22. Evergetis - Dumbarton Oaks

ELEVENTH CENTURY
authors of (29) Kosmosoteira and (30) Phoberos borrow from the Evergetian founder’s typikon
directly, the former with attribution and the latter without, in a recension with different chapter
numbers but the same order as found in the model typikon. Probably through one or two intermediaries,
(27) Kecharitomene likewise borrows a substantial amount of Evergetian institutions and
usages as well. Towards mid-century, even documents like (28) Pantokrator and (31) Areia that
are not themselves linked textually to the Evergetian founder’s typikon nevertheless incorporate
Evergetian customs. Later still, (32) Mamas and (33) Heliou Bomon display the unmistakable
impact of another generation’s recension of the Evergetian customary tradition.
The direct historical record is more meager. Evergetis was not among those monasteries specifically
recorded as being represented by their superiors at the synod of Blachernai in 1094 that
rehabilitated Leo of Chalcedon, that important turning point in the history of the reform movement.
After this reconciliation of the Komnenian dynasty with the reformers, it was not at all
inappropriate for Alexios Komnenos’ brother-in-law John Doukas to enter Evergetis as the monk
Antony, as is recorded in the Appendix to the founder’s typikon, either at the very end of the
eleventh or at the beginning of the twelfth century. In the final form that it has come down to us,
the founder’s typikon cannot be any earlier than this time. Pargoire (“Évergétis,” p. 159) not implausibly
suggested that the existing manuscript of this document and its companion liturgical
typikon, which he believed dated from the mid-twelfth century, is the original copy of the revised
edition.
In 1153, at perhaps the height of the monastic reform movement, an eremitic Evergetian
monk was elected patriarch of Constantinople as Neophytos I (1153). 13 His election was bitterly
opposed, however, and his opponents succeeded in persuading him to give up his office even
before his consecration by recalling his temporary abandonment of his appointment as an ecclesiastical
lector many years before. Around 1180, a delegation of Evergetian monks appeared before
Patriarch Theodosios Boradiotes (1178–83) to resolve how they could obey the command in (22)
Evergetis [15] that they should make their confessions exclusively to their superior if, as happened
at the time to be the case, their spiritual director was not ordained. 14
Towards the end of the twelfth century, Evergetis began a long, fruitful association with St.
Sava (Sabbas) the Serbian, author of (44) Karyes. 15 This relationship began with Sava’s second
visit to Constantinople during the reign of Alexios III Angelos (1195–1203). According to his
biographer Domitien, Sava visited the monastery at this time, where a pious woman predicted that
he would be gaining two treasures to assist him in his work. Sometime after Sava’s return to his
own monastery of Hilandar on Mount Athos, the bequests materialized upon the death of his
father, the Serbian king Stephen (c. 1166–1196), and he shared a part with Evergetis.
E. Evergetis under Latin Rule
Unlike the Stoudios monastery and many other less fortunate foundations, Evergetis evidently
remained in existence during the Latin occupation of Constantinople (1204–61). 16 In 1206 the
Cardinal-legate Benedict of Santa Susanna granted Evergetis along with its properties and dependencies
to Stephen, abbot of the famous Benedictine monastery of Monte Cassino, on the condition
that the Greek monks resident there not be expelled. 17 The document locates the monastery
two miles beyond the walls of Constantinople. Later, Pope Honorius III (1212–27) confirmed and
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