does not plan to let itself be sidelined during the central deal. But India’s negotiators will keep open the option of a veto at Copenhagen if confronted with what they regard as an unreasonable outcome. It would not be difficult to sell this decision domestically by highlighting how little India has contributed to the problem and how pressing its development needs are.
FROM “OBSTRUCTIONIST” TO LEADING PLAYER | 47 Therefore, using a combination of moral entitlements and bargaining positions, India needs to convince the Annex I countries on certain issues, although dealing with different Annex I countries differently. India should: Build a case for supporting low carbon development: While the focus on development needs to be continued, India ought to come up with workable proposals on mechanisms for support by Annex I countries on increasing the focus on what sustainable, low carbon development looks like in practice and enhancing adaptation capabilities. A joint effort with the other BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) countries will be a very significant step in this regard. Build estimates of the Adaptation Financing required: While many estimates are already available for the volume of adaptation financing needs, none of them are country-specific. India needs to develop its own estimates for adaptation funding requirements so as to build up a convincing case for its demand for an adaptation funding and technology package. Deeper insights into utilization of this financing for various activities globally (e.g., Insurance, Conditional Cash Transfers, integration into government programs, early warning systems, etc.) are likely to be very useful in extracting commitments from developed countries. Build a national debate on climate change commitments: Given the wide ramifications of climate change issues and the domestic impacts of any treaty agreed upon in Copenhagen, debates need to expand beyond Delhi. A more participatory debate involving political representatives, civil society actors, and the bureaucracy (both at the national and sub-national level) is needed to build a national consensus. A better knowledge base and a more inclusive debate will allow India to take a more informed view of climate change both domestically and internationally and build broader support for implementing what are bound to be difficult options. It also presents an opportunity for India to rethink its development strategy and to formulate one that is more inclusive and less resource-intensive.
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