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Graham Gamblin - Infoshop.org

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3. Political Terror, Economic Terror and Propaganda<br />

Nevertheless, other tendencies continued to operate. Some colonists, or<br />

derevenshchiki, led by Ge<strong>org</strong>ii Plekhanov, insisted on continuing the slow campaign<br />

of infiltrating the peasantry. Others, like Lev Deich, Stefanovich and Vera Zasulich<br />

joined them- but they remained buntari, insisting on economic terrorism by the people<br />

against their immediate enemies, the landlords and the bosses. Their quarrel with the<br />

new trend was not whether to use arms and action but who should use them and<br />

against whom. Both they and the derevenshchiki pitted their federalism and hopes for<br />

a mass movement and social revolution against the Executive Committee's centralism<br />

and political action. Thus a three-way debate on tactics and <strong>org</strong>anisation was taking<br />

place within Russian populism; some favoured federalist <strong>org</strong>anisation and<br />

propagandist tactics; others federalism and tactics of popular violence; and still others<br />

centralist <strong>org</strong>anisation and political violence. A split was inevitable; those around the<br />

Executive Committee , who favoured a campaign of political change through<br />

terrorism became Narodnaya volya, while Plekhanov's followers formed Chernyi<br />

peredel, "Black repartition", reflecting their continuing concentration on the peasants.<br />

Chernyi peredel reflected the views of "orthodox" Populism, envisaging a long,<br />

slow campaign of propaganda among workers and peasants to build a mass<br />

movement. They claimed the isolation from the masses implied by a political terrorist<br />

campaign could only lead to revolutionaries replacing the state rather than destroying<br />

it. They emphasised federalism rather than centralism in their <strong>org</strong>anisation, agrarian<br />

revolution and a redistribution of the land. "If the popular forces are not <strong>org</strong>anised,<br />

then even the most heroic fight put up by the revolutionaries will prove advantageous<br />

only to the upper classes; the liberation of the people must be the work of the people<br />

themselves" wrote Plekhanov. 31<br />

However, the debate was not merely one of propaganda by deed and political<br />

revolution (Narodnaya volya) against propaganda by word and social revolution<br />

(Chernyi peredel). Like Chernyi peredel, the aim of the South Russian Union of<br />

Workers in 1880-81 was to increase the political conscience and <strong>org</strong>anised activity of<br />

workers and peasants, and thus prepare a social and economic revolution carried out<br />

by, not in the name of, the exploited classes. E. Koval'skaya and N. Shchedrin shared<br />

31 Venturi op.cit. p.661<br />

17

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