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MOSCOW CONTINUED FROM PAGE 1<br />

Piontkovsky discusses the summons and<br />

the state of U.S.-Russian relations with<br />

for mer Herman Kahn fellow Melvin<br />

Schut.<br />

Question: What happened when you<br />

were called back to Russia on the<br />

extremism charges?<br />

Answer: In July, the prosecutors were<br />

thwarted in their efforts by an independent<br />

and courageous local judge, who did<br />

not think that the evidence against me<br />

was sufficient. The government has now<br />

learned from this mistake. For the Sept -<br />

em ber hearing in Mos cow, rather than<br />

starting with criminal charges, they presented<br />

evidence from my writings. The<br />

judge decided that another expert was<br />

needed to determine whether the material<br />

I published is indeed extremist.<br />

Q: What does this mean for Russia’s<br />

Democratic Party, Yabloko, and other<br />

opposition forces?<br />

A: If Putin succeeds in his action against<br />

me, it would have profound political<br />

consequences, silencing opposition. He is<br />

trying to take more and more steps<br />

towards Yabloko’s prohibition, for ex -<br />

ample. Having my publications legally<br />

declared ex tremist and having me convicted<br />

would help him to do so. On the<br />

other hand, the fact that he has to follow<br />

this road shows that even Putin must<br />

rely on the rule of law to some extent.<br />

And the failure of prosecutors to get me<br />

convicted in July demonstrates that the<br />

local courts still have some autonomy,<br />

although the same is not true for the<br />

national judges.<br />

Q: Does your newspaper continue to be<br />

published?<br />

A: Yes, but all Russian newspapers are<br />

heavily censored. Until now only Internet<br />

publications have been relatively free.<br />

However, at present that small island of<br />

liberty is threatened as well, not least<br />

with the investigation into me.<br />

Q: What is your assessment of U.S.-Russian<br />

relations at this time?<br />

A: Clearly, Putin quite deliberately provokes<br />

the United States and the West. His<br />

reason for doing so originates in domestic<br />

Russian politics. Putin’s government is<br />

more corrupt than any previous regime<br />

in Russian history. Although it would be<br />

too strong to call it fascist, it brings to<br />

mind the authoritarian governments of<br />

South and Central America, which also<br />

exploited their countries for their personal<br />

profit. To legitimize this conduct, Putin<br />

and his supporters create images of foreign<br />

enemies. They bombard the Russian<br />

people with these images 24/7—and<br />

with considerable success. Quite frankly,<br />

I am astonished by the naiveté of Western<br />

leaders, who see Putin as a flawed ally.<br />

The same Putin who sells weapons to<br />

Hamas and to Syria is supposedly an ally<br />

in the fight against terrorism. A man who<br />

compares the United States to the Third<br />

Reich is re warded for his remarks with<br />

an invitation to Kenne bunkport, the<br />

family home of the Ameri can president.<br />

Q: In conclusion, what drew you to <strong>Hudson</strong><br />

<strong>Institute</strong>?<br />

A: I am an applied mathematician by<br />

training. That interest brought me into<br />

the world of nuclear strategy and global<br />

security. From its beginning, <strong>Hudson</strong> has<br />

been very strong at this, starting with<br />

[<strong>Hudson</strong> founder] Herman Kahn, of<br />

course, but continuing with others. In<br />

general, <strong>Hudson</strong> brings me the company<br />

of prominent intellectuals and scholars,<br />

which I very much enjoy.<br />

SCHOLAR IN THE SPOTLIGHT CONTINUED FROM PAGE 4<br />

years at the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation in Mil -<br />

waukee, from which the Bradley Center draws its name.<br />

There, he led the foundation’s “New Citizenship” program,<br />

which the Bradley Foundation describes as “indi-<br />

vi d uals coming together in communities as proud, selfgoverning,<br />

personally responsible citizens, capable once<br />

again of running their own lives and affairs, freed from<br />

the paternalistic oversight and interference of bureaucratic<br />

elites.”<br />

Before joining Bradley in 1992, Schambra served as a<br />

senior adviser and chief speechwriter for public figures<br />

such as Attorney General Edwin Meese III, Director of the<br />

Office of Personnel Management Constance Horner, and<br />

Secretary of Health and Human Services Louis Sullivan.<br />

He was also director of Social Policy Programs for the<br />

American Enterprise <strong>Institute</strong> and co-director of AEI’s<br />

“A Decade of Study of the Constitution.” Schambra was<br />

appointed by President Reagan to the National Historical<br />

Publications and Records Commission, and by President<br />

George W. Bush to the board of directors of the Corpor -<br />

ation for National and Community Service.<br />

Schambra has written extensively on the Constitution,<br />

the theory and practice of civic revitalization, and civil society<br />

in the Public Interest, Public Opinion, the Wall Street<br />

Journal, the Washington Times, Policy Review, Christian<br />

Science Monitor, Nonprofit Quarterly, Philan thropy, and<br />

Crisis, and is the editor of several volumes, including As<br />

Far as Republican Principles Will Admit: Collected Essays<br />

of Martin Diamond.<br />

22 HUDSON INSTITUTE / FALL 2007

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