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Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem • Mini-course • 11–12 January ...

Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem • Mini-course • 11–12 January ...

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Marcel den Dikken — <strong>Pázmány</strong> <strong>Péter</strong> <strong>Katolikus</strong> <strong>Egyetem</strong> — <strong>Mini</strong>-<strong>course</strong> 2013 — The syntax of adpositional phrases<br />

8<br />

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the judgements for (25a) and (25c) are clear: the former is perfect, and the latter is good only with<br />

focus on the FQ, as previously<br />

my judgement for (25b) is not perfectly crisp, but it strikes me as acceptable<br />

[(25d) sounds pretty horrid, but it is hard to say whether this is due to grammatical or extragrammatical<br />

causes (so I leave the diacritic for this sentence undecided): (25d) really is pushing the limit;<br />

it is virtually impossible to find a context that would justify the use of two FQs]<br />

this suggests that there is a subject-of-predication inside the locative portion of a complex directional<br />

PP<br />

it is the directional xPP that is predicated of de vliegtuigen; the locative portion of the directional<br />

xPP is not (directly) predicated of de vliegtuigen<br />

so we have two subjects of predication, and we also need a structural subject position inside the<br />

locative portion of the structure, in order to make it possible for the subject to raise and license a FQ<br />

(26) [ er [C [ t [Dx [ allebei t [RELATOR [ [tien meter lang [Asp [ langs<br />

[ t [C [ PRO [Dx [ allebei t [RELATOR [ [tien meter hoog [Asp [ boven<br />

[DIR] [DIR] [DIR]<br />

CP DxP SU RP SU AspP PP<br />

[LOC] [LOC] [LOC]<br />

CP er DxP RP PRO<br />

AspP PP<br />

NB<br />

though a FQ cannot be locally associated to PRO, it can of <strong>course</strong> perfectly well be associated to the<br />

trace of PRO: (10b,c) both have grammatical variants with all to the right of to<br />

<strong>•</strong> the FQ facts have thus led us to the conclusion that a complex directional circumPP such as (24) is<br />

internally a control structure — effectively just the same as what we have in, say, (27)<br />

(27) the children both tried [PRO to both be successful]<br />

<br />

this result, if it holds up to further scrutiny, solidifies the parallel between xPPs and xVPs, and justifies<br />

Den Dikken’s (2010) decision to relabel Koopman’s functional projections as AspP and DxP<br />

<strong>•</strong> at least two empirical questions remain<br />

Q1 how to deal with word orders in which the FQ appears in front of the r-pronoun, as in (28)?<br />

?<br />

(28) [allemaal er pal boven op] lagen de boeken<br />

all there right up on lie the books<br />

<br />

er could potentially be in a lower position here, in particular, SpecAspP (cf. Koopman’s SpecPlaceP)<br />

Q2 how to deal with the difference between definite er and indefinite ergens in (29)?<br />

(29) a. [er allemaal pal boven op] liggen de boeken<br />

there all right up on lie the books<br />

b. [ergens allemaal pal boven op] liggen de boeken<br />

somewhere all right up on lie the books<br />

b. [allemaal ergens pal boven op] liggen de boeken<br />

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<br />

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while (29b) is grammatical, it forces a [+specific] reading onto indefinite ergens; for a non-specific<br />

reading, (29b) must be used<br />

this is probably merely a matter of scope (relative to the universal FQ), but it may be indicative of<br />

something more profound<br />

the difference between er and ergens is relevant also in the context of the discussion of P-doubling<br />

in Flemish

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