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R E D I S C O V E R I N G S O C I A L I N V E S T M E N T I N D E V E L O P M E N T A L W E L F A R E S T A T E P O L I C I E S :<br />

B A C K T O T H E F U T U R E<br />

DWSPs, which emphasized <strong>in</strong>-k<strong>in</strong>d and universal transfers, higher overall levels of expenditure than<br />

economic logic would suggest is beneficial, and a focus on family policy and ALMPs. The predicted<br />

effects of these types of policies are broadly at odds with ma<strong>in</strong>stream economic theory. Here I<br />

briefly compare the logic and relevant assumptions of the ma<strong>in</strong>stream economic view with the<br />

<strong>developmental</strong>ist view. While I cannot review ma<strong>in</strong>stream economic perspectives on the <strong>welfare</strong><br />

<strong>state</strong> or specific policies <strong>in</strong> detail <strong>in</strong> this paper, I briefly clarify the limitations of the second-best<br />

theory and market failure explanations, and propose several hypotheses about the consequences of<br />

DWSPs.<br />

With respect to the political economic logic of DWSPs, a substantial contrast can be drawn between<br />

<strong>welfare</strong> <strong>developmental</strong>ism and the standard economic view. Recogniz<strong>in</strong>g diversity among<br />

economists, <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>developmental</strong>ism is contrasted with the standard view with respect to<br />

embedded values, central assumptions, and policy implications. 39 To more fully understand the<br />

economic logic of DWSPs, it is important to appreciate the economic observations or assertions that<br />

are associated with <strong>developmental</strong>ist pr<strong>in</strong>ciples and the ways <strong>in</strong> which these differ from the standard<br />

economic perspective. 40 This is valuable because it can help clarify the theoretical basis for the<br />

dist<strong>in</strong>ctive predictions offered by <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>developmental</strong>ism relative to the ma<strong>in</strong>stream view, offer<strong>in</strong>g<br />

a plausible explanation for the empirical results and a basis for future research. Further, ow<strong>in</strong>g to the<br />

nascent character of this conceptual framework, identify<strong>in</strong>g the economic concepts on which it is<br />

based can lend deeper theoretical coherence to <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>developmental</strong>ism by ground<strong>in</strong>g it <strong>in</strong><br />

established economic ideas and traditions and can pave the way for further theoretical development.<br />

Table 2. Situat<strong>in</strong>g Welfare Developmentalism <strong>in</strong> Economic Thought: Summariz<strong>in</strong>g Differences<br />

Value approach<br />

Normative<br />

status<br />

Standard economic view<br />

Rooted <strong>in</strong> the positive economic<br />

perspective. Little can be said about<br />

the fairness of allocation. Marketbased<br />

allocation is generally seen as<br />

optimal.<br />

Welfare <strong>developmental</strong>ism<br />

Rooted <strong>in</strong> the normative economic<br />

tradition <strong>in</strong> that it is focused on how<br />

resources should be allocated. Marketbased<br />

allocation is typically suboptimal<br />

and needs to be supplemented.<br />

39 I follow the cont<strong>in</strong>gency-based view of <strong>social</strong> protection and economic efficiency (Gough, 1996; Tomassi, 2005) (see<br />

also Karelis, 2007; Pas<strong>in</strong>etti, 2007; Pressman, 2005 on the limitations of economic laws) and more broadly the spirit of<br />

the heterodox economic tradition. The later reflects the effort to restore realism and complexity <strong>in</strong> economics (e.g.,<br />

Fullbrook, 2004, 2006, 2008; Harvey & Garnett, 2008; Keen, 2001; Lawson, 2006), which reflects a return to classical<br />

notions of political economy where the cont<strong>in</strong>gent nature of economic laws as well as people‘s preferences is recognized,<br />

and the constructedness (Polanyi, 1944) and self-fulfill<strong>in</strong>g (Merton, 1949) or performative nature of economics<br />

(MacKenzie et al., 2007) is acknowledged. There are at least two ma<strong>in</strong> reasons that it is difficult to understand the<br />

economic implications of <strong>social</strong> policy and <strong>in</strong> particular to discover <strong>in</strong>terdependencies and synergies across policies. The<br />

first is the piecemeal and pragmatic way <strong>in</strong> which public policy is made. The second is that microeconomic policy<br />

analysis is constra<strong>in</strong>ed by the tendency to focus on specific polices and problems. See Johnson (2010, pp. 70–71,<br />

footnote 61) for further discussion.<br />

40 It is important to recognize that <strong>in</strong> consider<strong>in</strong>g ongo<strong>in</strong>g changes throughout economics, there is some dispute about<br />

whether there is still a ma<strong>in</strong>stream and whether that can be described as neoclassical. Davis (2006) suggests that<br />

neoclassical perspectives no longer dom<strong>in</strong>ate and that there is no longer a unified ma<strong>in</strong>stream view but an <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly<br />

diverse set of perspectives. However, neoclassical perspectives still arguably dom<strong>in</strong>ate <strong>in</strong>struction and are the primary<br />

focus <strong>in</strong> public policy (Lefeber & Vietorisz, 2007).<br />

C E N T E R F O R S O C I A L D E V E L O P M E N T<br />

W A S H I N G T O N U N I V E R S I T Y I N S T . L O U I S<br />

29

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