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The Art of Planning - Columbia University Graduate School of ...

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24<br />

<strong>The</strong> “scope <strong>of</strong> contracts” include the shiny mosaic installations along the 1 train that<br />

tell a mis-history <strong>of</strong> this City and its people. At Christopher Street-Sheridan Square,<br />

mosaics depict vignettes <strong>of</strong> the community by dividing people into four groupings;<br />

Founders, Providers, Bohemians, and Rebels. <strong>The</strong>se groupings are meant to illustrate the<br />

“identities” <strong>of</strong> Greenwich Village, yet this categorical classification is a harsh contrast to<br />

the community’s history <strong>of</strong> collective mobilization for social change. What happened to the<br />

story about a community that was born in the spirit <strong>of</strong> collective action, and who authorized<br />

this particular telling <strong>of</strong> the story?<br />

Photograph by Jezra Thompson<br />

<strong>of</strong> barbed wire where no one ever seems to sit. <strong>The</strong>re are <strong>of</strong> course challenges that<br />

come with introducing art into a public space. <strong>The</strong> piece must be in<strong>of</strong>fensive, the material<br />

durable, and its presence subtle enough that it doesn’t inhibit the functions <strong>of</strong> the space.<br />

Yet, there exists a marked difference between in<strong>of</strong>fensive and interesting, between uninflammatory<br />

and relative. If people are unable to connect with the art right in front <strong>of</strong><br />

them—the de-contextualized poem, the isolated chair—how much <strong>of</strong> a public purpose is<br />

it really serving?<br />

In his text, <strong>Art</strong>, Space and the City, Malcolm Miles writes, “the use <strong>of</strong> culture as a means<br />

<strong>of</strong> preserving social order is stated as a general characteristic <strong>of</strong> bourgeois society…<br />

it displaces value into an aesthetic domain, setting up a duality <strong>of</strong> art and life, allowing<br />

the impact <strong>of</strong> power or money on everyday life to be unquestioned, or at least less<br />

questioned.” 2<br />

<strong>The</strong> MTA has set-up artistic forums completely disengaged from their urban context. <strong>The</strong><br />

Authority, as they refer to themselves, has created art with rules:<br />

“No person shall destroy, mark, soil or paint, or draw, inscribe,<br />

write, spray paint or place graffiti upon, or remove, injure or<br />

tamper with any facility, conveyance, sign, advertisement,<br />

notice or other property <strong>of</strong> the Authority, or attempt to commit<br />

any <strong>of</strong> the aforementioned acts, except that this subdivision<br />

shall not apply to any work within the scope <strong>of</strong> any contract<br />

made by or on behalf <strong>of</strong> the Authority.” 3<br />

<strong>The</strong> ‘authority’ forgets that much <strong>of</strong> American graffiti was born in New York. In the 1970s<br />

and 1980s, subways cars became mobile canvasses, the ultimate symbol <strong>of</strong> the urban<br />

frontier – this was the art. And yet, while the subway became an artistic forum, ridership fell<br />

to all-time lows. <strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> the space as a canvas meant the loss <strong>of</strong> its functionality; people<br />

could no longer comfortably use it as transportation. Public art can become disengaging if<br />

it alienates people from using a space for its intended function. When the subway became<br />

an unchecked public art forum, a public message that the MTA had lost control <strong>of</strong> (or<br />

at least jurisdiction over) the use <strong>of</strong> the subway as a transit system became apparent.<br />

<strong>The</strong> subway clean-up <strong>of</strong> the late 1980s and early 1990s, during which every mural was<br />

whitewashed over, was the MTA’s way <strong>of</strong> reclaiming the space.<br />

Today, musicians cannot even play in subway stations without being harassed by<br />

authorities. Gone are the days <strong>of</strong> artistic spontaneity, they have been confined to the<br />

margins <strong>of</strong> the space they occupy – under a bright yellow MTA issued banner crediting<br />

“Music Under New York” (An <strong>Art</strong>s For Transit Program).<br />

<strong>The</strong> art in the subway is now commissioned by the capital stakeholders <strong>of</strong> the space.<br />

Images and ideas previously concocted by subway riders have been discarded in<br />

the interest <strong>of</strong> making a sale, <strong>of</strong> “showing respect for our customers and enhancing<br />

the experience <strong>of</strong> travel.” What is this art representing? Not the people from the<br />

neighborhoods where these installations are made, or the cultures <strong>of</strong> the local<br />

communities where these musicians are beckoned to play. This is not locally grown art,<br />

but a series <strong>of</strong> inseminated cultural ideals, manufactured by a consumer agenda.<br />

REFERENCES<br />

1<br />

Smith, Neil, and Deborah Cowen, “Suburban Manhattan”. <strong>The</strong> Suburbanization <strong>of</strong> New York. New York:<br />

Princeton Architectural Press, 2007.<br />

2<br />

Miles, Malcolm. <strong>Art</strong>, Space, and the City: Public <strong>Art</strong> and Urban Futures. New York: Routledge, 1997. (58)<br />

3<br />

New York City Transit/ Metropolitan Transit Authority. “Property and Equipment.” Rules For Conduct. Online:<br />

http://mta.info/nyct/rules/rules.htm. (Section 1050.5)<br />

URBAN

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