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lower rate than the United States, and<br />

its economy is characterized by a<br />

slower rate of GDP growth.<br />

In May 2007, the payroll survey<br />

recorded an increase of 157,000 jobs.<br />

Compared to August 2003, nonfarm<br />

payroll employment has increased by<br />

over 8.0 million jobs, 45 months of<br />

consecutive gains, where professional<br />

and business services added 1.9 million,<br />

education and health services<br />

added 1.7 million, leisure and hospitality<br />

added 1.3 million, trade, transportation,<br />

and utilities added 1.2 million,<br />

construction added 910,000, government<br />

added 653,000, and financial<br />

activities added 436,000. The household<br />

survey showed a gain of 157,000<br />

employed workers in May 2007 as<br />

well, and a gain of over 8.4 million<br />

employed workers since August 2003.<br />

DAVID SATTER’S<br />

testimony on Russia<br />

before the House<br />

Foreign Affairs<br />

Committee<br />

May 17<br />

One of the most important questions<br />

in the world today concerns the intentions<br />

of Russia. One can only wonder<br />

what is motivating Russia to create so<br />

many artificial problems in a short<br />

period of time.<br />

If Russia were motivated by logical<br />

concerns, it would be dedicated to balancing<br />

growing Chinese power, guarding<br />

against Islamic terrorism, and preventing<br />

the emergence of nuclear powers<br />

on its borders. Instead, however,<br />

Russia appears fixated on dominating<br />

the countries that emerged from the<br />

former Soviet Union and appears willing<br />

to sacrifice its vital interests for the<br />

empty satisfaction of appearing to give<br />

orders to countries it believes it has a<br />

right to dominate.<br />

The leaders of a country are usually<br />

dedicated to defending that country’s<br />

vital interests. Developments in Russia,<br />

however, show that there is a real<br />

divergence between the interests of the<br />

country and the interests of the small<br />

group of people who run it.<br />

JOHN FONTE’S<br />

testimony on immigrant<br />

assimilation before the<br />

House Judiciary<br />

Committee<br />

May 16<br />

What do we mean by patriotic assimilation?<br />

First of all, patriotic assimilation<br />

does not mean giving up all ethnic<br />

traditions, customs, cuisine, and birth<br />

languages. It has nothing to do with the<br />

food one eats, the religion one practices,<br />

the affection that one feels for the<br />

land of one’s birth, and the second languages<br />

that one speaks. Multiethnicity<br />

and ethnic subcultures have enriched<br />

America and have always been part of<br />

our past since colonial days.<br />

Historically, the immigration saga<br />

has involved some “give and take”<br />

between immigrants and the nativeborn.<br />

That is to say, immigrants have<br />

helped shape America even as this<br />

nation has Americanized them. On the<br />

other hand, this “two way street” is<br />

not a fifty-fifty arrangement. Thus, on<br />

the issue of “who accommodates to<br />

whom,” obviously, most of the accommodating<br />

should come from the newcomers,<br />

not from the hosts.<br />

So what is patriotic assimilation?<br />

Well, one could say that patriotic<br />

assimilation occurs when a newcomer<br />

essentially adopts American civic values,<br />

the American heritage, and the<br />

story of America (what academics call<br />

the “narrative”) as his or her own.<br />

NINA SHEA’S<br />

testimony before the<br />

House of Represent a tives’<br />

Task Force on Religious<br />

Freedom<br />

May 23<br />

The Egyptian government maintains<br />

tight control over all Muslim religious<br />

ins titutions, including mosques and religious<br />

endowments, which are encouraged<br />

to promote an officially sanctioned<br />

interpretation of Islam. All mosques<br />

must be licensed by the government,<br />

and sermons are monitored by the government,<br />

reportedly as a necessary precaution<br />

against religious extremism and<br />

terrorism. Yet human rights organizations<br />

inside the country are seriously<br />

con cerned that Islamic extremism is in<br />

fact advancing in Egypt, making questionable<br />

the prospects for democratic<br />

reform, religious tolerance, and the<br />

rights of women and girls and members<br />

of religious minorities. Despite the state<br />

controls, some believe that the government<br />

is not acting to its fullest ability to<br />

counteract religious militancy, especially<br />

in the areas of public education and the<br />

media, where extremist influence is<br />

grow ing. In addition to surveillance and<br />

harassment by the state security services,<br />

Coptic Orthodox and members of<br />

other religious minorities also face societal<br />

in tolerance and violence by Muslim<br />

ex tremists. Despite draconian efforts on<br />

the part of the Egyptian government to<br />

fight extremism, these same Egyptian<br />

security entities are often lax in or indifferent<br />

to protecting the lives and property<br />

of minority groups from extremist<br />

violence, as well as in prosecuting those<br />

responsible for the violent actions.<br />

6 HUDSON INSTITUTE / FALL 2007

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