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Graham Gamblin - Infoshop.org

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epresentatives. Thus the issue of revolutionary violence has to be divided between<br />

social violence, connected to a broad popular social-revolutionary movement, and<br />

political violence, or terrorism, connected to a clandestine movement of professional<br />

revolutionaries seeking political change.<br />

Other comparisons can also be made; for example the similarities between the<br />

call of the Spanish FRE in 1874 for reprisals against capitalists and oppressors and the<br />

policy of economic terror advocated by some of the populists of Southern Russia.<br />

Both advocated violence, but the violence was to be carried out by the workers and<br />

peasants, not by professional revolutionaries, and against economic rather than<br />

political targets, and looked to traditional popular methods such as arson, riot, food<br />

seizures and so on. Kropotkin was enthusiastic about this policy in Russia, of which<br />

the leading exponents were M. Shchedrin and E. Koval'skaya of the South Russian<br />

Workers' Union. This sprang from his interpretation of propaganda by deed; genuine<br />

acts of revolt by peasants or workers could inspire others in equally desperate<br />

situations to do the same. A more political interpretation of the term led others to<br />

believe that assassinations and bomb attacks by individuals and small groups against<br />

political figures, heads of state and others could inspire the populace to revolution.<br />

Important differences also stand out. In terms of <strong>org</strong>anisation, while the trend in<br />

anarchism was from federalism to "amorphousness", the populist movement was<br />

becoming ever more centralised and hierarchical. In both cases this was born of, and<br />

resulted in, isolation from the masses in whose name they claimed to act. However,<br />

for the purposes of comparison, this actual difference may be less important than the<br />

fact that, as we have seen, many anarchists saw themselves reflected in Narodnaya<br />

volya, mistakenly thinking that it was an agglomeration of autonomous cells.<br />

Anarchists on the whole also seem to have been unaware (or deliberately ignored) the<br />

Russians’ focus on using violence to achieve political change, as opposed to social<br />

and economic change which was the raison d’etre of anarchism. Those anarchists<br />

who took up terrorism hoped to inspire popular revolt, while Narodnaya volya hoped<br />

for more modest, political results from their campaign. Moreover it was perceived<br />

that the Narodovol'tsy were the most active and successful revolutionary group of the<br />

time, and their tactics were to be emulated. The growing isolation and persecution<br />

faced by the anarchist movement at the end of the 1870s had diverse effects; some<br />

defected to legal socialism (Costa, Brousse); others stubbornly persisted in trying to<br />

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