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Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem • Mini-course • 11–12 January ...

Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem • Mini-course • 11–12 January ...

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Marcel den Dikken — <strong>Pázmány</strong> <strong>Péter</strong> <strong>Katolikus</strong> <strong>Egyetem</strong> — <strong>Mini</strong>-<strong>course</strong> 2013 — The syntax of adpositional phrases<br />

7<br />

(21) a. [er allemaal pal boven op] liggen de boeken [cf. (11)]<br />

there all right up on lie the books<br />

b. *[er pal allemaal boven op] liggen de boeken<br />

c. *[er pal boven allemaal op] liggen de boeken<br />

(22) *[ CP C<br />

[SPACE]<br />

[ DxP Dx<br />

[SPACE]<br />

[ RP SUBJECT [RELATOR [ AspP Asp<br />

[SPACE]<br />

[ PP allemaal [P...]]]]]]]<br />

<br />

Q<br />

(22) is ungrammatical because, in general, a FQ must not be c-commanded by the trace of the noun<br />

phrase that it is associated with<br />

why is (23b) ungrammatical, in stark contrast to (23a)? — put differently, why can the subject of the<br />

xPP not surface in its base-generation site in these with-absolute constructions?<br />

(23) a. met [de spitsen er allebei een halve meter achter]<br />

with the forwards there both a half metre behind<br />

b. *met [er de spitsen allebei een halve meter achter]<br />

<br />

the obvious problem with (23b) is that de spitsen, which is supposed to check Case with met, is prevented<br />

from doing so by the intervening er — more technically, with er in SpecCP , there is a<br />

[SPACE]<br />

phase boundary between met and de spitsen in (23b), which causes the derivation to crash<br />

Q where, then, is de spitsen in (23a), and how does it manage to get there?<br />

the answer to the first question must be ‘outside the CP<br />

[SPACE]<br />

of achter altogether’<br />

the answer to the second question must be ‘via raising’ — after all, de spitsen cannot receive a è-role<br />

outside CP<br />

[SPACE]<br />

(met ‘with’ in absolutive constructions is not a è-role assigner)<br />

since the xPP of achter is as large as a full CP, and since de spitsen ‘the forwards’ must have<br />

originated inside this CP and have raised out of it, the conclusion emerges that ‘NP-raising’ can traverse<br />

CP boundaries; exactly how this is possible is a topic for research<br />

[NB: in the literature on raising, grammatical cases of ‘superraising’ and ‘hyperraising’ have been<br />

documented for diverse languages; I have always taken these to be instances of (covert) ‘copy raising’<br />

instead (cf. he seems like he’s enjoying himself), which arguably does not involve trans-CP<br />

movement; possibly, this is what we are dealing with in (23a) as well]<br />

<strong>•</strong> back to (3), repeated below: a directional circumPP featuring two space-frame modifiers<br />

Q where can FQs show up in this string?<br />

to test this, we need an example in which the subject is plural, as in (24); the topicalisation cases in<br />

(25a–c) provide the experimental stimuli<br />

(24) de vliegtuigen vlogen tien meter (lang) tien meter (hoog) boven het strand langs<br />

the airplanes flew ten metre long ten metre high above the beach along<br />

‘the airplanes flew along the beach over a distance of ten metres, at a height of ten metres’<br />

(25) a. [er allebei tien meter lang tien meter hoog boven langs] vlogen de vliegtuigen<br />

there both ten metre long ten metre high above along flew the airplanes<br />

b.<br />

?[er tien meter lang allebei tien meter hoog boven langs] vlogen de vliegtuigen<br />

c.<br />

#[er tien meter lang tien meter hoog allebei boven langs] vlogen de vliegtuigen<br />

d.<br />

[er<br />

allebei tien meter lang allebei tien meter hoog boven langs] vlogen de vliegtuigen

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