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Rediscovering social investment in developmental welfare state ...

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R E D I S C O V E R I N G S O C I A L I N V E S T M E N T I N D E V E L O P M E N T A L W E L F A R E S T A T E P O L I C I E S :<br />

B A C K T O T H E F U T U R E<br />

productive outcomes. I proposed criteria for help<strong>in</strong>g def<strong>in</strong>e and identify what makes exist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>social</strong><br />

policies an <strong><strong>in</strong>vestment</strong>.<br />

I have argued that theories that expla<strong>in</strong> the <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>state</strong>s‘ development are more advanced than<br />

those that expla<strong>in</strong> its effects (at least its potentially broader effects). As a result, we do not know<br />

enough about the benefits relative to the widely perceived costs of the <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>state</strong>. I surmised that<br />

the promise of ongo<strong>in</strong>g research has been hampered by view<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>state</strong> as a response to<br />

<strong>developmental</strong> problems and not also <strong>in</strong> part a source of development and contributor to<br />

production. I concluded that there is a need to reorient research away from how countries cluster<br />

together <strong>in</strong>to regimes or mutually exclusive worlds and toward disaggregat<strong>in</strong>g effort at the policy<br />

level based on theoretical expectations grounded on the possibility of productive (and not just<br />

protective) effects. I formulated a set of pr<strong>in</strong>ciples reflect<strong>in</strong>g this possibility and categorized, as<br />

<strong>developmental</strong>ist, several mature <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>state</strong> <strong>social</strong> policy that I labeled DWSPs. This framework<br />

compelled a reappraisal of the political economic roots of <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>state</strong>s and what classical ideas<br />

teach us about the limits of markets and role of the <strong>state</strong>. The analysis yielded limited evidence for<br />

the predicted effects of policies that most closely express these <strong>developmental</strong>ist pr<strong>in</strong>ciples.<br />

As rapid economic and <strong>social</strong> changes have unfolded at the advent of the 21st century—<br />

accompanied by the <strong>in</strong>ternationalization of <strong>social</strong> policy ideas, opportunities for policy transfer, and<br />

a trend toward hybridity—there has been a temptation to succumb to l<strong>in</strong>guistically popular<br />

discourses and pragmatic policy prescriptions. Policymakers should beware the entic<strong>in</strong>g rhetoric and<br />

allur<strong>in</strong>g fads that periodically sweep through the <strong>social</strong> protection world. They almost always entail<br />

simplifications that are too good to be true, promis<strong>in</strong>g returns that are premised on but rarely<br />

recognize a host of contribut<strong>in</strong>g socioeconomic, <strong>in</strong>stitutional, and other factors that enable these<br />

returns. The ongo<strong>in</strong>g EU debate about the modernization of <strong>social</strong> protection and discourse<br />

associated with the new <strong>social</strong> <strong><strong>in</strong>vestment</strong> <strong>state</strong> threatens to distract us from contemplat<strong>in</strong>g the value of<br />

traditional <strong>social</strong> protection policies and recogniz<strong>in</strong>g their <strong>developmental</strong> roots. I asked whether<br />

universal and <strong>in</strong>-k<strong>in</strong>d benefits—old <strong>social</strong> democratic preferences that contradict economic<br />

commonsense—can be justified on the grounds of extensive market failures (especially <strong>in</strong>formation<br />

failure), underutilization of human potential, costs associated with not prevent<strong>in</strong>g poverty, and<br />

thereby a wide scope for merit goods.<br />

This paper recognizes the potential <strong>in</strong> the notion of <strong>social</strong> <strong><strong>in</strong>vestment</strong> but begs scholars to proceed<br />

cautiously <strong>in</strong> its use. Advocates of <strong>in</strong>stitutional <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>state</strong>s need to fully understand the way that<br />

longstand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>social</strong> policies have entailed and cont<strong>in</strong>ue to constitute productive <strong>social</strong> <strong><strong>in</strong>vestment</strong>s.<br />

Do<strong>in</strong>g so h<strong>in</strong>ges on our ability to understand the market failures for which they implicitly<br />

compensate, lest what emerges from this most recent phase of <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>state</strong> th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g is an anemic<br />

version of the once robust <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>state</strong>. The prospects for a <strong>social</strong> democratic as opposed to<br />

neoliberal vision of <strong>social</strong> <strong><strong>in</strong>vestment</strong> requires us to penetrate the opaque veil beh<strong>in</strong>d which vital<br />

synergies, cumulative effects, and functional equivalencies are obscured and may be rendered<br />

dormant or severed all together <strong>in</strong> the event that critical aspects of the <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>state</strong> are unwitt<strong>in</strong>gly<br />

rolled back. Resist<strong>in</strong>g the lure of Occam‘s razor, theoreticians and empiricists must work hand-<strong>in</strong>hand<br />

to better understand how the traditional core of the <strong>welfare</strong> <strong>state</strong> cultivates, albeit <strong>in</strong> part<br />

fortuitously, the productive soil of western societies.<br />

C E N T E R F O R S O C I A L D E V E L O P M E N T<br />

W A S H I N G T O N U N I V E R S I T Y I N S T . L O U I S<br />

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