Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem • Mini-course • 11–12 January ...
Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem • Mini-course • 11–12 January ...
Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem • Mini-course • 11–12 January ...
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Marcel den Dikken — <strong>Pázmány</strong> <strong>Péter</strong> <strong>Katolikus</strong> <strong>Egyetem</strong> — <strong>Mini</strong>-<strong>course</strong> 2013 — The syntax of adpositional phrases<br />
4<br />
(a)<br />
(b)<br />
(c)<br />
the (in)ability of prePPs to occur in the complement of directional manner-of-motion verbs<br />
(op de heuvel wandelen ‘on the hill walk’ — grammatical on a locative reading for all<br />
speakers; ambiguous between a locative and a directional reading only for some speakers)<br />
the (in)ability of the postP portion of a circumPP to be incorporated into the verbal cluster<br />
%<br />
(dat het water onder het huis is < door>gelopen ‘that the water under the house<br />
is run)<br />
the (in)ability of the prePP portion of a circumPP to be extracted with stranding of the postP<br />
%<br />
portion ( onder welk huis is het water door gelopen? ‘under which house is the water<br />
through run’)<br />
<strong>•</strong> I will not go through the nitty gritty of the Dutch xPP data in any (further) detail here (referring you<br />
to Koopman’s and Den Dikken’s papers for extensive exemplification and discussion)<br />
I only draw attention to a major problem with Den Dikken’s analysis of circumPPs, based on (9d.iii)<br />
the claim is that circumPP order results from raising CP<br />
[PLACE]<br />
in (9d.iii), which is prepositional, to<br />
SpecCP<br />
[PATH], yielding the ‘P Loc DP P Dir’ order that characterises circumPPs<br />
the problem is that, as (3) shows, in circumPPs are simultaneously modified by both a path modifier<br />
and a place modifier, the two modifiers are adjacent, with the former preceding the latter — (3),<br />
which is the expected word order on Den Dikken’s (2010) analysis of circumPPs, is ungrammatical<br />
[PLACE]<br />
[PATH]<br />
it seems that the landing-site of leftward movement of CP must be lower than SpecCP<br />
(3) *het vliegtuig vloog [ CP(Path) [ CP(Place) tien meter (hoog) boven het strand] [tien meter (lang) langs]]<br />
the airplane flew ten metre high above the beach ten metre long along<br />
Q where is the external argument of a predicative xPP base-generated?<br />
a question not addressed by either Koopman (2010) or Den Dikken (2010)<br />
<strong>•</strong> the subject of a predicative xPP surfaces, of <strong>course</strong>, outside the entire xPP<br />
but as is well known, the surface position of a subject is not necessarily its base position: subjects<br />
have a tendency to raise<br />
Q-float is generally a good diagnostic for the position(s) harbouring an empty category linked to the<br />
subject — specifically, a trace; as Baltin notes, PRO behaves differently from raising<br />
(10) a. the children seemed all to have left<br />
b. *the children promised Mary all to leave<br />
c. *all to leave would be difficult for them<br />
<strong>•</strong> a floating Q associated with the subject of the xPP is possible inside an xPP<br />
(11) (wat de tafel betreft), [er allemaal boven op] liggen de boeken<br />
what the table concerns there all up on lie the books<br />
‘as for the table, the books are all lying up on top of it’<br />
(12) (wat de verdediging betreft), met [de spitsen [er allebei hooguit een halve meter achter]]<br />
what the defence concerns with the forwards there both at.most a half metre behind<br />
ziet de scheidsrechter nooit of het buitenspel is<br />
sees the referee never whether it off.side is<br />
‘as for the defence, with the forwards both at most half a metre behind it, the referee will<br />
never be able to see whether they’re off-side or not’