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20 JOE PATER AND ADAM WERLE (89) Stage 8 (2;2.23–2;3.17): F(L), NOGAP >> F(C) >>AGREE-L >>AGREE-R KOP KIP KOT KIT POK PIK TOK TIK predicted 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% attested 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 6% 0% Anttila’s (1997) theory of variation predicts that quantities of variation should be in small integer fractions: e.g. 100%, 66% (2/3), 50% (1/2), 33% (1/3), 25% (1/4). The data at some points do seem to show just this sort of variation. To model smaller frequencies (see e.g. Stage 8: TOK), and gradual declines in variation, either a much richer constraint set, or a richer model of variation, such as that of Boersma and Hayes (to appear), would be needed. 8. Conclusions In this paper, we have proposed an account of the three typological generalizations on child velar harmony first noted by Stoel-Gammon (1996) (see also Dinnsen and O'Connor to appear on a typological generalization on manner harmony): (90) Proposed constraints a. directionality: AGREE-L >> AGREE-R b. target place: FAITHLAB, FAITHDOR >> FAITHCOR c. vowel blocking: NOGAP We have also shown how this account of these basic generalizations yields further specific predictions (i.e. interaction of directionality with blocking effects of consonants and vowels). Most of the grammars predicted by the factorial typology of these constraints were seen to be attested in different stages of the application of consonant harmony in one child's longitudinal data. Predicted patterns of relative frequency of variation for the various word types were also shown to be instantiated in Trevor's data. References Anttila, A. (1997). Deriving variation from grammar. In F. Hinskens, R. van Hout & L. Wetzels (eds). Variation, Change and Phonological Theory. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Anttila, A. and Y. Yu Cho (1998). Variation and change in Optimality Theory. Lingua 104: 31–56. Bakovic, E. (2000). Harmony, Dominance, and Control. Ph.D. dissertation, Rutgers University. Beckman, J. (1998). Positional Faithfulness. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Bernhardt, B. and J. Stemberger (1998). Handbook of Phonological Development. San Diego: Academic Press. Boersma, P. and B. Hayes (1999). Empirical tests of the Gradual Learning Algorithm. Ms, University of Amsterdam and UCLA. Clements, G.N., and Elizabeth V. Hume (1995). The internal organization of speech sounds. In J. A. Goldsmith (ed). The Handbook of Phonological Theory. Cambridge, MA and Oxford, UK: Blackwell. 245–306.
TYPOLOGY AND VARIATION IN CHILD CONSONANT HARMONY 21 Compton, A.J. and M. Streeter (1977). Child phonology: data collection and preliminary analyses. Papers and Reports on Child Language Development 7. Stanford University. Dinnsen, D., and K. O'Connor (to appear). Typological predictions in developmental phonology. Journal of Child Language. Gnanadesikan, A. (to appear). Markedness and faithfulness constraints in child phonology. In Kager et al (eds). Goad, H. (1997). Consonant harmony in child language: an Optimality-Theoretic account. Hannahs and Young-Scholten (eds). Generative Studies in the Acquisition of Phonology. John Benjamins. Itô, J., A. Mester, and J. Padgett (1995). NC: licensing and underspecification in Optimality Theory. Linguistic Inquiry 26: 571–614. Jun, J. (1995). Perceptual and Articulatory Factors in Place Assimilation: An Optimality Theoretic Approach. PhD dissertation, UCLA. Kager, René, Joe Pater, and Wim Zonneveld (eds) (to appear). Fixing Priorities: Constraints in Phonological Acquisition. Cambridge University Press. Kiparsky, P. (1994). Remarks on markedness. Paper presented at TREND 2, Stanford University. Lahiri, A. and V. Evers (1991). Palatization and coronality. In C. Paradis and J. Prunet (eds). The Special Status of Coronals. San Diego: Academic Press, Inc. Levelt, C. (1994). On the Acquisition of Place. Ph.D. Dissertation, Holland Institute of General Linguistics. Levelt, C. (1996). Consonant-vowel interactions in child language. Proceedings of the UBC International Conference on Phonological Acquisition. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. 229–239. Levelt, C., and R. van de Vijver (to appear). Syllable types in cross-linguistic and developmental grammars. In R. Kager et al (eds). Lombardi, L. (1999). Positional faithfulness and voicing assimilation in Optimality Theory. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 267–302. McCarthy, J. (1997). Process-specific constraints in Optimality Theory. Linguistic Inquiry 28: 231–251. Menn, L. (1971). Phonotactic rules in beginning speech. Lingua 26: 225–251. Menn, L. (to appear). Saving the baby: making sure that old data survive new theories. In R. Kager et al (eds). Mohanan, K.P (1993). Fields of attraction in phonology. In J. Goldsmith (ed). The Last Phonological Rule. University of Chicago Press. Ohala, J. (1990). The phonetics and phonology of aspects of assimilation. In J. Kingston and M. Beckman (ed). Papers in Laboratory Phonology I: Between the Grammar and Physics of Speech. Cambridge University Press. Pater, J. (1997). Minimal violation and phonological development. Language Acquisition 6: 201–253. Prince, A. and P. Smolensky (1993). Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Rutgers Center for Cognitive Science. Smith, N.V. (1973). The Acquisition of Phonology: A Case Study. Cambridge University Press. Stoel-Gammon, C. (1996). On the acquisition of velars in English. Proceedings of the UBC International Conference on Phonological Acquisition. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. 201–214. Stoel-Gammon, C. and J. Stemberger (1994). Consonant harmony and underspecification in child speech. In M. Yavas (ed). First and Second Language Phonology. San Diego: Singular Publishing group. Vihman, M. (1978). Consonant harmony: its scope and function in child language. In J.H. Greenberg (ed). Universals of Human Language. Stanford University Press. 281–
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