Whatever Happened to the Emerging Democratic Majority?

WP5
IPR Working Papers 2000-2005
Who Should Govern Congress? The Salary Grab of 1873 and the Coalition of Reform
(WP-05-07)
Jeffery A. Jenkins, Political Science and Institute for Policy Research, Northwestern University
Lee J. Alston, Department of Economics and Institute of Behavioral Sciences, University of Colorado
Kara Gorski, Analysis Group
Tomas Nonnenmacher, Economics, Allegheny College
We examine the politics surrounding the Salary Grab, a legislative initiative passed on the last day of the 42 nd Congress
(March 3, 1873) that increased congressional salaries by 50 percent and made the pay hike retroactive to the first day
of the Congress, nearly two years earlier. We argue that opposition within Congress to the Salary Grab was part of a
larger reform movement in the early 1870s, which also targeted other areas of government excess and corruption, like
congressional franking, spoils-based civil service appointments, and the Crédit Mobilier scandal. Specifically, we posit that a
“coalition of reform” emerged in the 42 nd Congress, composed of New England elites and anti-monopolist Midwesterners,
who espoused a philosophy of “good government,” wherein public servants would be comprised of the “best men”
possible, such as those from privileged backgrounds, who would act selflessly and promote the greater good. Examining
congressional roll-call votes on the Salary Grab, franking, and civil service reform, we find significant overlap in individuallevel
vote choice, which is explained by variables that tap this coalition of reform. The liberal reformers were largely
unsuccessful in creating a true reform party and expediting a broad reform agenda at the congressional level, but their
efforts allowed reform to become a viable issue in party politics and in the press throughout the late 19 th century. These
early reform efforts helped set the stage for the Progressive Era reforms of the early 20 th century.
Who Deliberates? Discursive Participation in America
(WP-05-08)
Fay Lomax Cook, Human Development and Social Policy and Institute for Policy Research, Northwestern University
Michael X. Delli Carpini, Communication, University of Pennsylvania
Lawrence R. Jacobs, Political Science, University of Minnesota
Much contemporary analysis of American democracy sounds the alarm that citizens are retreating from the process
of electing government officials, influencing the legislative process by which government policy is made, and engaging in
other forms of civic and political life. This paper addresses an important and understudied outlet for political engagement
by citizens: the various ways—from informal conversations to deliberative forums—in which individuals talk in public
about policy issues affecting their local, national, and international communities. We report findings from a national sample
of 1,501 adult Americans describing the extent, distribution, and correlates of what we call “discursive participation.”
We conclude that such participation occurs more frequently than assumed and that while there are notable variations
in participation, it appears that discursive participation may be less directly stratified by income than other forms of
political and civic engagement. Our organizational and political model of public deliberation largely attributes discursive
participation to organizational membership and political interest and knowledge. We conclude by suggesting that public
talk may be one dimension of political and civic life that exhibits an energetic, inventive, and vital citizenry.
Feminist Public Policy
Actual versus Perceived Online Abilities: The Difference Gender Makes
(WP-05-09)
Eszter Hargittai, Communication Studies, Sociology, and Institute for Policy Research, Northwestern University
Steven Shafer, Graduate Student, Sociology, Princeton University
The literature on gender and technology use finds that women and men differ significantly in their attitudes toward
their technological abilities. Concurrently, existing work on science and math abilities of students suggests that such
perceived differences do not always translate into actual disparities. There has been little work exploring gender differences
with respect to Internet-use ability, especially based on a diverse sample of adult users. We use new data on
Web-use skill to test empirically whether there are differences in men’s and women’s abilities to navigate online content.
Findings suggest that men and women do not differ greatly in their online abilities. However, we find that women’s
self-assessed skill is significantly lower than that of men. We discuss the implications of these findings for social inequality
with respect to Internet use.