BALTICA14 - KlaipÄdos universitetas

ARCHAEOLOGIA 

BALTICA14 

UNdErWaTEr 

ARCHAEOLOGy 

iN ThE 

balTiC rEGioN 

DEDICAtED tO tHE 65tH bIRtHDAy 

of Prof habil. dr Vladas ŽUlKUs 

Edited byAlgirdas Girininkas 

Klaipėda University Press

KlaiPĖda UNiVErsiTY 

iNsTiTUTE of balTiC sEa rEGioN 

hisTorY aNd arChaEoloGY 

liThUaNiaN iNsTiTUTE of hisTorY 

UNdErWaTEr 

ARCHAEOLOGy 

iN ThE 

balTiC rEGioN 

DEDICAtED tO tHE 65tH bIRtHDAy 

of Prof habil. dr Vladas ŽUlKUs 

Edited by Algirdas Girininkas 

ARCHAEOLOGIA 

BALTICA 14 

Klaipėda, 2010

UdK 902/904 

ar 46 

Editorial Board 

Editor in Chief 

Prof habil. dr Vladas Žulkus (Klaipėda University, lithuania) 

Deputy Editor in Chief 

Prof habil. dr algirdas Girininkas (Klaipėda University, institute of baltic sea region history and 

archaeology, lithuania) 

Members 

Prof dr Claus von Carnap-bornheim (stiftung schleswig-holsteinische archäologisches 

landesmuseen schloß Gottorf, schleswig, Germany) 

dr rasa banytė-rowell (lithuanian institute of history, lithuania) 

dr anna bitner-Wróblewska (state archaeological Museum in Warsaw, Poland) 

associate Prof dr audronė bliujienė (Klaipėda University, institute of baltic sea region history and archaeology, 

lithuania) 

dr agnė Čivilytė (lithuanian institute of history, lithuania) 

Prof dr Wladyslaw duczko (Pułtusk academy of humanities, institute of anthropology and archaeology, Poland) 

Prof dr John hines (Cardiff University, United Kingdom) 

Prof dr (hP) rimantas Jankauskas (Vilnius University, lithuania) 

dr romas Jarockis (Klaipėda University, institute of baltic sea region history and archaeology, lithuania) 

Prof dr andrzej Kola (Torun Nicolaus Copernicus University, Poland) 

Prof dr (hP) albinas Kuncevičius (Vilnius University, lithuania) 

Prof dr Marika Mägi (Tallinn University, Estonia) 

Prof dr Jörn staecker (Eberhard-Karls Universität, institut für Ur- und frühgeschichte 

und archäologie des Mittelalter abteilung archäologie des Mittelalters, Tübingen, Germany) 

Prof habil. dr andrejs Vasks (University of latvia, riga, latvia) 

Editorial Assistant 

simona rauktytė 

Archaeologia Baltica has been on EbsCo’s Current abstracts and TOC Premier database Coverage list since 2007. 

articles appearing in this journal are peer-reviewed by either internal or external reviewers. 

Archaeologia Baltica volume 14 was prepared by Klaipėda University institute of baltic sea region history and 

archaeology. 

Volume editor: Algirdas Girininkas 

English language editor: Joseph Everatt 

Lithuanian language editor: roma Nikžentaitienė 

Design: algis Kliševičius 

Layout: lolita Zemlienė 

Cover illustration: a brooch from laiviai (Kretinga district) 

© Klaipėda University institute of baltic sea region history and archaeology, 2010 

© lithuanian institute of history, 2010 

© article authors, 2010 

© Klaipėda University Press, 2010 

issN 1392-5520 

Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla 

arChaEoloGia balTiCa 14. Edited by Algirdas Girininkas 

Klaipėda, 2010 

sl 1335. 2010 12 20. apimtis 32,5 sąl. sp. l. Tiražas 350 egz. Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla, herkaus Manto g. 84, 92294 Klaipėda 

Tel. (8~46) 398 891, el. paštas: leidykla@ku.lt; spausdino spaustuvė „Petro ofsetas“, Žalgirio g. 90, Vilnius

CONTENTS 

Preface 7 

I. A PIONEER OF UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY IN LITHUANIA 

Algirdas Girininkas. Baltic Sea and Underwater Archaeology 

at Klaipėda University 12 

Gintautas Zabiela. Publications by Vladas Žulkus 18 

II. UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY 

ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14 

Vladas Žulkus. Shipwrecks off the Coast of Lithuania 28 

Andrey Mazurkevich, Ekaterina Dolbunova, 

Yolaine Maigrot, Daria Hookk. 

The Results of Underwater Excavations at Serteya II, 

and Research into Pile-Dwellings in Northwest Russia 47 

Elena Pranckėnaitė. Freshwater Archaeology in Lithuania: 

Investigations and Prospects 65 

Niklas Eriksson. Between Clinker and Carvel: 

Aspects of Hulls Built with Mixed Planking 

in Scandinavia between 1550 and 1900 77 

Rokas Kraniauskas. The Rašia Boat: 

From Log-Boat to Boat (A Case Study) 85 

Andrzej Kola. The Early Medieval Bridges at Ostrow Lednicki 

in the Light of Underwater Archaeological Studies 89 

III. WETLAND ARCHAEOLOGY 

Michal Charniauski, Maxim Charniauski. 

The Excavation of Kryvina Peatbog Settlements 

in Northern Belarus between 2000 and 2009 100 

Algirdas Girininkas. The Žemaitiškė 2 Pile-Dwelling Settlement 120 

Audronė Bliujienė. The Bog Offerings of the Balts: 

‘I Give in Order to Get Back’ 136 

5

IV. PREHISTORIC LANDSCAPES ON THE COAST 

Marika Mägi. Trade, War and the Diversity of Rituals 

at Late Prehistoric Harbour sites on Saaremaa 168 

Contents 

Krista Karro. Kodavere Parish by Lake Peipus: 

The Development of the Cultural Landscape 

during the Iron Age 183 

Ulrica Söderlind. Examples of the Research Potential 

at Inns along Coastlines 196 

Minna Leino. Reusing a Log-Barrier Embankment 

at the Suomenlinna Sea Fortress Islands 205 

V. RECENT UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGICAL 

RESEARCH IN THE BALTIC SEA REGION 

Petr Sorokin, Ayvar Stepanov. 

The Underwater Archaeological Search Project 

in the Eastern Part of the Gulf of Finland between 2006 and 2009. 

The Shipwrecks in the Russian Zone of the Nord Stream Project 216 

Olga Druzhinina, Ivan Skhodnov. Investigations of the Evolution 

of the Baltic Sea and Early Human Settlement in the Eastern 

Baltic Area (Based on Materials from the Kaliningrad Region) 219 

VI. CONTACTS ACROSS THE BALTIC SEA 

Olga Homiakova. The Crossbow Animal-Headed Brooches 

from Grave 165 of the Sambian-Natangian Culture 

Burial Ground at Bol’shoe Isakovo (Formerly Lauth) 228 

Wojciech Nowakowski. On the Track of the Ancestors of the Scalvians. 

The Remains of the Migration Period Cemetery at Tilsit 234 

Bartosz Kontny. A Scandinavian Trace: A Beak Fibula from 

the Late Migration Period Cemetery at Nowinka in Northern Poland 241 

Guidelines for Authors 248 

Plates 

6

PREFACE 

The range of underwater archaeological studies, the 

foundations for which were laid in Lithuania by a 

group of researchers from Klaipėda University’s Institute 

of Baltic Region History and Archaeology, headed 

by Professor Vladas Žulkus, gets wider every year, and 

covers investigations both in fresh water and in the 

Baltic Sea. Having accumulated the required scientific 

and technical facilities for scientific research, scientists 

at Klaipėda University and their foreign counterparts 

have commenced studying the cultural and natural 

landscape under water in the Baltic Sea. Researchers 

from the underwater archaeology group work hand in 

hand with geologists, and are continuing to build up a 

database containing geological, geophysical and palaeogeographical 

information, as well as archaeological, 

bioarchaeological and archival data. This data is vital 

for the future, as it will help to track the development 

of the cultural and natural landscape of the former 

coast of the Baltic Sea, investigate the factors that determined 

the unique mode of life of communities in the 

Baltic Sea region during Prehistoric and Early Historic 

times, and communication models and trends in the 

economic development of these communities, and, last 

but not least, the relations between the changing nature 

and the society of Prehistoric and Early Historic times. 

Therefore, on 8 and 9 October 2009 an international 

conference devoted exclusively to underwater archaeology 

was held for the first time at Klaipėda University, 

under the title ‘Underwater Archaeology in the 


Vladas Žulkus presents the latest results of underwater archaeological research in the Baltic Sea (photograph by E. Ubis). 

7

AlgirdAs girininkAs 

ELENA PRANCKĖNAITĖ Preface 

Baltic Region: Challenges and Perspectives’. The 

conference was organised by Klaipėda University, the 

Icomos Lithuanian National Committee, the Society 

for Lithuanian Archaeology, and the Department of 

the Cultural Heritage under the Ministry of Culture. 

During the conference and parallel with it, a meeting 

of the Monitoring Group on the Cultural Heritage in 

the Baltic Sea States Underwater Culture Heritage 

Group was held, the members of which also presented 

reports to the conference. Ralf Bleile (Germany), the 

chairman of the group, and Vladas Žulkus, the rector 

of Klaipėda University, opened the conference with 

welcoming speeches. The conference was attended by 

researchers from Sweden, Finland, Latvia, Russia, the 

Kaliningrad region, Belarus and Lithuania. Some of 

the reports delivered by the researchers constitute the 

basis for articles published in Volume 14 of Archaeologia 

Baltica dedicated to the 65th birthday of Professor 

Vladas Žulkus, a pioneer of underwater archaeology 

in Lithuania. 

Most of the reports delivered in the maritime archaeology 

section of the conference were devoted to studies 

of shipwrecks. Riika Alvik (Finland) presented a study 

of the 18th-century ship Vrouw Maria to the conference 

(‘Interpreting the 18th-Century Shipwreck Site 

“Vrouw Maria”’). Studies pertaining to a vessel dating 

from the 19th century were presented by Irina Boykina 

(Kaliningrad region), who also presented video material 

(‘The Archaeological Finding “The Ship of the 19th 

Century”’). The results of the Nord Stream project 

were discussed in the report delivered by Petr Sorokin 

and Ayvar Stepanov (‘The Underwater Archaeological 

Search Project in the Eastern Part of the Gulf of 

Finland between 2006 and 2009. The Shipwrecks in 

the Russian Zone of the Nord Stream Project’). Rokas 

Kraniauskas discussed the subject of the evolution of 

boats on the basis of the boat recently discovered in 

Lake Rašia in ‘The Rašia Boat: From Logboat to Boat 

(A Case Study)’. Jim Hansson (Sweden) highlighted 

the impact of scuba diving and natural factors on shipwrecks 

in the course of time and the future prospects 

(‘How does Scuba Diving Affect our Wrecks?’). Olga 

Druzhinina (Kaliningrad region) delivered a report on 

issues related to the development of the Baltic Sea and 

the evolution of early human settlements in the east 

Baltic region, as well as discussing the results of a current 

project and future prospects (‘Investigations of the 

Evolution of the Baltic Sea and Early Human Settlement 

in the Eastern Baltic Area [Based on Materials 

from the Kaliningrad Region]). Minna Leino (Finland) 

shared her experience in the area of underwater objects 

from the Late Period (18th to 20th century) in her report 

entitled ‘Reusing a Log-Barrier Embankment at 

the Suomenlinna Sea Fortress Islands’. 

8 

Participants in the conference in Klaipėda Old Town (photograph by E. Ubis).

Studies of wetland archaeological objects were presented 

by the Belarussian scientists Mikola Kryvaltsevich 

(‘Wetland Archaeological Research of the Stone 

and Bronze Age Site in Belarussian Palesse: Some 

Results and Perspectives’) and Maksim Charniauski 

and Mikhail Charniauski (‘The Excavation of Kryvina 

Peat-Bog Settlements in Northern Belarus between 

2000 and 2009’). Elena Pranckėnaitė summarised 

Lithuanian underwater archaeological research in 

freshwater basins (‘Inland Water Archaeology in Lithuania: 

Investigations and Prospects’). Andrej Mazurkevich 

and Ekaterina Dolbunova (Russia) shared their 

experience in the area of pile-dwelling research (‘The 

Results of Underwater Excavations at Serteya II, and 

Research into Pile-Dwellings in Northwest Russia’). 

Juris Urtans (Latvia) delivered a report on the subject 

‘Aerial Reconnaissance Methods for the Investigation 

of the Underwater Heritage in Latvia’. 

Ayvar Stepanov (Russia) surprised everyone with the 

complicated conditions of underwater work and the 

unique archaeological material when he delivered a report 

and a short video on research on the River Volkhov 

in Velikiy Novgorod (‘“Great Bridge” Archaeological 

Explorations in the River Volkhov’). The conference 

was concluded by Vladas Žulkus, who summarised the 

latest underwater archaeological research in the Baltic 

Sea (‘Recent Finds in the Baltic Sea’). 

The conference was a meeting point for the scientific 

community interested in the exchange of new information 

and ideas about diverse aspects of the underwater 

heritage from different methodological and theoretical 

points of view. More broadly, it sought to indicate the 

challenges and pinpoint the possible development of 

research and conservation technologies. The conference 

also explored ways to define the region to make 

comparisons across it more feasible. During the meeting, 

the momentum and experience of the research of 

the last decades was discussed, which should generate 

more interest in underwater archaeology among students 

and researchers. 

The introductory article in Archaeologia Baltica under 

the title ‘Shipwrecks off the Coast of Lithuania’ is by 

Vladas Žulkus, who is celebrating his jubilee. In his 

article, he reviews the findspots of shipwrecks discovered 

in Lithuanian territorial waters during underwater 

research in the Baltic Sea, and presents numerous historical 

facts dating back to the early 14th century and 

later times pertaining to information in written sources 

on ships that were wrecked in the Baltic Sea close to 

the Lithuanian coastline. The article presents methodological 

instructions and possibilities for searching 

for and dating shipwrecks. Professor Žulkus’ article 

will undoubtedly serve as a major source for future researchers 

in their studies of the history of Baltic Sea 

shipping from the Early Middle Ages to the 20th century. 

Beside articles discussing underwater (Andrey Mazurkievich, 

Ekaterina Dolbunova, Jolaine Maigrot, Daria 

Hookk, Elena Pranckėnaitė, Niklas Eriksson, Rokas 

Kraniauskas, Andrzej Kola) and wetland (Michail 

Charniauski, Maxim Charniauski, ALgirdas Girininkas, 

Audronė Bliujienė) archaeological research, 

Volume 14 of Archaeologia Baltica presents articles by 

Marika Mägi, Krista Karro, Minna Leino and Ulrica 

Söderlind highlighting research into the landscape of 

the Baltic coast in Prehistoric and Historic times. 

Relations between the tribes who lived on the coast 

of the Baltic Sea in Prehistoric times are the subject 

of articles by Bartosz Kontny, Olga Homiakova and 

Wojciech Nowakowski. 

Olga Druzhinina and Ivan Shkodnov present the latest 

data on the evolution of the formation of the Baltic 

Sea and early human settlements in the Kaliningrad region. 

Before the start of construction work on the Nord 

Stream pipeline on the bed of the Baltic Sea, Russian 

researchers working in underwater archaeology surveyed 

the area of the pipeline in Russian territorial waters, 

and they present here the results of their research. 

Algirdas Girininkas 

Elena Pranckėnaitė 

Translated by Vidmantas Štilius 


9

I. A PIONEER 

OF UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

IN LITHUANIA 


11

Baltic Sea and underwater 

archaeology at Klaipėda 

university 

BALtIC SEA AnD unDErWAtEr ArCHAEoLogy 

At KLAIPĖDA unIVErSIty 

ALGIRDAS GIRININKAS 

ALGIRDAS 

GIRININKAS 

There are few archaeologists in Lithuania whose scientific 

interest in Prehistoric times is so precisely focused 

on the issues and objects of his studies, in this particular 

case, on the archaeology of the Early Middle Ages, 

as Professor Vladas Žulkus. It would be no exaggeration 

to claim that, thanks to Žulkus’ studies, Prehistoric 

times and the early history of the Western Balts have 

become widely known within the entire Baltic Sea region, 

and the first archaeological underwater research 

in the Baltic Sea started at his initiative has created the 

conditions for the development of a new concept of underwater 

cultural and natural landscape studies in the 

east Baltic region. 

From the very start of his systematic archaeological 

and historic-cultural studies on the heritage of 

Klaipėda and its region in the 11th to 17th centuries, 

Professor Žulkus focused his scientific research on 

the Curonians in Late Prehistoric and Historic times. 

In his main research work, entitled The Curonians in 

the Baltic Sea Space, devoted to the development of 

Curonian society and culture from the formation of the 

tribe to its decline, the geopolitical importance of the 

Curonian tribe in the Baltic region is discussed for the 

first time: ‘At a very early stage, the Curonians became 

members of and participants in the history of an intertribal 

cultural community called the Baltic Sea basin. 

From a geopolitical point of view, in the Early Middle 

Ages, the Curonians were a link that connected Western 

cultures, first and foremost Scandinavian, with the 

world of the Eastern Balts further from the sea and the 

main inter-tribal trade routes’. During the quarter of 

a century that he has devoted to studying the 11th to 

13th-century Curonians, he defined the boundaries of 

their individual lands, defined and determined agrarian 

and non-agrarian settlements, that is, the evolution of 

the formation of proto-towns, the nature of trade rela- 

12 

Vladas Žulkus during the exploratory archaeological expedition in the vicinity of Plateliai in 2003 

(photograph by A. girininkas).

tions between the Curonians and the Scandinavians, 

the causes and consequences of conflicts with 

the Scandinavians and neighbouring Baltic tribes, 

characterised the evolution of the Curonians’ 

world view, studied objects of the spiritual culture 

(the temple observatory on Birutės Hill), defined 

inter-tribal wastelands and related them to the 

world view of the Balts of that time, and singled 

out the main economic and cultural centres of the 

Curonians. His detailed studies on Palanga, one 

such centre, resulted in two monographs. thanks 

to these fundamental studies, the Curonian Baltic 

tribe has become better known to both Lithuanian 

and foreign researchers. this is what he says about 

the prospects for future studies: 

‘As far as the studies of the Palanga settlement are 

concerned, I have made some mistakes, and these 

are positive mistakes. Writing about the settlement 

in the 11th to the mid-12th centuries, when 

it reached the peak of its prosperity, I claimed that 

the population might have been about 800, and 

in other works I mentioned the figure 600. there 

were five known settlements, and we estimated 

their approximate sizes, but we made certain mistakes. 

For instance, this year’s finds in the park 

at Palanga next to the palace have indicated that 

the entire area of the park between the ponds and 

Birutės Hill was built up. Consequently, it used to 

be much larger, because homestead-type buildings 

dating from the same period have been discovered. 

this means that large areas of Palanga were populated 

in the second half of the 12th century. this 

assumption is supported by studies of the compact 

settlement of Birutės Hill and its defensive ramparts; 

the studies have not yet been completed. 

Further studies might support the fact that even 

larger areas of Palanga used to be populated. I believe 

that the studies are definitely still incomplete, 

and studies of the settlement should be continued. 

the research should be extended to Žemaičių Hill, 

which is also known to have been built up in the 

second half of the 12th century, and there might 

be individual homesteads nearby. A partially or, 

most likely, completely destroyed ancient settlement 

might have been situated by the roužė rivulet. 

there, in the present-day Žemaičių gatvė, the 

cultural layer of a settlement up to 40 centimetres 

thick was uncovered during the construction of a 

building. During the survey work, we discovered, 

among other things, stone-filled postholes, which 

were parts of buildings, and pressed weights intended 

for a weaving loom and dating from the 

second half of the 12th century, some pottery and 

the remains of the fortifications of the former set- 

During the Doctor Honoris Causa 

inauguration at Immanuel Kant university (Kaliningrad) 

on 29.4.2009 (photograph by r. Pletkauskas). 

Vladas Žulkus is presented with the ring of the Master 

of Culture of the city of Klaipėda at Klaipėda Castle on 

1.8.2009 (photograph by r. Pletkauskas). 

Vladas Žulkus with his wife Eleonora in Kaliningrad on 

29.4.2009 (photograph by r. Pletkauskas). 

ArCHAEoLogIA BALtICA 14 

I 

A PIonEEr oF 

unDErWAtEr 

ArCHAEoLogy 

In LItHuAnIA 

13

ALGIRDAS 

GIRININKAS 



university 

Aboard the naval vessel ‘Jotvingis’ during the search for the naval vessel ‘Prezidentas A. Smetona’ on 21.8.2009. 

Vladas Žulkus with Vello Mass, an underwater archaeology scientist from tallinn Maritime Museum, 

and Erikas Visakavičius, a geophysicist from Klaipėda university (photograph by r. Pletkauskas). 

14 

tlement, that is, a defensive barrier and the remains of 

a tower. this settlement must have extended further to 

the north and northeast. there must have been another 

settlement that bordered the roužė rivulet, but on the 

other side. Furthermore, we need to search for a port. If 

boats entered the roužė rivulet, there must have been 

a port too. 

‘I believe that there must be other burial grounds in 

Palanga, because the settlements mentioned above, 

and the new ones discovered in 2010, had quite a large 

population of migrants, migrants from the vicinity of 

Holstein, I believe, as is suggested by the archaeological 

material. their graves must have been different, but 

we have not yet been able to find graves. A fortnight 

ago, I received a call from Donatas Butkus, a museologist 

and archaeologist from Palanga, who told me that 

as he and Vytautas Aleksejūnas, a numismatist, were 

walking in the park, they found a bracelet at the point 

where ditches had been dug out next to the entrance to 

the park; the bracelet was apparently burnt and made 

of brass. the first question that comes to mind is: is it 

related to graves perhaps? It happens that bracelets are 

found in settlements, though I believe that such objects 

are found in settlements, but only seldom. It turns out 

that one can also come across surprises of this kind in 

Palanga. In this, I was wrong, but wrong on the right 

side: Palanga used to be larger.’ 

Another very important aspect of Žulkus’ research is 

the study of the town of Klaipėda and the castle of the 

teutonic order, which have helped to determine and 

single out individual stages in the development of the 

town; these stages are directly related to the use of the 

castle site. Along with defining the individual stages of 

the evolution and the development of the town, Professor 

Žulkus determined the stages of the economic 

development of the town, from the time it was founded 

until the 17th century, on the basis of historical sources 

and archaeological material he collected. the definition 

of the development of the topography of Klaipėda 

linked to information about the site of the order’s castle 

obtained though his own studies should be considered 

another important achievement of his research. 

thanks to his research into the town and the castle site 

at Klaipėda, the city as a contact point of different ethnoses 

has become known to everyone engaged in studies 

of towns situated on the Baltic Sea. 

this is what Professor Žulkus tells us about the prospects 

for the studies of Klaipėda castle and town: 

‘Studies of Klaipėda castle site should undoubtedly be 

more comprehensive, scientific and wider in scope. It 

goes without saying that there is no need to carry out 

research on the entire castle site. the studies should 

be related to projects to be implemented in the course 

of the reconstruction of the castle. the extent of the 

castle may be determined at a later date; however, such 

studies should be scientific and result in a maximum 

amount of information, because right now we do not 

know yet where the wooden 13th-century castle was, 

or where the brick 13th-century castle was, or what 

they looked like, or only fragmentarily at best. So far, 

this is a total mystery. thanks to archaeological studies, 

we know about the castle at Klaipėda from the 

mid-14th century and onwards. But even this image is


I 

Aboard an Estonian Baltic Sea research vessel on 23.8.2009 (photograph by r. Pletkauskas). 

far from clear. these are the main objectives of the future 

study of the Klaipėda castle site. 

‘At the same time, the study of the old part of Klaipėda 

should continue. By employing the latest technologies 

for investigation into individual objects and studies of 

archaeological material, we should collect information 

which will eventually help to correlate the evolution 

of individual stages in the town’s development. there 

was a time in the past when we thought that we could 

still discover some important things about Klaipėda. 

However, the studies carried out in the last decade have 

not rejected the model we created earlier, but most 

likely have added to and corrected it.’ 

the third object of Professor Žulkus’ studies is underwater 

archaeological research, the beginning of which 

is related to the identification of the bridge leading to 

Plateliai Castle Island in 1967, and later research in 

Lake Plateliai and the river Šventoji. the range of 

underwater research grew in scope, thanks to his initiatives. 

His first work related to underwater archaeological 

research in the Baltic Sea was published in 

1999. this underwater research in the Baltic Sea does 

not imply the search for or study of just individual archaeological 

objects. In Lithuanian waters, he conducts 

more complex research related to the study of cultural 

and natural underwater landscapes, and analyses issues 

pertaining to shipping, cultural, trade and communications 

links in the Baltic Sea region. 

This is what he writes about the beginning and the development 

of underwater archaeological research: 

‘We started underwater archaeological research as 

early as 1967. that was the first amateur expedition to 

Plateliai, in which several archaeologists and a historian 

took part. We went to Plateliai with amateur equipment, 

and inspected the site of the surviving ancient 

bridge that led to Castle Island. We carried out the initial 

provisional measuring: tied a buoy to the base of 

the bridge poles, and then carried out the measuring 

from a boat. this way, we measured the length and the 

width of the bridge leading to the island. We could say 

that it was still an amateur expedition. 

‘on my initiative, I surveyed the Šventoji rivulet in 

Šventoji using an aqualung; I checked whether there 

were any remains of structures (port or building 

structures) from the times of the colony of English 

merchants. I was nevertheless lucky to discover the remains 

of a collapsed building: we recovered roof tiles 

and Dutch tiles dating from the 17th century. When the 

Šventoji rivulet was surveyed at a range of one kilometre 

from the mouth of the rivulet on the Baltic coast, we 

can attribute this work to underwater archaeology, too. 

‘the first joint underwater archaeological expedition 

with Polish colleagues took place in 1995. We organised 

it with the underwater research Centre of the 

Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of toruń nicolaus 

Copernicus university, represented by Professor 

Andrzej Kola. We met each other in 1994, at the international 

conference “the Balts and their neighbours 

in the Baltic region in 800–1200”, held in nida. He 

asked me, “I’ve heard that there is some kind of bridge 

A PIonEEr oF 

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ArCHAEoLogy 

In LItHuAnIA 

15

ALGIRDAS 

GIRININKAS 



university 

Prof. Vladas Žulkus, rector of Klaipėda university, during the Doctor Honoris Causa inauguration of President Valdas 

Adamkus at Klaipėda university on 12.9.2009 (photograph by r. Pletkauskas). 

16 

in Lake Plateliai, do you know anything about it?” I answered, 

“yes, there is.” And they came the same year. 

We surveyed the bridge site under water, and checked 

the locations of the piles. our colleagues from Poland 

were very surprised, mostly at the visibility under the 

water, which is up to 80 metres there (the visibility is 

poorer in their lakes), and at the fact that the condition 

of the surviving bridge that led to the island was quite 

good. Even today, the remaining poles protrude to a 

height of nine metres from the bottom, and due to the 

fact that the depth of the lake at that spot is up to 11 

metres, the piles did not pose any serious hindrance to 

the local population; therefore, the piles are still there. 

That was the year when joint underwater archaeological 

expeditions by toruń and Klaipėda universities began, 

with simultaneous student practice. It occurred to 

us that we could form a team of three students who 

would be able to carry out underwater surveys, train 

them in diving during the winter, and then work jointly 

with Polish underwater archaeologists. Actually, we 

learned about underwater archaeology in Plateliai, and 

we succeeded. During later years in our research, we 

discovered sunken canoes and stones with markings. 

‘From 2000, we began little by little working in the 

Baltic Sea. In 2001 we organised the first ever underwater 

archaeological expedition in Lithuanian territorial 

waters, jointly with the Swedish royal Institute 

of Technology research vessel the Altair. We worked 

with them for three years. With this vessel, the Altair, 

which was equipped with a side-scan sonar, an electronic 

echo sounder, gPS, an underwater camera and a 

magnetometer, we began searching for sunken objects, 

mainly for ships. that year, we discovered two sunken 

vessels from the Second World War in the vicinity of 

Klaipėda, and in 2002 we discovered another 

‘The Swedish vessel the Nils Strömcrona joined the 

expedition, and we could survey the sea from the 

Lithuanian-Latvian border to the Lithuanian-russian 

(Kaliningrad region) border. At that time, we discovered 

shipwrecks off Palanga, nemirseta, Kunigiškė 

and Šventoji; at Juodkrantė we found trees that used to 

grow on the coast of the former yoldia Sea. this was 

how the first studies of cultural and natural underwater 

landscapes began. From 2003, the Lithuanian navy 

vessel Lokys and the vessel Varūna of the Hydrography 

Service assisted in the research conducted by Klaipėda 

university; then we used the research boat Puta of 

Klaipėda university (formerly a Swedish coastguard 

vessel) and the expedition/training vessel Brabander. 

In 2007, we started exploratory underwater archaeological 

research in the Curonian Lagoon, where the remains 

of a wooden boat were discovered not far from 

the mouth of the river nemunas. So this was how underwater 

archaeological research began.’ 

Since quite a large group of researchers trained by Professor 

Žulkus already work at Klaipėda university and

in other places in Lithuania, we asked him about the 

future of archaeology at Klaipėda university: 

‘I believe that the university should form a robust threestage 

structure of archaeological studies, from BA to 

doctoral studies. the study of landscape archaeology 

relating to the Baltic Sea region should be given priority, 

because it corresponds with the existing and future 

status of research. these studies should also cover 

underwater archaeology, the basis of which, I dare to 

claim, we have already laid. the main problem is, of 

course, people and the training of young specialists. 

one doctor of sciences already works in the field; there 

is another candidate for a doctoral degree, but that is 

not enough. We have already created the technological 

basis for studies, a basis that is closely connected to 

the project for the Marine Valley now in development. 

on an international level, we are also visible in this 

respect. therefore, we must meet the expectations of 

the scientific community in terms of joint international 

projects, joint inter-disciplinary studies, and so on, because 

this is what people expect of us. 

‘Since our institution is a university, our study programme 

in archaeology should be an “export” one: 

there should be a study programme in archaeology 

prepared in the English language, for an MA or a doctoral 

degree, I’m not sure yet. And … why couldn’t 

our programmes be implemented at other universities?’ 


I 

A PIonEEr oF 

unDErWAtEr 

ArCHAEoLogy 

In LItHuAnIA 

17

GINTAUTAS 

ZABIELA Publications by Vladas Žulkus 

PUBLICATIONS BY VLADAS ŽULKUS. 

Monographs, Research Articles, Publications 

Edited by V. Žulkus, Reviews, Varia (1972–2010) 

GINTAUTAS ZABIELA 

I. Monographs 

II. Research articles 

1989 

Lietuvos pajūrio žemės viduramžiais, Vilnius: Mokslas, 

1989, 94 pp. (co-author Libertas Klimka). 

1991 

Klaipėdos senojo miesto modelis, Vilnius: Spauda, 

1991, 82 pp. 

1997 

Palangos viduramžių gyvenvietės, Acta Historica Universitatis 

Klaipedensis; t. 6, Klaipėda: Klaipėda University 

Press, 1997, 350 pp. 

1999 

Die Kuren in der westbaltischen eisenzeitlichen Kultur 

und Gesellschaft. Zusammenfassung der Habilitationsschrift. 

Litauisches Institut für die Geschichte. Klaipėda, 

1999, 40 S. 

2002 

Viduramžių Klaipėda. Miestas ir pilis. Archeologija ir 

istorija, Vilnius: Žara, 2002, 168 pp. 

2004 

Kuršiai Baltijos jūros erdvėje, Vilnius: Versus aureus, 

2004, 232 pp. 

2007 

Palanga in the Middle Ages. Ancient Settlements, Vilnius: 

Versus aureus, 2007, 424 pp. 

1977 

Klaipėdos senamiesčio raidos XIII-XVII amžiais problemos, 

Lietuvos TSR architektūros klausimai. Lietuvos 

miestų genezė ir raida, Vilnius, 1977, t. 5, sąs. 4, 

pp.31-36. 

Klaipėdos pilies teritorijos tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai 

tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1974 ir 1975 metais, Vilnius, 

1978, pp.41-45. 

1979 

XV-XIX amžių Klaipėdos statybinė keramika, Architektūros 

paminklai, Vilnius, 1979, t. 5, pp.37-43. 

1980 

Klaipėdos piliavietės tyrinėjimai 1978 ir 1979 metais, 

Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1978 ir 1979 metais, 

Vilnius, 1980, pp.43-45. 

Klaipėdos senamiesčio archeologinių tyrimų metu rastos 

keramikos analizės išvados, Istorijos ir kultūros 

paminklų tyrimai ir restauravimas Lietuvos TSR 1976- 

1980, Vilnius, 1980, pp.34, 113, 174-175. 

Slengių senkapio (Klaipėdos raj.) radiniai, Archeologiniai 


1980, pp.101-103. 

1981 

XVI-XIX a. Klaipėdos buitinės keramikos klasifikacija, 

Archeologiniai tyrimai Lietuvos miestų istoriniuose 

centruose, Vilnius, 1981, pp.38-39, pp.86-87. 

Naglio kalno archeologiniai tyrinėjimai, Kraštotyra, 

Vilnius, 1981, t. 12, pp.63-72. 

18

1982 

Fachverkinių XVI a. pastatų liekanos Klaipėdoje, Kurpių 

gatvėje, Architektūros paminklai, Vilnius, 1982, t. 

7, pp.51-57 (co-author Jonas Genys). 

Kintų bažnyčios archeologinių tyrimų duomenys, Architektūros 

paminklai, Vilnius, 1982, t. 7, pp.45-50 

(co-author Jonas Genys). 

Klaipėdos kultūriniai sluoksniai, Architektūros paminklai, 

Vilnius, 1982, t. 7, pp.6-12, pp.58-59, pp.62-63, 

pp.66-67. 

Klaipėdos piliavietės tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai 

Lietuvoje 1980 ir 1981 metais, Vilnius, 1982, 

pp.83-85. 

Klaipėdos senamiesčio tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai 


pp.85-88. 

1984 

Birutės kalno ir gyvenvietės tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai 


1984, pp.43-46. 

Klaipėdos XV-XVII a. krosnys (archeologiniai duomenys), 

Muziejai ir paminklai, Vilnius, 1984, t. 6, pp.56- 

63 (co-author Jonas Genys). 

Laistų gyvenvietės žvalgomieji kasinėjimai, Archeologiniai 


1984, pp.41-43. 

Вопросы создания дендрохронологических шкал 

западной Литвы, Временные и пространственные 

изменения климата и годичные кольца деревьев, 

Каунас, 1984, с. 69-73 (co-authors Теодорас 

Битвинскас, Витаутас Брукштyс). 

Памятники археологии в парках (проблемы охраны 

и экспозиции), Совершенствование исследований, 

реставрации и приспособления к современным 

нуждам усадебных ансамблей - памятников 

культуры, Вильнюс, 1984, с. 73-74. 

1985 

Исследования горы Бируте в Паланге, 

Археологические открытия 1983 года, Москва, 

1985, с. 424-425. 

1986 

Birutės kalnas ir gyvenvietė Palangoje, Lietuvos istorijos 

metraštis 1985, Vilnius, 1986, pp.21-35. 

Kasinėjimai Šventosios uoste, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai 


pp.89-91. 

1987 

Problems of creating dendrochronical scales for Western 

Lithuania, Soviet publication in dendrochronologie, 

Arisona, 1987, t. 3, pp.71-75 (co-authors Teodoras 

Bitvinskas, Vytautas Brukštus). 

Švėkšnos XVII a. stiklo manufaktūra, Muziejai ir paminklai, 

Vilnius, 1987, sąs. 8, pp.89-92 (co-author Kazys 

Strazdas). 

Vakarinės žemaičių žemės XIII-XIV amžiais, Biržulio 

baseino kompleksinių tyrinėjimų dešimtmetis, Vilnius, 

1987, pp.26-30. 

Земли литовского поморья в X-XIII вв., Археология 

и история Пскова и Псковской земли, Псков, 1987, 

с. 41-43. 

Особенности домостроительства литовского 

поморья в XI-XIII вв., Краткие сообщения института 

археологии, Москва, 1987, вып. 190, c. 31-38. 

1988 

Archeologiniai ir geofiziniai Šventosios tyrimai, Architektūros 

paminklai, Vilnius, 1988, t. 11, pp.33-39 

(co-authors Aleksandras Melnikovas, Andriejus Staniukovičius, 

Tatjana Smekalova). 

Antroji Palangos senovinė gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai 


1988, pp.45-46. 

Grigaičių pilalės (Plungės raj.) žvalgymas, Archeologiniai 


1988, pp.43-44. 

Nauji duomenys apie Kražių pilį ir kolegiją, Architektūros 

paminklai, Vilnius, 1988, t. 11, pp.20-24. 

Palangos VIII-XIII a. kapinyno ribų tikslinimas, Archeologiniai 

tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1986 ir 1987 metais, 

Vilnius, 1988, pp.123-125. 

Radiniai Platelių apylinkėse ir ežere, Archeologiniai 


1988, pp.187-190. 

Klaipėdos senamiesčio pietinės dalies žvalgymas, Archeologiniai 


Vilnius, 1988, pp.151-152. 

Астрономическая интерпретация горы Бируте в 

Паланге, Историко-астрономические исследования, 

Москва, 1988, с. 126-136 (co-author Либертас 

Климка). 


I 

A PIONEER OF 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

IN LITHUANIA 

19

GINTAUTAS 


20 

Клайпеда и ее округа в XI-XVII вв. Автореферат 

кандидатской диссертации, Москва: 1988, 15 с. 

1989 

Tarpgentinės dykros ir mirusiųjų pasaulis baltų pasaulėžiūroje, 

Vakarų baltų archeologija ir istorija, Klaipėda, 

1989, pp.107-116. 

Территория и особенности социальной структуры 

южнокуршских земель в IX-XII вв., Краткие сообщения 

института археологии, Москва,1989, вып. 

198, c. 21-31. 

1990 

Lietuvos pajūrio archeologijos paminklai ir gamtinė 

aplinka, Geografijos metraštis, Vilnius, 1990, t. 25/26, 

pp.76-82. 

Palangos antroji senovinė gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai 


1990, pp.37-41. 

Ventės Rago ir Kuršių marių dugno žvalgymas, Archeologiniai 


Vilnius, 1990, pp.209-210. 

Platelių ežero ir pakrančių žvalgymas, Archeologiniai 


1990, pp.210-212 (co-author Valerijus Krisikaitis). 

Kasinėjimai Klaipėdos senamiestyje, Archeologiniai 


1990, pp.170-172 (co-author Raimondas Sprainaitis). 

1991 

Die Kuren im 13.-15. Jahrhundert, Prussen, Kuren und 

Masuren. Drei Beiträge zur Landeskunde Ostpreussens, 

Hamburg, Weissenburg, 1991, S. 15-29. 

Die Preussen und ihre Nachbarn im 1. Jahrtausend 

nach Christi Geburt, Preussen, Kuren und Masuren: 

Drei Beitrage zur Landeskunde Ostpreussens, Hamburg, 

Weissenburg, 1991, S. 4-14. 

1992 

Birutės kalno gyvenvietės Palangoje tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai 


Vilnius, 1992, t. I, pp.62-65. 

Kuršiai, Mokslas ir Lietuva, Vilnius, 1992, t. III, nr. 4, 

pp.2-11 (tas pats: Lietuvos sienų raida, Vilnius, 1997, 

t. 2, pp.50-67). 

Palanga als kurischer Handelsplatz an der Ostseeküste 

im 9. - 12. Jahrhundert, Vakarų baltų istorija ir kultūra, 

Klaipėda, 1992, pp.46-67. 

XV-XVII a. senkapiai Žemaičių kalnelyje, Archeologiniai 


1992, t. II, pp.90-92. 

Senovinė gyvenvietė Palangos parke, Archeologiniai 


1992, t. I, pp.66-68. 

Региональные особенности домостроительства в 

I - начале II тысячл. н., Pabaltijo gyvenvietės nuo seniausių 

laikų iki XIV amžiaus, Vilnius, 1992, pp.83-85. 

1993 

Mirusiųjų pasaulis baltų pasaulėžiūroje (archeologijos 

duomenimis), Žemaičių praeitis, Vilnius, 1993, t. 2, 

pp.23-35. 

1994 

Jakų, Klaipėdos raj., pylimų žvalgomieji archeologiniai 

kasinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 

1992 ir 1993 metais, Vilnius, 1994, pp.39-43 

(co-author Rasa Banytė). 

Birutės kalno gyvenvietė Palangoje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai 


pp.94-96. 

Naujai rasti kapai Palangos VIII-XIII a. kapinyne, Archeologiniai 


Vilnius, 1994, pp.167-170. 

Lūkšto ežero pakrančių žvalgymas, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai 


pp.96-98 (co-author Adomas Butrimas). 

Bažnyčios Klaipėdos XIII-XVII a. urbanistinėje struktūroje, 

Protestantizmas Lietuvoje: istorija ir dabartis, 

Vilnius, 1994, pp.99-116. 

Kasinėjimai Klaipėdos piliavietės princo Fridricho 

bastiono poternose, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 

1992 ir 1993 metais, Vilnius, 1994, pp.205-207. 

Klaipėdos istorijos ir topografijos bruožai XIII-XVII 

a. (archeologijos duomenimis), Acta Historica Universitatis 

Klaipėdensis, Klaipėda, 1994, t. II. Klaipėdos 

miesto ir regiono archeologijos ir istorijos problemos, 

pp.5-18. 

1995 

Kuršių žemės ir žmonės, Lietuvininkų kraštas, Kaunas, 

1995, pp.65-74. 

Migration in Žemaitija in den 13. - 16. Jahrhunderten, 

Archaeologia Baltica, Vilnius, 1995, pp.156-173.

Palangos Birutės kalno senosios gyvenvietės chronologija, 

Baltų archeologija Naujausių tyrimų rezultatai, 

Vilnius, 1995, pp.45-50. 

Senieji kuršiai, Baltų archeologija, 1995, nr. 4 (7), 

pp.2-6. 

Baltai ir skandinavai, Baltų archeologija, 1995, nr. 4 

(7), pp.9-13 (co-author Vytautas Urbanavičius). 

Vakarų baltai gotų-gepidų migracijoje (I-IV a.), Lietuvininkų 

kraštas, Kaunas, 1995, pp.74-107. 

Zur Frühgeschichte der baltischen Stadt, Burg-Burgstadt-Stadt: 

Zur Genese mittelalterlicher nichtagrarischer 

Zentren in Ostmitteleuropa, Berlin, 1995, S. 

190-206. 

1996 

Viduramžių pabaigos - Naujųjų laikų pradžios tilto 

Platelių ežere povandeniniai archeologiniai tyrimai 

1995 metais, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 

1994 ir 1995 metais, Vilnius, 1996, pp.296-300 (coauthor 

Andrzej Kola). 

Kaunas tarp Rytų ir Vakarų. Nemuno kelias I-II tūkst. 

po Kr. pradžioje, Vidurio Lietuvos archeologija. Etnokultūriniai 

ryšiai, Vilnius, 1996, pp.89-97. 

Klaipėdos pilies liekanų tyrimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai 


pp.193-196. 

Palangos kapinyno šiaurinės dalies žvalgymai, Archeologiniai 


Vilnius, 1996, pp.143-144. 

1997 

Žemaitijos priešistorė, Žemaitijos istorija, Vilnius, 

1997, pp.13-52 (co-author Adomas Butrimas). 

Baltische Funde an den westlichen Ostseeküsten, Archaeologia 

Baltica, Vilnius, 1997, t. 2, pp.165-189. 

Baltų visuomenė ankstyvaisiais viduramžiais, Lietuvos 

valstybė XII-XVIII a., Vilnius, 1997, pp.13-30. 

Kuršiai, Lietuvos sienų raida, Vilnius, 1997, t. 2, 

pp.50-67 (perspausdinta iš: Mokslas ir Lietuva, 1992, 

nr. 4, pp.2-11). 

Klaipėda (Memel) im Licht der Archäologische 

Forschungen, Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie 

inm Hanseraum, Lübeck, 1997, Band I, S. 305- 

312. 

1998 

Tilto Platelių ežere povandeniniai tyrinėjimai 1996 

ir 1997 metais, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 

1996 ir 1997 metais, Vilnius, 1998, pp.455-458 (coauthors 

Andrzej Kola, Wojcech Szulta). 

Ąžuolų sala - naujas archeologinis kompleksas Platelių 

ežere, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1996 ir 

1997 metais, Vilnius, 1998, pp.125-127. 

Die Landschaften und Zentralorte Südkurlands im 9. 

bis 13. Jahrhundert, Acta Visbyensia; XI. Culture clash 

or compromise? The Europeanisation of the Baltic Sea 

area 1100-1400 AD, Visby, 1998, pp.131-146. 

Platelių Šventorkalnio dvarvietė ir Apvaliosios kalvos 

alkvietės 1996-1997 metų kasinėjimai, Archeologiniai 


1998, pp.336-339. 

Pilies liekanos ir mitologiniai akmenys Pilies saloje 

Platelių ežere, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 

1996 ir 1997 metais, Vilnius, 1998, pp.333-336 (coauthor 

Saulius Manomaitis). 

Klaipėdos piliavietės kasinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai 


pp.268-270. 

1999 

Kuršių kaimai XI-XV a., Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius, 

1999, t. 18, pp.135-151. 

Gegenwart und Möglichkeiten die Unterwasserforschungen 

in Litauen, The marine archaeology of the 

Baltic Sea region, Nynäshamn, 1999, pp.38-43. 

Heidentum und Christentum in Litauen im 10. - 16 

Jahrhundert, Rom und Byzanz im Norden. Mission und 

Glaubenwechsel im Ostseeraum während des 8. -14. 

Jahrhunderts, Mainz, 1999, Band II, S. 143-161. 

Die kurischen Dörfer zwischen 1000 und 1400 n. Chr., 

Europeans or not? Local Level Strategies on the Baltic 

Rim 1100-1400 AD. CCC papers: 1, Visby, 1999, 

pp.137-164. 

Palangos priešistorė ir viduramžiai archeologo akimis. 

Palangiškiai pagonys. Palangos praeities paminklų tyrinėjimai, 

Palangos istorija, Klaipėda, 1999, pp.8-104. 

2000 

Tyrinėjimai Platelių ežero Ąžuolų saloje, Archeologiniai 


2000, pp.146-149. 


I 

A PIONEER OF 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

IN LITHUANIA 

21

GINTAUTAS 


22 

Klaipėdos piliavietės tyrimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai 


pp.364-369. 

Povandeniniai archeologiniai tyrimai Platelių ežere, 

Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais, 

Vilnius, 2000, pp.560-562 (co-authors Andrzej 

Kola, Wojcech Szulta). 

Die Wölkerwanderung und die Westbalten. Die Entstehung 

der Kuren, Archaeologia Baltica, Vilnius, 

2000, t. 4, pp.89-108. 

2001 

Der Hausbau in Klaipėda, Lübecker Kolloquium zur 

Stadtarchäologie inm Hanseraum, Lübeck, 2001, 

Band III. Der Hausbau, S. 529-550. 

Die Flüsse als Strassen der Europäisierung. Fluss und 

Hafen Šventoji - Heiligen Aa, Lübeck Style? Novgorod 

Style? Baltic Rim Central Places as Arenas for Cultural 

Encounters and Urbanisation 1100-1400 AD. CCC 

papers: 5, Visby-Riga, 2001, pp.165-181 (co-author 

Maik-Jens Springmann). 

Central places of the Curonian and Prussian Tribes during 

the Years of Cultural Change (1200–1400), Lübeck 

Style? Novgorod Style? Baltic Rim Central Places as 

Arenas for Cultural Encounters and Urbanisation 

1100-1400 AD. CCC papers: 5, Visby-Riga, 2001, 

pp.345-354. 

Nuskendę laivai ir uostai, Treasures in the Baltic Sea, 

Stockholm, 2001, pp.298-322. 

Tikėjimų kaita pagoniškuose baltuose. Kuršiai, Sociologija. 

Mintis ir veiksmas, Klaipėda, 2001, pp.9-19. 

2002 

Wieże na terenie zamku krzyżackiego w Kłajpedzie, 

Archeologia historica Polona, Studia z historii architektury 

i historii kultury materialnej, Toruń, 2002, t. 

12, pp.91-106. 

Der Hafen Hailigenau - Šventoji und die Fremden 

Schiffer im Lichte historischer und archäologischer 

Forschung, Maritime Archäologie heute, Rostock, 

2002, S. 160-176 (co-author Maik-Jens Springmann). 

Östersjons skattter. Litauen, Östersjons skattter. Der 

dolda kulturlandskapet, Stockholm, 2002, pp.95-102. 

Pilies paieškos Platelių ežero Pilies saloje, Archeologiniai 

tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2001 metais, Vilnius, 2002, 

pp.159-161. 

Nuskendusių laivų paieškos Baltijos jūroje naudojant 

sonarą, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2001 metais, 

Vilnius, 2002, pp.272-273. 

Povandeniniai tilto liekanų Platelių ežere tyrimai, 

Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2001 metais, 

Vilnius, 2002, pp.274-275 (co-authors Andrzej Kola, 

Wojcech Szulta). 

The Balts: Economy and Society, The neighbours of 

Poland in the 11 th century, Warszawa, 2002, pp.169- 

210. 

2003 

Medžių liekanos Baltijos jūros dugne: pirmieji tyrimų 

rezultatai, Geologija, Vilnius, 2003, Nr.43, p.43-46 

(co-authors Albertas Bitinas, Jonas Mažeika, Rimantas 

Petrošius, Dalia Kisielienė). 

Vakarų Lietuvos žemių junginių bruožai, Lietuva iki 

Mindaugo, Vilnius, 2003, pp.98-115. 

Lithuania, Treasures from Baltic Sea. A hidden wealth 

of culture. Swedish Maritime Museum’s report series 

no. 46, Stockholm, 2003, pp.95-102. 

2004 

Die mitttelalterliche und frühneuzeitliche Infrastruktur 

der Stadt Memel, Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie 

im Hanseraum, Lübeck, 2004, Band IV. Die 

Infrastruktur, S. 371-384. 

Gardai ir Plateliai XIII-XVI a, Lietuvių katalikų 

mokslų akademijos metraštis, Vilnius, 2004, t. XXV, 

pp.363-381. 

Lietuvininkų ištakos, Tiltai, Klaipėda, 2004, t. 24, 

Priedas: Lietuviai ir lietuvininkai. Etninė kultūra III, 

pp.5-19. 

Nuo Platelių iki Lūksto. Kuršių ir žemaičių paribiai 

XII-XV amžiais, Vilniaus dailės akademijos darbai, 

Vilnius, 2004, t. 34. Kultūrinio landšafto raida žemaičių 

aukštumoje, pp.145-162. 

Изменения в мировоззрении куршей в раннем 

средневековье, Восточная Европа в Средневековье, 

Москва, 2004, с. 153-163. 

2005 

Platelių ežero povandeniniai ir žvalgomieji Žiedelio 

ežero tyrimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 

2003 metais, Vilnius, 2005, pp.286-287 (co-authors 

Andrzej Kola, Wojcech Szulta). 

Baltijos pakrančių ir teritorinės jūros žvalgymas, Archeologiniai 

tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2003 metais, Vilnius, 

2005, pp.288-289. 

Platelių ežero Pilies sala, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai 

Lietuvoje 2003 metais, Vilnius, 2005, pp.158-159.

Valentinas Sedovas, Archaeologia Lituana, Vilnius, 

2005, t. 6, pp.179-180. 

Baltai Baltijos jūros baseine vikingų laikais (VII-XII 

a.), XIII pasaulio lietuvių mokslo ir kūrybos simpoziumas. 

- 2005 birželio 30 d. - liepos 4 d., Vilnius, 2005, 

pp.156-166. 

2006 

Kurland. Die Grenzen und die nördlichen Landschaften 

in 8. - 13. Jahrhundert, Archaeologia Baltica, Klaipėda, 

2006, t. 6, pp.88-103. 

The Lower Reaches of the Nemunas (Memel) and 

Prieglius (Pregel). The Settlement Situation at the 

Lower Reaches in the 6 th -11 th centuries, Transformatio 

mundi. The transition from the Late Migration period 

to the early Viking Age in the East Baltic, Kaunas, 

2006, pp.17-24. 

Platelių ežero povandeniniai archeologiniai žvalgymai, 


Vilnius, 2006, pp.319-321. 

Klaipėdos uosto 142 krantinės, buvusioje Malkų įlankoje, 

žvalgomieji archeologiniai tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai 


2006, pp.321 (co-author Mindaugas Brazauskas). 

Baltijos jūros povandeniniai archeologiniai tyrimai, 

Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2004 metais, Vilnius, 

2006, pp.317-319. 

Platelių piliavietė Pilies saloje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai 

Lietuvoje 2004 metais, Vilnius, 2006, pp.138-139. 

Užbaigti Piliavietės tyrinėjimai Platelių ežero Pilies 

saloje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2005 metais, 

Vilnius, 2006, pp.174-175. 

Povandeniniai Nalijos seklumos Platelių ežere žvalgymai, 


Vilnius, 2006, pp.422-423. 

Povandeniniai archeologiniai tyrimai Baltijos jūroje, 


2006, pp.420-421. 

2007 

Armed and expected. Traders and their Ways in Viking- 

Times, Archaeologia Baltica, t. 8. Weapons, Weaponry 

and Man. In memoriam Vytautas Kazakevičius, Klaipėda, 

2007, pp.310-320. 

Apvalioji (Dvaro) kalva Platelių ežero pusiasalyje, 


2007, pp.266-267. 

Povandeniniai Nalijos seklumos Platelių ežere žvalgymai, 


Vilnius, 2007, pp.503. 

2008 

Baltų jūrinės laivybos liudijimai nuo seniausių laikų iki 

XIII amžiaus, Jūrininkų rengimas Lietuvoje jūreivystės 

istorijos retrospektyvoje, Klaipėda, 2008, pp.14-19. 

Baltijos jūros dugno žvalgymai ties Smiltyne, Archeologiniai 


2008, pp.528-531. 

Kuršių marių dugno tarp Nidos ir Ventės rago žvalgymai, 


Vilnius, 2008, pp.531-534. 

Povandeninė archeologija Lietuvoje, XIV pasaulio lietuvių 

mokslo ir kūrybos simpoziumas. Tezių rinkinys, 

Lemontas, 2008, pp.18. 

Palangos povandeninis paveldas, Palangos kultūros 

paveldas: būti ar nebūti? Palanga, 2008, pp.36-40. 

2009 

Three Lagoons. Man, Culture and Landscape, Die 

Lagomar Haffe, Einzigartige maritime Kulturlandschaften 

im wissenschaftlichen Diskurs und interdisziplinären 

Vergleich, Friedland, 2009, S. 73-81. 

Handelsplätze zwischen Danziger und Rigaer Bucht 

zur Zeit Wulfstans, Wulfstan‘s Voyage. The Baltic Sea 

region in the early Viking Age as seen from shipboard. 

Maritime Culture of the North 2. Roskilde, 2009, 

pp.198-204 (co-author Mindaugas Bertašius). 

What did the Order‘s brothers eat in the Klaipėda 

castle?, Archaeologia Baltica, Klaipėda, 2009, t. 12, 

pp.74-87 (co-author Linas Daugnora). 

Der Wechsel des Weltbildes bei den heidnischen Balten, 

The Reception of Medieval Europe in the Baltic 

Sea Region, Visby, 2009, pp.223-239. 

Povandeninių archeologinių objektų paieškos Baltijos 

jūroje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2008 metais, 

Vilnius, 2009, pp.525. 

2010 

Die Stadtbefestigungen von Klaipėda (Memel), Lübecker 

Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum 

VII. Die Befestigungen, Lübeck, 2010, pp.653-666. 

Baltijos jūros archeologiniai žvalgymai, Archeologiniai 

tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2009 metais, Vilnius, 2010, 

pp.478-480. 


I 

A PIONEER OF 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

IN LITHUANIA 

23

GINTAUTAS 


Šventosios apylinkėse nuskendusio senovinio laivo 

(W-1) tyrimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 

2009 metais, Vilnius, 2010, pp.480-483 (co-author Rokas 

Kraniauskas). 

Baltijos jūroje nuskendusio laivo 14 (W-14) žvalgomieji 

tyrimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 

2009 metais, Vilnius, 2010, pp.483-485 (co-author 

Krzysztof Radka). 

Krikščionybės platinimas kuršių žemėse, Krikščionybės 

raidos kontekstai Žemaitijoje, Vilnius, 2010, 

pp.13-37 

Schipwrecks on the coast of Lithuania, Archaeologia 

Baltica, Klaipėda, 2010, t. 14, pp.28-46. 

III. Publications edited by V. Žulkus 

Vakarų baltų archeologija ir istorija. Klaipėda, 1989. 

Vakarų baltų istorija ir kultūra, I. Klaipėda, 1992. 

Archeologia Baltica. Vilnius: Žara, Vol. 2, 1997 (one 

of the editors). 

Palangos istorija. Klaipėda, 1999. 





Archeologia Baltica. Klaipėda: Klaipėda University 

Press, Vols. 6–14, 2006–2010 (editor in chief). 

Lituanistica. History, Archaeology, Language, Literature, 

Folklore, Ethnology, 2010 (Member of Editorial 

Board). 

IV. Varia 

1972 

Tyrimai senamiestyje, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1972 07 6, 

nr. 157(7513), p.3. 

1974 

1977 

Dar kartą dėl Klaipėdos ir Palangos vardų kilmės, Tarybinė 

Klaipėda, 1977 04 16, nr. 89(8973), p.3. 

Radiniai Birutės kalne, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1977 05 22, 

nr. 120(9004), p.3. 

Senosios Klaipėdos beieškant, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 

1977 04 23, nr. 59(8979), p.3. 

1980 

Kaip tvarkysime mūsų archeologijos paminklus?, Tarybinė 

Klaipėda, 1980 07 26, nr. 172(9961), p.3. 

1981 

Archeologų šiokiadieniai, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1981 08 

1, nr. 177(10266), p.3. 

1982 

Klaipėdos senamiesčio kultūriniai sluoksniai, Mokslas 

ir gyvenimas, 1982, nr. 1, pp.24-26. 

1983 

Klaipėdos pilis ir miestas XIII-XIV a., Mokslas ir gyvenimas, 

1983, nr. 8, pp.28-29. 

1984 

Birutės kalno paslaptys, Mokslas ir gyvenimas, 1984, 

nr. 6, pp.16-17. 

1985 

Birutės kalnas ir Palanga, Baltija. 1985, Vilnius, 1985, 

pp.7-13. 

1987 

Archeologų radiniai Plateliuose, Kibirkštis (Plungė), 

1987 11 17, nr. 138(5896), pp.3. 

Žemėje ir po vandeniu. Klaipėdos archeologai Plateliuose, 

Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1987 10 11, nr. 235(12124), 

p.8. 

Archeologinius kasinėjimus pradėjus, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 

1974 12 22, nr. 297(8264), p.4. 

1975 

Nauja apie Klaipėdos pilį, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1975 12 

3, nr. 283(8554), p.4. 

1988 

Atkursime alkvietę ant Birutės kalno, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 

1988 10 2, nr. 227(12416), p.8. 

Kuo ženkli Klaipėdos urbanistinė raida XIII-XVI amžiais?, 

Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1988 04 10, nr. 84(12273), 

p.8. 

24

1989 

Įkurta Lietuvos archeologijos draugija, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 

1989 01 27, nr. 23(12512), p.8. 

Palangos priešistorė: Ar gyveno Lietuvoje neandertaliečiai? 

(06 30 – 07 6, nr. 8(21), p.6); Akmens amžiaus 

radiniai (07 7 – 07 13, nr. 9(22), p.4); Akmens 

amžius (07 14 – 07 20, nr. 10(23), p.4); Senojo geležies 

amžiaus kapinynas (07 21 – 07 27, nr. 11(24), p.4-5); 

Kuršiai mūsų pajūryje (07 28 – 08 3, nr. 12(25), pp.4); 

Mėguvos žemė (08 4 – 08 10, nr. 13(26), p.4); Viduramžiai 

(08 11 – 08 17, nr. 14(27), p.4); Ar seniai žemaičiai 

Palangoje gyvena ? (08 18 – 08 24, nr. 15(28), 

pp.4), Vasara. Tarybinė Klaipėda. Kurortinis priedas, 

1989, 06 30 – 08 17, nr. 8(21) – 8(21). 

Vikingų burės Kuršių mariose, Mokslas ir gyvenimas, 

1989, nr. 4, pp.28-29. 

Klaipėdos pilis, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1989 12 20, nr. 

291(12780), p.8. 

Pilies ir miesto kolizija viduramžių Klaipėdoje, Miestas 

ir žmogus, Klaipėda, 1989, pp.28-30. 

1990 

1995 

Žemaičiai pajūryje, Žemaičių žemė, 1995, nr. 2, 

pp.9-10. 

2003 

Klaipėdos pilis, Mažosios Lietuvos enciklopedija, Vilnius, 

2003, t. II, pp.117-118. 

Kuršiai, Mažosios Lietuvos enciklopedija, Vilnius, 

2003, t. II, pp.390-395. 


I 

A PIONEER OF 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

IN LITHUANIA 

‘Vakarų baltų kultūra’, Lietuvos rytas, 1990 01 3, p.2. 

‘Vakarų baltų kultūra’, Literatūra ir menas, 1990 01 

27, nr. 4(22253), pp.15 (co-author Vytautas Petras 

Plečkaitis). 

‘Kas yra sensacija mums - labai nuobodūs dalykai kitiems…’, 

Mažoji Lietuva, 1990 12 12, nr. 50(89), pp.7. 

Klaipėdos pilis ir miestas XIII-XVI a., Nemuno kraštas 

(Witzenhausen/Werra), 1990, nr. 1, pp.4-7. 

Klaipėdos pilis: realijos ir ateitis, Klaipėda, 1990 08 

15, nr. 205(12994), p.2. 

Klaipėdos pilis vėl šaukiasi pagalbos, Atgimimas, 1990 

01 12, nr. 2, pp.8-9. 

1991 

Marios baltų pasaulėžiūroje, Jūra, 1991, nr. 1, pp.1-13. 

Protomiestai Europoje ir Lietuvos pajūryje, Miestas ir 

žmogus: regionas ir regioninė kultūra, Klaipėda, 1991, 

pp.31-32. 

Teritoriniai junginiai Lietuvos pajūryje, Mindaugo 

karūnavimas - valstybės diena, Klaipėda, 1991, pp.28- 

30. 

Žemaičiai ir Palanga, Palangos Juzė (Skuodas), 1991 

06 15, nr. 4, p.6. 

25

II. UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 


27

SHIPWRECKS OFF THE COAST OF LITHUANIA 

Shipwrecks off 

the Coast of Lithuania 

VLADAS 

ŽULKUS 

VLADAS ŽULKUS 

Abstract 

The article presents the latest data on ships sunk in Lithuanian territorial waters of the Baltic Sea obtained during archaeological 

research conducted by the Underwater Archaeology Group of Klaipėda University. The article contains detailed descriptions 

of the ways these ships were wrecked as found in historical sources from the 14th to the early 20th century, the 

localisation of newly found remains of wooden ships, data of their study and possibilities for dating them. 

Key words: shipwrecks, wooden ships, underwater archaeology, Baltic Sea, Lithuania 

28 

Introduction 

Between 1989 and 2010, 11 findspots of wooden ship 

hulls were registered in Lithuania’s coastal area, in the 

littoral between Būtingė and Klaipėda, as well as at sea 

(Fig. 1). The conditions of the ships vary considerably. 

In the case of some ships, only small parts of the hulls 

have survived. Others have been preserved in their 

entire length and breadth. There is also a sunken ship 

with cargo on board. These finds are located in very 

different places. Pieces of some hulls were cast ashore 

during storms. Others are located on beaches under the 

sand. Some lie in the littoral at a depth of only two or 

three metres. Part of one wooden ship has been used 

for the reinforcement of a quay. Still others lie sunken 

at depths of 11 to 37 metres. The hulls of the wooden 

ships have been found in different ways. Remnants of 

ships washed ashore by storms have been reported by 

fishermen, beach lifeguards or visitors to the beaches. 

Some of the shipwrecks have been detected during surveys 

of the shoals from a plane, from the surface of 

the water and under the water. Sunken ships lying at 

a greater depth have been detected by using side-scan 

sonar during explorations of the sea bed for various 

purposes (scientific research, applied scientific research, 

sea bed sounding or mine-clearing operations). 

Substantial information on underwater obstacles has 

been collected by the masters of fishing trawlers. Some 

of them have even compiled sea charts of underwater 

obstacles that pose a danger to fishing operations. 

Larger obstacles that pose a danger to navigation are 

more or less accurately marked on all sea charts; however, 

these are the remnants of metal-hulled vessels 

which sank during the modern era. A large amount of 

data on sunken ships in the Lithuanian littoral has been 

collected by the Lithuanian Sea Museum (LSM). 

There is no doubt that there are many more remains of 

sunken and wrecked ships along the short Lithuanian 

coast than we know of today. As knowledge is accumulated 

and more sophisticated search methods are 

applied, more shipwrecks will surely be found. More 

detailed studies of ancient wooden ship hulls have only 

just started; therefore, there are no analytical articles 

yet on the remains of wooden ships in Lithuania’s littoral 

waters. This article presents descriptions of the 

remains of ten wooden ships, and discusses issues pertaining 

to their dating and identification. 

All the ships described in the article have been inspected, 

provisionally measured, photographed, video-recorded 

and registered by archaeologists from Klaipėda 

University’s Institute of Baltic Sea Region History 

and Archaeology Underwater Exploration Centre (KU 

BRIAI PTC). Data on the ships can be found in the 

PTC’s working Register of Shipwrecks (compiled by 

Vladas Žulkus). 

Historical data on wrecked 

and sunken ships 

Relations between the inhabitants of the Lithuanian 

coastal area and the inhabitants of the Baltic Sea islands 

and its western coastal areas from the sixth 

century AD serve as indirect albeit unquestionable evidence 

of navigation along the eastern shores of the Baltic 

Sea. Between the years 900 and 1000, there were 

several distant Curonian trade centres on the eastern 

shores of the Baltic Sea. In the 12th and 13th centuries, 

navigation along the east Baltic shore was already 

quite busy: the ships of the Scandinavian Vikings 

would sail across the Curonian Lagoon and up the River 

Nemunas, whereas Curonian pirates controlled the 

eastern part of the Baltic Sea and engaged in looting on 

the Danish and Swedish coasts (Žulkus 2004; Žulkus, 

Bertašius 2009). No ships that sank during the Viking 

period or the Middle Ages in Lithuanian waters have 

yet been found; therefore, much to our regret, we do 

not know yet what Curonian ships of the 12th and 13th 

centuries looked like.


II 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

Fig. 1. The locations of ships wrecked and sunk off the Lithuanian coast (compiled by V. Žulkus). 

In the times of the Vikings, the sandbanks of Lithuanian 

littoral waters could easily be overcome; smalldraught 

boats would even reach the mouths of rivulets 

and shallow coastal lagoons. In the Late Middle Ages 

and in modern times, as the tonnage and draught of 

ships increased, shallow coastal waters became a trap 

for ships sailing to the ports of Klaipėda (founded by 

the Livonian Order in 1252) and Šventoji (Heiligen 

Aa); the latter reached the peak of its prosperity in the 

17th century (Žulkus, Springmann 2002). The mouths 

of both ports were narrow and highly dangerous in 

westerly winds, and it is exactly these winds that prevail 

on the east Baltic shore. The greatest danger was 

posed by the storms of the autumn and winter months, 

and by regular hurricanes (in the coastal area, hurricanes 

with a wind speed of up to 35 metres per second 

29



VLADAS 

ŽULKUS 

30 

strike once every 20 years, on average) (Dorfman, Buzas 

1966, p.68). Ships could not avoid sudden storms, 

because weather forecasts and storm warnings did not 

exist until the late 19th century; skippers had to rely 

exclusively on their knowledge of meteorology, experience 

and instincts. Only as late as 1906 was a semaphore 

erected at the Southern Cape in Klaipėda, and 

a service was set up which used mast signals to warn 

fishermen in the area of approaching storms (Willoweit 

1969, p.311). 

Although the information contained in written sources 

is inconsistent, there are many facts about hurricanes 

that devastated the Lithuanian coastal areas, as well as 

about ships that sank, were wrecked on coastal shoals, 

or which ran aground. The earliest information dates 

from the early 14th century. 

In 1313, a mighty spring storm destroyed a flotilla 

of the Crusaders, which was on its way to Klaipėda 

(Długokęcki 1996, p.148). Another strong hurricane 

swept across Prussia in the winter of 1317 (Petras 

Dusburgietis 1985, p.269). There is a written mention 

of a heavy storm in October 1422, during which a ship 

sailing from Redin was wrecked off Palanga. The crew, 

32 horses and part of the cargo were rescued (Codex 

epistolaris). In 1431, a ship on its way from Westerwik 

to Gdańsk was wrecked off Šventoji (LEK Abt. 1, Bd. 

8, 393). In 1446, a storm damaged a ship from Lübeck 

at sea; the ship then limped to the port of Klaipėda. It 

was damaged so badly that its skipper, who was called 

Hermann Hoppner, sold it and its cargo to a Königsberg 

merchant (Willoweit 1969, p.144). 

The early 16th century was marked by as many as 

three hurricanes. On 26 July 1518, a ship from Gdańsk 

ran aground on the Curonian Spit between Karvaičiai 

(Juodkrantė) and Nida (Regesta. No. 22000, 22218, 

22223). Between 8 and 15 December 1518, a hurricane 

sank 14 ships in the coastal waters between Klaipėda 

and Liepaja, and two ships ran aground: one of them 

next to the village of Nagliai on the Curonian Spit, and 

the other close to Klaipėda. The latter was a Swedish 

ship and apparently belonged to Sten Sture. 1 A similar 

hurricane struck at the beginning of 1519, during 

which two ships ran aground at Šventoji (Regesta. No. 

22000, 22218, 22223), and on 18 May another Livonian 

ship was wrecked at Nagliai (Regesta. No. 22282, 

22464). 

There are mentions of ships that were wrecked off 

Klaipėda or close to the port of Šventoji from the 17th 

century. In the autumn of 1635, a foreign (apparently 

Swedish) naval ship was wrecked off Palanga; five 

canons taken from the ship were handed over to the elder 

of Palanga (Kiaupa 1999, p.121). In the autumn of 

1 

Sten Sture the Younger, the Swedish regent in 1512–1520. 

1637, a hurricane washed away the church of Šventoji, 

which had been built in 1520, and also the peninsula 

on which the church had stood (Balčius 1999, p.207). 

In around 1655, two naval vessels, a Swedish frigate 

and a Lübeck Schute (lighter), ran aground on the 

Curonian Spit. They were towed into the sea and returned 

to the navy of the Duke of Prussia (MD 1988.05. 

No. 5, p.67). 

In August 1683, five ships ran aground in a storm next 

to Karklė near Klaipėda. One sailor drowned, but the 

cargo was taken ashore in boats (Consignation, 4j.143, 

1–3). In 1695, a ship owned by an English trading company 

based in Šventoji became stuck in the shoals off 

Palanga; later, it was plundered by residents of Palanga 

(Kiaupa 1999, p.139). According to a report dated 4 

November 1699, two Polish ships with passengers on 

board went to explore the possibilities for reopening a 

port in Samogitia (the port of Šventoji). One of them 

was wrecked just off Šventoji when it ran aground on 

a sandbank. Four people died (Smolarek 1966, pp.331- 

337). In the 18th century, the merchant port of Šventoji 

ceased to exist, and later shipwrecks are related mostly 

to Klaipėda. 

On 3 November 1801, such a mighty hurricane blew 

that a medal was minted in Königsberg ‘In commemoration 

of a hurricane of unseen strength and floods in 

Šiluva, Königsberg and Memel (Klaipėda) 3.11.1801’ 

(Dovydenko 2004, p.57ff). The waves sank ships and 

destroyed the coastal defences of the port of Klaipėda 

at Kopgalis (Elertas 2002, p.16). 

A tragic event marked the beginning of 1804 in 

Klaipėda. In the night of 31 January and 1 February, 

the English sailing ship Guardian ran aground off 

Klaipėda. During the rescue operations, during the attempt 

to tow it off the shoal, towards the evening a 

storm approached suddenly from the southwest; the 

anchor chains finally broke, and the ship was wrecked 

in the morning, lost together with the port rescuer 

(Hafenmeister) Peter Schröder and 54 sailors, fishermen 

and workers (Merseburg, film 5, b. 90–97; Elertas 

2010, p.61). Sembritzki erroneously indicates that the 

ship was the Freundschaft (Sembritzki 1926, p.331). 

From 5 to 7 April 1807, there was a sudden heavy 

storm. Two ships from Gdańsk with soldiers and civilians 

on board were lying in the harbour at Klaipėda 

ready to set sail for Gdańsk. One of the ships sank, 

and the fate of the other is unknown. Friedricht August 

Staegemann wrote about this in a letter from Klaipėda 

to his wife on 7 April 1807 (Mühlpfordt 1963). 

In February 1808, nine ships ran aground in the 

Klaipėda area during a strong storm. Six of them were 

destroyed by the waves (Guillaume 1808). On 1 May

1829, as many as four ships ran aground at Klaipėda 

in strong southwesterly winds. The English sailing 

ships Northelms and Plouman, which had arrived from 

Newcastle, ran aground on a shoal at Kopgalis; the 

German ship Flora ran aground at Melnragė (ten sailors 

perished), and another ship, the Henriette Auguste 

from Klaipėda, ran aground not far from the Flora 

(Adomavičius 2007). 

On 23 January 1849, the brig Albertine from Klaipėda, 

on her way from Liverpool with a cargo of salt on 

board, ran aground off Melnragė and was wrecked by 

the westerly wind (Adomavičius, No. 45). On 12 January 

1851, at five o’clock in the morning, the barque 

Urania from Klaipėda, on her way from Lisbon to 

Klaipėda, ran aground off Šventoji (Heiligen Aa) during 

a storm coming from the west-northwest. The crew 

and eight rescuers drowned (Adomavičius, No. 47). 

At ten o’clock in the morning of 4 November 1854, the 

French sailing ship Nouveau Prosper from Dunkerque 

ran aground just a few hundred yards from the entrance 

to the port during a terrible storm. All the crew except 

for one sailor were rescued. 2 

In 1858, as many as three sailing ships from Klaipėda 

were lost close to their home port. In the spring, on 29 

March, a storm approached from the west-northwest, 

and the barque Memphis (tonnage 183 lasts, or 274.5 

BRT) ran aground by the northern breakwater. On 23 

November 1858, two more ships perished in another 

west-northwesterly storm. Both of them were wrecked 

on the shoals off Melnragė. The ships were the brig 

Selma of 216 lasts (324 BRT), and the schooner Cito of 

109 lasts (163.5 BRT) (Hartmann 1978). 

In the late morning of 10 November 1874, the threemasted 

barque Minerva from Klaipėda (tonnage 433 

BRT), on her way from London in ballast, was cast 

on to a shoal next to the northern breakwater by a 

southwesterly hurricane. Her crew were rescued. 

The next day, the waves broke the ship’s hull in two 

(Adomavičius, No. 47). 

The Norwegian brig Aurora (built in 1808), on her way 

from Sønderborg (Denmark) to Klaipėda in ballast, ran 

aground in a storm at Nemirseta on 29 October 1876. 

The crew of the rescue station rescued eight people 

(Willoweit 1970). 

On 16 October 1881, during a gale-force west-southwesterly 

wind, the brig Eleonora (Eleonore), built in 

Elbing in 1834–1835, ran aground north of Klaipėda, 

on the ‘Russian coast’ (at Palanga). This was quite 

a large ship (333 BRT) belonging to Klaipėda, and 

was carrying loose coal in baskets from Hartlepool to 

2 

Notes made by Karl Dahse, the French vice-consul in 

Klaipėda in 1854–1855 (MD 05.06.1966. No. 11, p.147ff). 

Klaipėda (more than 2,000 baskets were thrown into 

the sea). Written sources mention that the ship was 

built of the best oak wood (Gerdau 1978; Hartmann 

1978; INK. NA. P 1.1/14). 

On 21 or 22 November 1897, the 253-last (380 BRT) 

brig Freundschaft, built in 1847 in Klaipėda, at the 

Behrend Pieper shipyard, suffered a disaster. On the 

Saturday, it appeared off the cliff called Olandų kepurė 

(Dutchman’s Hat); on the Sunday, the steamship Von 

Schlieckmann tried to tow it into the harbour, but the 

ship was heavily laden, and it was decided to leave 

her. The wind started blowing, and the ship was damaged: 

the sails were torn, the railings were torn off, 

and the hold was flooded with 2.5 feet of water. As 

the wind became stronger, it carried the ship into the 

sea, and the ship sank nearly within sight of the port. 

Four people died (MD 20.01.1961, No. 2; Bruno le 

Coutre 1969; Hartmann 1978; Adomavičius 2000). On 

28 November 1897, the waves smashed up the Danish 

schooner Ernst, which had run aground by the breakwater 

at Melnragė, apparently during the same storm. 

On 18 June 1898, the German tjalk Margaretha, with 

a cargo of timber on board, ran aground off Karklė. 

The ship was destroyed by the waves. On 7 June 1899, 

the Norwegian galeas Septime, which was on its way 

from Karlshamn with a cargo of herring, was cast on to 

a shoal next to the southern breakwater. The ship was 

destroyed by the waves. On 10 May 1900, the Russian 

gaff schooner Madda Sophia capsized and sank at a 

distance of about two nautical miles west of Karklė. 

At the beginning of the 20th century, the sailing ship 

Esther, on her way from ‘Russia’ to Königsberg with 

a cargo of timber, was struck by a storm and capsized 

in the open sea. The hull was cast ashore still pointing 

upwards not far from Gaigalfluss (INK. NA. P 1.1/77). 

As it was told by a fisherman from Karklė, in the 

1920s the hull of the ship was still visible in the water 

(MD 5.3.1958, No. 15). 

On 20 July 1920, at a distance of 50 metres from the 

southern breakwater, a stormy sea destroyed a small 

sailing ship, the one-and-a-half-mast (Besahnewer) 

Heinrich, on her way from Hamburg to Klaipėda. 

She was being towed, but the tow rope broke (Bericht 

1921, p.77ff). 

It seems that the last known sailing ship to be wrecked 

off Klaipėda was the three-mast schooner Else on her 

way from Copenhagen to Klaipėda in ballast. On 17 

January 1921 she deviated from the fairway and ran 

aground at Melnragė next to the northern breakwater. 

The hull was destroyed by the waves (INK. NA. 

P 1.1/77; Jaetzel 1996; MD 10.04.1956, No. 7, p. 81; 

MD 05.03.1958, No. 15). 


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32 

To conclude, there is information on 40 or so sailing 

ships cast on to the shoals off the Lithuanian coast, and 

on ten to 20 ships that lie on sand in coastal waters. 

Normally, attempts would be made to tow grounded 

ships and even those cast ashore back into the sea when 

the storm was over. This was work that required much 

time and effort, and which was sometimes not very successful. 

After a storm in 1734, ships that ran aground 

off East Prussia were being dug out of the sand for several 

years (Dovydenko 2004, p.57ff). There is no more 

information on the number of ships that were towed 

off the shoals; however, we can guess that the hulls of 

at least half of the ships destroyed by the waves and 

dismantled by people remain buried under the sand 

in coastal waters or on the coast. For example (as has 

already been mentioned), as many as six ships of the 

nine that ran aground off Klaipėda in February 1808 

were finally destroyed by the waves (Guillaume 1808). 

The possibilities for towing ships back into the sea in 

different locations were different. The possibilities for 

preserving the hulls of ancient ships are also not the 

same. Ten erosive, four accumulated and six stable 

coastal sectors can be identified on the Lithuanian coast 

of 99 kilometres (Žilinskas et al. 2004). The hulls of 

ancient ships which are lying in erosive beaches will be 

washed up more often and inevitably destroyed by the 

waves and by human activity. Wrecks in accumulative 

coastal and littoral zones are being covered more and 

more with sand. This impedes the search and exploration 

of them, but provides natural protection. Although 

in shallow waters, these wrecks are more affected by 

strong winds and swell. 

Studies of wooden ships (wrecks) 

WRECK 1 (W-1). The hull of an ancient ship was 

found in 1974 between Šventoji and Būtingė during 

an expedition organised by the LSM. In the summer of 

1999, the ship was found for a second time by archaeologists 

from Klaipėda University. Later, the wreck 

was inspected nearly every year: in 2000, 2001, 2003, 

2004 and 2005. The structure of the ship was measured, 

photographed and videotaped. In the summer of 2009, 

an exploratory search and more detailed measurings of 

Wreck 1 (W-1) were carried out. The ship’s structures 

in the fore and aft of the ship were cleared under the 

water to a depth of up to 1.5 metres by using a water 

ejector. The research on Wreck 1 was part of the work 

within the framework of the SeaSide 3 project. 

3 

The South Baltic Cross-Border Cooperation Programme 

2007–2013. “SeaSide: Developing Excellent Cultural 

Destinations in the Southern Baltic Area”. 

The hull of wooden Wreck 1 is at a depth of three metres, 

about 250 metres from the shore. It lies perpendicular 

to the coast, in precisely an east-west direction, 

listing to the starboard side. The bow is on the east. 

The ship is located in a coastal sector subject to erosion 

(Bitinas et al. 2004), and the formation of silt around 

the wreck depends largely on storms, and especially 

on winter gales. The monitoring of the ship’s wreck in 

1999 and 2009 (with some interruptions) also reflects 

the dynamics of the formation of the sea bed sediments 

(sands) in this location. 

In 1999, the prow of Wreck 1 and the structures above 

the sea bed next to the prow came to 0.8 metres, the 

port side frames and the side planks came to 1.3 metres, 

whereas the starboard frames and the stern frames 

rose a mere 0.2 to 0.5 metres above the sea bed. After 

hurricane Anatol in the winter of 1999, the ship’s sides 

rose above the sea bed another 40 centimetres or so. 

Something similar occurred in the autumn of 2003, 

when the ship (compared to the autumn of 2001) was 

cleared by another 70 centimetres. The parts to rise 

the highest above the sea bed were the prow and the 

frames and the planks of both sides (up to 1.5m). The 

starboard side of the wreck rose above the sea bed by 

up to 1.5 metres too (it came to only about 0.9m in 

2001), and five side planks could be seen. In the spring 

of 2004, some parts of the ship’s port side rose above 

the sea bed by as much as 1.8 metres. A large part of 

the sand and silt from inside the ship was washed out: 

the top of the keelson could be seen, the stern structure 

was cleared, and in the prow of the ship, ballast stones 

were uncovered. The exterior of the starboard side was 

covered up with sand, and only a part of about 40 centimetres 

in height was sticking out. In the summer of 

2009, the ship’s wreck was rising above the sandy bed 

by up to 1.3 metres only. The inside of the ship was 

covered with sand. 

That is to say, due to the effect of storms, the thickness 

of the sandy silt around the ship varied from 0.5 metres 

to one metre, and differently in different places. During 

the research in 2009, sand from around some parts of 

the ship had to be sucked off twice, because even small 

waves of force 2 to 3 would cover up structures of the 

ship that had been uncovered earlier. In some parts of 

the exterior of the hull, there is a hard dark layer of 

silt about ten centimetres thick. It is believed that this 

layer is a cultural layer which normally forms around 

all sunken ships; however, neither in 2009 nor earlier 

were any finds found in it. 

The monitoring and measuring makes it possible to 

claim that the hull is sunk in the sand to a depth of 1.5 

metres, whereas the total height of the hull of Wreck 1


Fig. 2. A drawing of the measured fore structure of W-1 (drawn by R. Kraniauskas, R. Nabažaitė and N. Savickaitė). 

may be up to 2.5 metres. The deck, with all its structures, 

was washed away a long time ago. 

The length of the remaining hull of Wreck 1 (W-1) is 

23.2 metres, and the beam is seven metres. The largest 

beam is in the middle part of the ship. The hull is of 

nearly the same beam in the middle part of the ship, 

and then gets narrower only at a distance of six metres 

from the prow and four metres from the stern. The visible 

round stern gets narrower and tapers downwards. 

The condition of the remaining structures of the stern 

of both sides is quite good. Between the frames lies a 

bowed wooden structure, apparently a beam. 

The ship’s prow is made from an oak beam 34 by 20 to 

24 centimetres in size, with the narrower side directed 

forward. The prow beam is also reinforced with an iron 

band 2.5 centimetres wide, above which the prow tapers 

in the fore part. Inside the ship, there is an 18-centimetre-wide 

keelson bracket attached to the prow. 

The keelson is 22 centimetres wide and 21 centimetres 

high; the keel is 21 centimetres wide and 18 centimetres 

high. In places where there are frames placed between 

the keelson and the keel, the keelson is slightly 

cut: it tapers to 16 centimetres. The first two port and 

starboard side frames are located about 15 centimetres 

from the prow (Fig. 2). The frames had been attached 

to the keelson (and the keel?) with treenails of about 

four centimetres in diameter. The keelson and the keel 

had also been joined by using treenails of about four 

centimetres in diameter. Upon measuring 11 frames in 

the ship’s bow, it was found that the smallest crosssection 

of a frame was ten by nine centimetres, and the 

largest 24 by 12 centimetres. The dimensions of the 

frames in the middle part of the hull vary from 26 by 

16 to 16 by 12 centimetres; all the frames are made of 

oak. The stern frames are 22 by 15 to 18 by 15 centimetres 

in size. The futtock joins in adjacent frames are 

not aligned with each other. The joints are reinforced 

with a wedge-shaped chock. Parts of the frames and 

the chock had been joined using treenails of about four 

centimetres in diameter. The side planks are attached 

to the frames with treenails and iron nails of about one 

centimetre in diameter (Fig. 3, see Plate I). 

The spaces between the frames (frame spacing) are 12 

to 40 centimetres; the further from the stem, the wider 

the frame spacing. In the fore part of the ship, both in 

the starboard and the port side, adjacent frame spaces 

are not equal. This fact should be seen as a structural 

peculiarity of the ship. In the middle part of the ship, 

there is a unique frame arrangement rhythm: between 

massive double and triple frame groups there are 40 

to 50-centimetre spaces, in which thinner frames, just 

planks (16x6cm), are placed. The spacing in the frame 

groups is irregular, and varies from seven to 28 centimetres. 

The side planks are joined with each other in the caravel 

manner. 4 The outer side planks are 24 to 30 centi- 

4 

Until as late as the 15th century, in northern Europe (and the 

Baltic region), a ship’s side planks used to be joined in the 

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34 

metres wide, and up to six centimetres thick; the inner 

ones are 25 to 30 centimetres wide, and three to four 

centimetres thick. The side planks are attached to the 

frames with treenails and iron nails of about one centimetre 

in diameter. The thickness of the double ship’s 

side is about 34 centimetres. 

A small stocked anchor found by fishermen at a distance 

of about 200 metres to the west of Wreck 1 

may be related to it. The anchor shank with shackle 

is 139 centimetres high, the breadth between the anchor 

blades is 86 centimetres, and the size of the stock 

is 144 centimetres. The anchor stock consists of two 

wooden parts joined with six iron rivets. The rivets are 

covered with wooden plugs. This anchor is now on display 

in Šventoji, by the port inn. 

The few finds which were found in the ship’s bow during 

the research conducted in 2009 can be used for dating 

it: these are the upper box of a bilge pump, the 

bottom board of a wooden cask, plates in the shape of 

an iron knife blade, an iron ring, a bullet, and forged 

iron nails. Wooden ship’s pumps containing similar 

parts were used not only in the 17th century, but as 

late as the end of the 18th century, too (Baines 2008, 

p.91; Catalogue 299). Among the finds, there is a cast 

iron grapeshot ball to be fired from a gun. The iron 

grape found has a distinct cast seam and is 22 to 23 

milimetres in diameter. Similar items are dated to the 

17th (?) and 18th century (Czerepak 2008, p.160; Catalogue 

321). Floor tiles made of stone and ceramics 

were found in the aft part earlier. 

On the basis of the structural parts and finds, the hull 

of Wreck 1 can be dated to the second half of the 17th 

century. A dendrochronological analysis of the ship’s 

two oak frame off-cuts and a pine fragment of a cask 

bottom was carried out. The dating of the analysed 

wood samples was not successful; however, it was 

determined that the oak used for the construction of 

the ship undoubtedly originated from the Baltic region 

(Brazauskas 2009). 

WRECK 2 (W-2) was discovered, researched and measured 

by the author in 1989. W-2 is about three kilometres 

north of Palanga. The hull was at a depth of 2.5 

metres, 150 metres from the shore. The visible part of 

the wrecked sailing vessel was 18 metres in length, and 

about eight metres in beam. The stem rose above the 

sandy floor by up to 0.7 metres. 

The wreck of the hull was marked by frames and occasional 

side planks. The oak frames were around 20 

clinker manner. The first ship with a caravel-construction 

hull was built in 1459 in the Netherlands. In Baltic towns, 

the mass construction of ships with a clinker construction 

hull started as late as the 16th century (Dudszus et al. 

1987, pp.158, 165). 

by 16 centimetres in size, and the outer oak side planks 

were up to six centimetres thick. The side planks were 

joined in the caravel manner. The ship’s structure is 

robust, the spaces between the frames (frame spacing) 

was about 30 centimetres. The ship’s bottom was covered 

with a layer of field stones, that is, ballast. 

Two finds found ashore provided more information 

on Wreck 2. In January 1990, after a storm, two 

ship’s oak planks more than ten metres in length were 

washed on to the beach 260 metres north of the wreck 

of the ship. They were lying next to each other, and 

they were about 70 centimetres in beam and five to 

six centimetres thick. Clear traces attested to the fact 

that the planks had been attached with treenails and 

iron rivets to beams 20 centimetres wide, which were 

arranged every 30 centimetres. It is evident that these 

were planks of the outer side planking. Furthermore, in 

around 1980, a storm washed parts of the ship’s deck, 

beams with remnants of deck boards, on to the beach at 

nearly the same point. These pieces are currently kept 

at the LSM. 

In 2000, 2002 and 2005, the remains of the ship could 

not be traced any longer: they had been covered with 

sand (observation by the author). 

WRECK 3 (W-3). In 1989, a search was carried out for 

the remains of a wooden ship between Palanga central 

rescue station and the pier. 5 According to fishermen’s 

stories, this small ship is like a ghost: she appears and 

then disappears again, that is, she is uncovered and 

then covered up again with sand. During the search, a 

large wooden part, possibly the ship’s prow, was found 

protruding from the sand among stones at a depth of 

three to four metres in a section of washed-out moraine. 

Finds of wooden ship structures serve as proof of more 

than a single ship wrecked off the coast at Palanga. 

During a survey of the sea bed in the vicinity of Palanga 

rescue station (conducted by V. Žulkus in 1989), 

individual pieces of ancient ships were found next 

to stones at a depth of five or six metres. The items 

found were a piece of a frame (?) and an oak jib mast 

(a wooden beam) intended for heaving in the anchor. 

Its length is 1.54 metres, and the cross-section is 10.5 

by eight centimetres. The beam was reinforced with 

iron bands; there are six holes in it made by iron nails. 

At the end of the piece there are two elongated holes, 

next to each other, for hooking in blocks. Judging by 

the size of the structure, the wrecked ship was a smalltonnage 

one. 

5 

Information provided by Jonas Vigelis, the manager of 

Palanga rescue station at the time.

Fig. 4. The remains of W-9 (photograph by V. Žulkus). 

Structures found between Palanga central rescue station 

and the pier, north of W-3, are attributed to another 

ship, Wreck 4 (W-4). North of the structures, there is 

an ancient stocked anchor lying at the same depth. 

WRECK 9 (W-9). A fisherman from Palanga reported 

that he had found the remains of a wooden ship’s hull 

cast ashore after a spring storm in 2002 south of Palanga, 

at Nemirseta. KU BRIAI PTC carried out the initial 

measuring and photographing of the ship’s remains. 

The ship was located at the boundary between the water 

and the sand. The length of the visible part of the 

hull was more than 20 metres, and the measured beam 

of the ship was up to seven metres. The ship was lying 

with her bow pointing to the west, to the waterside, and 

listing to her starboard side. The only parts to appear 

above the sand were the prow and the frames; the latter 

came to 0.7 metres above the sand (Fig. 4). It seems 

that the prow of the ship might have been blunter than 

the stern. A total of 41 port side and 13 starboard side 

oak frames were found. The ship’s prow is composite 

and consists of three oak beams. The fore stem beam 

is 20 centimetres thick (front view) and 19 centimetres 

wide. Behind it there is a beam 22 centimetres thick 

and as much as 43 centimetres wide with lateral rabbets 

for side planks. The third (inner) stem beam is 22 

by 23 centimetres in size. All of them are joined with 

iron nails. The side planks were joined to the stem with 

treenails. Some of the visible port side frames have sophisticated 

rabbets for joining the frames to the futtock 

(Fig. 5, see Plate I). This method employed for joining 

frames is considered to be ‘ancient’ (Dudszus, et al. 

1987, pp. 27ff). All the visible frames are made of oak; 

they are 19 by 13.5, 17 by ten, or 15 by 12 centimetres 

in size, and the frame spacing is six to 19 centimetres. 

The side construction was apparently of the caravel 

type. The ends of two frames are cut off; fishermen 

recall that remains of this ancient ship were washed 

ashore during a hurricane in 1967 too, and at the time 

residents of Palanga cut off several beams of black oak 

wood for their needs. Within two weeks after the survey, 

the remains of the ship were completely covered 

with sand again. Until the autumn of 2001, the wreck 

was concealed. 

Based on specific structures, the estimated time of construction 

of the hull of Wreck 9 is the 16th or the 17th 

century. 

WRECK 12 (W-12). In the port of Klaipėda, in a small 

bay on the side of the Curonian Spit at Kopgalis, are 

the remains of an old berth: two rows of piles with a 

clearance of about 7.5 metres between them. During a 

survey of the berth structures in 2002, the frames of an 

ancient wooden ship were noticed. In 2004, KU BRIAI 

PTC conducted research into these coastal reinforcement 

works, and the remains of W-12 (Žulkus 2006, 

p.319). It was determined that the find in question was 

part of an ancient wooden ship used for the reinforcement 

of the berth, as was often the case from time immemorial. 

The larger part of the ship’s remains is piled 

up with stones; therefore, it is not clear how much of 

the ship has survived, especially when it is not known 

what the size of the ship might have been. 

Five starboard frames are visible among the stones and 

the sand. At medium sea water level, two of them appear 

above the surface of the water; others are slightly 

submerged in the water. A small part of the ship that is 

not piled up with stones apparently belongs to the starboard 

side of the sternpost. The sternpost of the ship 

was apparently rounded. The fore part of the ship is 

not visible: it is either under the sand, under the ‘box’ 

structure of the berth, or it is missing altogether. The 

ship’s beam might have been six to seven metres. 

The spacing between the visible frames of the ship 

is large: the clearance between frames 1 and 2 is 1.9 

metres; the clearance between frames 2 and 3 is 2.45 

metres; between frames 3 and 4, it is 2.7 metres; and 

between frames 4 and 5 a mere 0.75 metres. The frames 

are made of pine, trimmed, and their dimensions are as 

follows: frame 1 is 26 by 22.5 centimetres; frame 3 is 

27 by 26 centimetres. Two planks from the side planking 

were found next to each other between frames 2 

and 3, and five flush side planks had survived between 

frames 3 and 4. The construction of the ship’s hull was 

of the caravel type. The beam of the side planks is 


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Fig. 6. A technical drawing of the preliminary measuring of W-13 (drawn by K. Perminas). 

36 

about 30 centimetres, and the thickness is six to seven 

centimetres. These are apparently oak planks. In the 

plank located between frames 2 and 3, a treenail has 

survived, by which the side plank was attached to the 

frame. No other structures of the ship were found. 

Dendrochronological studies of the wooden reinforcement 

structures of Kopgalis breakwater and the remains 

of the ship (frames 1 and 3) were carried out in 

2004. The pine wood of the ship’s frames was more 

than 70 years old, and three to ten outer rings had been 

hand-trimmed. The structures of Wreck 12 (W-12) 

were dated to the years 1743 to 1748. This means that 

the ship was built after 1748. The wooden structures 

of the coastal reinforcement works were dated to the 

years 1735–1745 (Brazauskas 2009). 

WRECK 13 (W-13). In the spring of 2004, when the 

water was especially clear, the coastal waters were surveyed 

from a boat. A wooden ship’s hull was found off 

Kunigiškiai (between Palanga and Šventoji) in a shoal 

at a distance of about 150 metres from the shore. Local 

fishermen knew nothing about the circumstances or 

the time of a ship sinking. According to them, it was a 

piece of the partly destroyed Palanga pier that had been 

brought to this location by the current after hurricane 

Anatol. Nobody had seen anything here before. 

The remains of the hull of Wreck 13 lie on the sandy 

sea bed at a depth of merely two metres. The ship lies 

in an east-west direction, pointing towards the east, towards 

the coast. In the fore part, W-13 rose above the 

sea bed by ten to 30 centimetres, and in the middle part 

to about 0.5 metres. The stern was exposed to a greater 

degree: about one metre of it protruded from the sea 

bed. Upon finding the remains of the ship, some provisional 

measuring was carried out (by KU BRIAI PTC, 

surveyed by K. Perminas and M. Bučas). 

The length of the visible part of the ship was 15 metres, 

and the maximum beam was 6.3 metres. Thirty-six 

starboard side frames and 52 port side frames could be 

seen. A piece of the stem and small wooden structures 

measuring about five by six centimetres were sticking 

up in the fore part of the ship. Also in the fore part, at 

a distance of about 1.6 metres from the prow, an S- 

shaped frame could be seen on either side; the frames 

were possibly made of solid wood. The spacing is 

about five centimetres until approximately the middle 

of the ship. Further to the end, the frames are nearly 

flush with each other. There are outer and inner side 

planks surviving on the starboard side from frame 8, 

and on the port side from frame 11 (counting from the 

prow). The hull planking is apparently of the caravel 

type. The side planks are attached to the frames with 

treenails; no metal nails were noticed. The stern of the 

ship is rounded, and there are double beams and a large 

number of surviving planks (Fig. 6). In 2005, the ship 

was largely covered up, her prow was not visible, but 

the rudder stock could be seen clearly at the stern. In 

2006 and 2007, the remains of Wreck 13 could not be 

found, as they were totally covered over by sand. 

The dating of the ship and her type are not clear. Undoubtedly, 

it was a sailing vessel, and its construction 

indicates that it should date from the 18th or the 19th 

century. 

WRECK 14 (W-14). On 27 May 2005, during a joint 

mine-clearing operation undertaken by the Lithuanian 

Navy and its Swedish counterpart, the side-scan sonar 

of a Swedish naval vessel detected an unknown sunken 

ship at a depth of 24 metres. The interpretation of the 

sonar data led to the conclusion that the ship ‘had a 

mast and was apparently wooden’. 

In 2005, the ship was inspected by Lithuanian Navy 

divers, and the information was handed over to KU

BRIAI PTC. An expedition undertaken by KU in 2005 

surveyed, videotaped and photographed the remains of 

the ship. Later on, W-14 was inspected by KU PTC and 

amateur divers several times. 

The remains of the sunken wooden Wreck 14 (W-14) 

are located southwest of Palanga; its coordinates are 

55º52’763 N, 20º 57’620 E. The distance between 

W-14 and the shore is 3.7 nautical miles, and between 

W-14 and Palanga 4.5 nautical miles. The sunken ship 

lies in a north-south direction, on an even sandy bed, 

next to a place full of stones of washed-out moraine. 

The accumulation of stones varying in size begins west 

of the ship, by its starboard side. Upon an underwater 

inspection of the ship’s remains, it was ascertained that 

the detected object was the hull of a wooden ship, the 

visible structures and details of which were scattered 

across an area about 30 metres long and 12 metres 

wide. 

Research was carried out on this wreck in 2009 and 

2010. Students from KU and Nicolaus Copernicus 

University (Toruń, Poland; tutor Krzysztof Radka) underwent 

training practice in underwater archaeology 

there. The diving took place from the Brabander, the 

sailing ship of KU. In order to measure the remains and 

details of the ship, a basic measuring grid was marked 

out around it. For this purpose, four reference marks 

with ropes were driven into the sea bed; the ropes 

formed a rectangle 27 metres long and 13 metres wide 

around the remains of the ship. The rectangle was oriented 

to the four points of the compass. 

It was found out that the ship was not broken in two, as 

had previously been believed (Žulkus 2006a, p.420ff); 

only its prow and its stern are decayed, and parts of 

the keel are buried under a layer of sand. Most of the 

structures of the lower part of the hull are located under 

the sand, too. The size of this wooden ship was defined 

more precisely during the research: the length of its 

hull used to be about 27 metres, and the beam about 

seven metres (Fig. 7). 

At the point where the ship’s prow was, four woodenstocked 

anchors and a fallen chain were found. Two of 

the anchors are large, the other two are smaller. One 

of the large anchors is under the sand, and one of the 

smaller anchors is among the cargo. At a distance of 

six metres from the structures of the ship’s bow, there 

is a wooden horizontal windlass (for heaving in the anchor), 

with a wound anchor chain lying on the sea bed 

(Fig. 8, see Plate I). 

The starboard side of the ship has spread out up to 3.5 

metres and lies on the sea bed (Fig. 9). The structures 

of the port side rise up to one metre above the sea bed. 

The ship’s frames are 12 to 17 centimetres in breadth, 

the frame spacing is ten to 16 centimetres, and the 

breadth of the planks of the inner and outer planking 

is ten to 13 centimetres. The construction of the ship’s 

sides is of the caravel type. The starboard side is broken 

off at the points where the frames were attached 

to the futtocks. The tapered ends of the frames and the 

futtocks are joined with treenails about two centimetres 

in diameter. The cross-section of the keelson of 

Wreck 14 is 23 by 24 centimetres. 

A deadeye (made from a single piece of wood, with a 

metal clamp) recovered by amateur divers (its findspot 

is unknown) indicates that the ship had at least one 

mast. Regrettably, the spread-out cargo covers the possible 

locations of the mast (or masts). These locations 

have not yet been found. The ship might have been a 

barge-type vessel. 

The ship contains a cargo of railway lines and wooden 

boxes 65 by 30 by 25 centimetres in size, with places 

for attaching lines to sleepers. The rails are stowed in 

the shape of a ‘well’ by criss-crossing tiers of rails. 

This cargo is 14.8 metres long, 7.5 metres wide, and 

3.95 metres high (part of it, like the bottom of the 

ship’s hull, is still buried in the sand). 

It is evident that the cause of the ship’s sinking was 

the enormous weight of its cargo. When high waves 

all of a sudden appeared, the overloaded ship might 

have taken in water, or the cargo might have slipped 

forward. 

On the basis of historical records, it is believed that 

the ship sank in 1870 or 1871. It is a known fact that 

on 2 February 1870 a steamship brought 20,000 centners 

(1,000t) of railway lines to Klaipėda. They were 

intended for the Liepaja–Kaunas line, the construction 

of which had just started in Russia. In Klaipėda, the 

lines were to be re-loaded and carried to Liepaja by 

other ships (Willoweit 1969, p.291). By 4 September 

1871, the line had already opened as far as Kaišiadorys 

(LE1940, p.1198). The pieces of anchor chain found 

next to the ship and on the windlass do not contradict 

this dating. Anchor chains were widely used on board 

sailing ships instead of ropes from the mid-19th century 

(Sorokin, Stepanov 2009, p.65). 

A ship carrying railway lines sank not far from Palanga. 

The lines loaded on W-14 are 6.21 metres long. 

They are largely disintegrated; therefore, no manufacturer’s 

marks could be found that could help determine 

the place or the time of their production. An attempt to 

date a sample of oak by dendrochronological analysis 

was also unsuccessful. It was determined that the wood 

originated from the Baltic region (Brazauskas 2009). 

WRECK 15 (W-15). In March 2003, the remains of an 

ancient wooden ship were exposed after a storm in the 


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38 

Fig. 7. W-14: a diagram of the ship’s remains (drawn by V. Žulkus and K. Radka).


Fig. 9. The measurements of the starboard side structures of W-14 in 2009 (drawing by V. Žulkus). 

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Fig. 10. The remains of W-15 (drawn by V. Žulkus). 

northern part of Melnragė beach in Klaipėda. The remains 

of Wreck 15 (W-15) had been spotted more than 

once before. In the winter of 1995, a storm exposed part 

of the ship’s hull about nine metres in length. At that 

time, the remains of the ship were inspected by personnel 

of the LSM and photographed (R. Adomavičius, 

D. Elertas). In 2003, a much smaller part of the ship’s 

remains was exposed, and only ten frames appeared 

above the sand and the water. These were apparently 

the remains of the starboard side. The wreck was once 

again photographed and measured (KU BRIAI PTC). 

Two weeks later, the ship’s remains were covered up 

with sand again. 

On the basis of the earlier photographing and measuring 

carried out in 2003, the ship’s structure was partly 

reconstructed (Fig. 10). It is very robust. Over the 

densely arranged frames, there is not only a false keel 

(keelson), but also thick beams about 30 centimetre 

wide arranged on the bottom next to each other; there 

were six of them on the port side. The frames of the opposite 

sides are not joined to each other; they just cross 

at the bottom. There are remains of the bottom parts 

of the frames; the extensions (the top parts) are missing. 

The fact that there had been extensions upwards is 

attested to by openings found in frame 8. The frames 

are joined with treenails 2.8 to three centimetres in diameter 

and iron rods. Oak was used for the frames and 

the joint pins. The dimensions of the frames were as 

follows (in centimetres): 22 by 28; 15 by 30; 18 by 

30; 15 by 30; 15 by 31.5; 18 by 28; 20 by 26. Frame 

39



VLADAS 

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40 

6 is composite, and consists of three oak planks. The 

largest plank (13x25cm) was located in the lower part 

next to the bottom. Two smaller planks (8x10cm and 

8x14cm) were arranged on top of it. The frames are arranged 

very densely, some spaces between the frames 

are a mere five to ten centimetres wide. Frame 8, which 

has been preserved best, shows the original profile of 

the ship’s bottom. 

A 16-by-31-centimetre piece of frame 7 was cut off 

for dendrochronological dating. The sample has been 

dated to the year 1699 (3±7 years), that is, to the very 

beginning of the 18th century (Žulkus 2005). 

WRECK 17 (W-17). In the southern part of Melnragė, 

during a storm in January 2007, the waves washed 

ashore part of a wooden ship’s hull (Fig. 11, see Plate 

II). The ship’s remains were not covered with shells, 

which suggests that the hull had been buried in sand 

until that time. The part of the ship was found lying 

in a north-south direction along the shoreline with its 

keel upwards. 

The length of the surviving part of the ship is 18 metres. 

The part of the surviving side facing the sea was up to 

3.5 metres in beam, and the side facing the coast was 

about three metres in beam; the planks of the planking 

of this side are disintegrated to a greater degree: 

22 frames are exposed. Only a smaller part of the keel 

10.8 metres in length has survived. The keel is made of 

oak, is 31 centimetres high, and 27 centimetres wide. 

The northern tip of the keel is broken off, whereas the 

southern tip at the point where the hull gets narrower 

ends in a lock joint: another part of the keel was 

joined here. At that point, the frames are arranged more 

densely, frame to frame. The frames are 28 centimetres 

in beam, and 32 centimetres in height. The frame spacing 

is about 30 centimetres. On both sides of the keel, 

oak planks 27 centimetres wide and eight centimetres 

wide are pressed to the keel, one plank on either side. 

Further on, starting with the second plank, the hull 

is made from pine planks about 25 centimetres wide 

and eight centimetres thick, which are attached to the 

frames with treenails and iron nails. The bottom planks 

are arranged in two layers; the total thickness of the 

bottom is 16 centimetres. The planks of the sacrificial 

planking are fastened with nails diagonally to the main 

bottom planks. The southern tip of the hull is tapered: 

the third, fourth and fifth planks taper from 25 to 20 

centimetres, and eight to 20 centimetres in width respectively. 

In the spring of 2007, the remains of the ship were 

dragged ashore closer to the breakwater, whereas at the 

end of June they were already nearly completely covered 

by sand. The hull disintegrated continuously, and 

by the end of 2009 only a small part of it had survived. 

This piece has been relocated to the LSM. When the 

remains of the hull were being relocated to the LSM, 

the keelson and the longitudinal beams on both sides of 

it could be seen on the inner side of the bottom. There 

were three of them on one side, and two on the other 

side. 

We have few indications for dating the remains of 

Wreck W-17. The reinforcement of the part of the hull 

located next to the keel with sacrificial planking indicates 

that the ship should be dated to not earlier than 

the 18th century (Ossowski 2008, p.135ff). 

The piece probably belongs to a ship built in the 19th 

century or even in the early 20th century, namely the 

remnants of the motor sailing ship Grisslan (Grissland, 

Grislan), which sank in 1924 while carrying barrels 

of cement from Gotland (LCVA, F.386, Ap. 1, B 

444, l. 162, 206; Adomavičius 2007). The owner of the 

ship was Joh. Heinz, a Hamburg-based company. Written 

sources mention that it was ‘an old wooden’ (other 

sources indicate that the ship was built in Sweden in 

1919) 350-tonne motor sailing ship, which sank in the 

very fairway about 400 metres northwest of the northern 

breakwater at a depth of six to eight metres. On 4 

and 5 June a storm completely destroyed its hull and 

broke its sides into pieces, and parts of the ship were 

scattered along the coast (Klaipėdos žinios 20.4.1924, 

No. 89; 14.6. 1924, No. 108; 24.6.1924, No. 116; 

Adomavičius 2007). The hull reinforced with beams 

along the keelson might serve as proof that it was indeed 

a motor sailing ship. 

WRECK 18 (W-18). The remains of this wooden ship 

were found in 2007 during sonar scanning of the sea 

bed south of the entrance to the port of Klaipėda off 

Smiltynė. The side-scan sonar detected an object about 

13.5 metres in length at a depth of 11 metres. During 

an initial underwater survey, the surviving part, about 

16 metres in length, of a wooden ship’s hull was found. 

The hull lies with its bottom up in an east-west direction, 

and it is partly covered with sand. The beam of 

the visible part is about three metres. Nineteen frames 

with planks of a caravel-type hull over them were distinct. 

Eleven bottom planks are visible. They are 22 to 

24 centimetres (another is 18cm) wide, and five to six 

centimetres thick. The planks taper at the eastern end; 

it is here that one of the undefined ends of the ship 

begins. The frames are about 16 to 18 centimetres by 

28 to 30 centimetres in size. The spacing of the frames 

is approximately 16 centimetres, and in other places 

about eight centimetres; in some places, the frames are 

double. The side planks are attached to the frames with 

oak treenails and large iron nails. Two weeks later, after 

a small storm, the ship’s hull was already largely 

covered up with sand (Žulkus 2008, p.530).

Fig. 12. A photograph of W-23 obtained by side-scan sonar 

in 2010 (by M. Zakarauskas). 

WRECK 23 (W-23). The remains of a ship were 

found in the spring of 2010 during a joint expedition 

by KU PTC and the Hydrographic Service of Lithuania, 

scanning the sea bed from the vessel Varūna. A 

ship’s hull was detected at a depth of 36 to 37 metres, 

and at a distance of 7.5 nautical miles from the shore 

off Juodkrantė. A sonar photograph (Fig. 12) shows a 

piece of a ship approximately 38 metres in length and 

14 metres in beam. During an initial underwater survey 

(KU PTC), it was ascertained that this was part of a relatively 

well-preserved wooden ship’s hull. Provisional 

measurements were taken. The ship is resting on its 

keel, listing to the port side. There are some surviving 

parts of the deck. The ship is deep in sand: the structures 

of its starboard side rise above the sea bed by a 

mere 30 centimetres, while the edge of its port side is 

completely invisible at some points. The stern is under 

the sand, too. The frames of the ship’s starboard side 

are 25 to 26 centimetres wide, and the frame spacing is 

16 to 20 centimetres. Two broken wooden masts were 

found. The main mast is located at a distance of 30 

metres from the ship’s bow; its diameter is 32 centimetres. 

The mast is broken at a height of 2.5 metres above 

the deck, and the broken part leans on one side. On 

the mast, there is a massive surviving bracket fastened 

with six rivets; it has an eye for hooking in the sail 

boom. Part of this mast with the structures of a metal 

top lies on the sea bed next to the port side of the ship. 

At a distance of about 6.5 metres from the main mast, 

towards the stern, are the remains of a thinner mizzen 

stay. The broken fragment of the mast rises above 

the deck up to 1.5 metres, and it also has a bracket for 

hooking in the sail boom. No remains of the foremast 

were found. There is the metal coamings frame of a 

quadrangular hatch lying next to the port side at a distance 

of about 12 metres from the ship’s bow (it can 

be seen in the sonar photograph). There are iron rings 

intended for fastening the sails to the mast scattered 

in the ship’s fore part. The rings are 25 centimetres in 

diameter and made from an iron rod 1.6 centimetres in 

diameter. Passing through these rings are smaller rings 

8.2 centimetres in diameter, which used to be fastened 

to the sail loops. Judging by the size of the rings, the 

foremast might have been approximately 21 centimetres 

in diameter. 

On the basis of the existing information, we can draw 

the conclusion that the ship in question was a threemast 

barque. Its length might have been approximately 

52 metres, and the beam 10.5 to 11 metres. A threemast 

barque used to be a very popular type of merchant 

vessel in the 19th century. The tonnage would be 120 

to 300 lasts (240–600t). In the second half of the 19th 

century, three-mast barks of about 500 BRT tonnage 

were the most common (Dudszus et al. 1987, pp.13, 

52). 

The dates when the ship was constructed and sank are 

not clear. According to the information available, the 

ship could be dated to the 19th century, most likely to 

the second half of the century. The metal top structures, 

as well as the sail boom fastening arrangements typical 

of the Modern Age, support the dating of the ship 

to this period (cf. Dudszus et al. 1987, pp.32, 34). Attempts 

to link the find to any disaster known from written 

sources have not yet been successful. Around 1,000 

or more ships would call at and depart from the port 

of Klaipėda annually; in the last decades of the 19th 

century, most of these ships were still sailing ships 

(Willoweit 1969, pp.375, 398, 399). Information on 

sunken vessels, especially those that sank in the open 

sea, is very fragmentary. In the sea chart of ships that 

were wrecked and sank off the Prussian coast between 

1857 and 1864, there is a sunken ship marked at the 

same latitude as W-23; however, that ship sank in the 

open sea, and at a much greater distance from the coast 

(Karte der Schiffbrüche). 

Discussion: The possibilities 

for dating and identifying wooden 

shipwrecks 

Dating wrecked and sunken wooden ship hulls is usually 

complicated. Wrecks can be approximately dated 

on the basis of their structural features; however, 

in most cases, only parts of wrecks found in coastal 

waters survive; ships found under water are covered 

with sand, some of them lie with their bottoms up, and 

thus their structures can only be partly identified. Detailed 

studies of known wooden wrecks W-1 and W-14, 


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42 

which rest on their keels, have just commenced; other 

wrecks, such as W-13 and W-23, have only been surveyed 

provisionally. Furthermore, in most cases, the 

structural peculiarities allow for a highly approximate 

dating only. The reason for this is the wide diversity of 

shipbuilding traditions. There used to be a large number 

of shipyards, and the ships built, especially in small 

yards, did not necessarily reflect the structural trends 

in shipbuilding that prevailed at the time and were dictated 

by the shipbuilders of major sea powers. 

A more accurate date of a shipwreck can be determined 

on the basis of the finds that archaeologists usually find 

inside the vessel, that is, traditional household articles 

used by the people travelling on board the ship. The 

set of finds found inside sunken ships is usually quite 

limited (sometimes sunken ships are called ‘time capsules’); 

therefore, finds can be dated quite precisely, 

by applying the usual comparative method. This dating 

method requires the availability of a sufficiently 

large number of characteristic articles, which can only 

be recovered during detailed studies. Under water, 

especially at greater depths, studies like this are carried 

out comparatively rarely. Lithuanian underwater 

archaeologists use this possibility for dating only to a 

limited extent. 

Historical data can provide accurate information about 

the time and circumstances of a shipwreck, the type of 

ship, its story, cargo and crew; however, this is possible 

only upon identification of the wreck. More often 

than not, identification is impossible, especially in 

cases when the ship is badly damaged or has not been 

sufficiently studied. A few dozen historical references 

mention ships wrecked in Lithuania’s coastal waters. 

These include some ten to 20 references indicating the 

approximate location of a shipwreck, the ship’s name, 

tonnage, origin, cargo and other details; however, not 

a single one of the 11 wrecks mentioned in this article 

has been identified. This means that we cannot link any 

of the known wrecks to an actual ship mentioned in 

written sources. 

Wooden ships provide numerous possibilities for dendrochronological 

dating; however, positive results are 

not instantly obtained in all cases. There are several 

reasons for this: 

• The wood used for building ships would undergo 

intensive treatment; more often than not, the wood 

samples taken do not contain alburnum, and the 

sizes of wood samples received for dendrochronological 

analysis are usually small. Dating is 

possible only when a group of rings of trees that 

grew simultaneously is available, because only in 

that case are the general wood increment trends 

revealed. Such groups can be formed for the wood 

of the ship being studied only when a large number 

of samples are available. Errors in the dendrochronological 

dating of an individual ship’s structures 

are impermissibly wide (Brazauskas 2009). 

• The ships wrecked in Lithuania’s coastal waters 

lie at shallow depths, and, due to this, the wooden 

structures that have survived on the sea bed have 

largely been smoothed over by the currents and by 

the sand. Therefore, even in wood that has hardly 

been processed, the last rings are missing, and accurate 

dating is not possible. 

Along with dating, dendrochronological analysis allows 

for the identification of the region where the 

timber was felled (the ‘dendroprovenancing’ method) 

(Brazauskas 2009), and this should allow for the 

identification of the region where the ship was built. 

This possibility is also limited, and can be used nearly 

unconditionally only for the Early Middle Ages. In 

later times, especially during the Modern Age, when 

shipbuilding reached a high level of sophistication, 

shipyards in various countries used more and more imported 

timber, and any attempt to identify the location 

of the shipyard on the basis of the place of origin of the 

wood may result in more confusion than clarity. For 

several centuries, Klaipėda was an exporter of timber 

for use in shipbuilding; therefore, the data given below 

might be of use to underwater archaeologists in other 

countries. 

As the timber suitable for building ships ran short in 

the major coastal cities of the Baltic Sea and the North 

Sea, the search for timber began in more remote regions. 

High-quality processed oak for shipbuilding 

was carried from east Baltic Sea coastal areas via the 

ports of Klaipėda and Königsberg to German and other 

ports as early as the 15th century (Willoweit 1969, 

pp.146, 147, 357; Groth 1996, p.48). At first, the forests 

of East Prussia were exploited. Between 1454 and 

1466, several kinds of timber felled in Sambian forests 

were shipped from Klaipėda (Zurkalowski 1906, 

p.49ff). Later on, timber was searched for in the border 

areas of Lithuania; this way, eight sorts of timber and 

wooden articles were brought to Gdańsk from Lithuania 

in 1473 (Forstreuter 1931, p.90). 

In the 16th century, the demand for high-quality timber 

increased, and shipbuilders looked for it all over 

Eastern Europe. In 1540 and 1541, timber was carried 

by ship from Memel (Klaipėda) to Lübeck and Holland 

(Zurkalowski 1909, p.86). In 1586 and 1587, the 

Baltic Sea was ‘crowded with British ships’, searching 

for hemp, pitch, tar and timber for naval preparations 

against the coming Spanish attempt at invasion. 

Klaipėda (Memel) was among the ports visited by 

ships from Hull, too. Lithuanian timber, as well as tim-

er from the vicinities of the Daugava, was shipped 

from this port (Davis 1964, pp.11, 12). In the 16th 

century, Lithuanian timber would be brought by raft 

to Königsberg and Klaipėda from the forests in the 

middle reaches of the River Nemunas, and later on, in 

the 17th century, from the forests growing upstream 

from Kaunas and as far as Grodno, Minsk and Vilnius 

(Forstreuter 1931, p.90). 

In the 18th century, the demand for timber used in 

shipbuilding increased further. Lithuania’s wasteland 

forests became a major source of trees felled for ships’ 

masts. Historical data, albeit fragmentary, indicates 

the extraordinary scale of the trade in timber intended 

for shipbuilding. Between 1728 and 1745, 456 masts 

were shipped from Klaipėda by sea (Sembritzki 1926, 

p.233). From 1743, Klaipėda merchants were granted 

the privilege to sell timber directly. Masts would reach 

France and Spain via Dutch brokers (Roerdansz 1792, 

p.87ff). Although timber from the vicinity of Klaipėda 

was more suitable for shipbuilding than timber from 

Prussian forests, from the 18th century timber felled in 

more remote areas of Prussia and timber brought from 

Lithuania had to be processed in Klaipėda. During the 

War of American Independence (1776–1783), Prussian 

timber would be carried as far as America (Roerdansz 

1792, p.87; Willoweit 1969, pp.112, 114, 253, 358, 

360-361). In 1791, large quantities of masts for large 

and small ships, as well as bowsprits and supports, 

were shipped from Klaipėda. Oak beams and planks 

were also shipped; there are mentions of wood for 

bulkheads, too (Roerdansz 1792, pp.100, 151). 

After 1760, British merchants rediscovered Klaipėda. 

A total of 831 ships departed from Klaipėda in 1788, 

and as many as 562 of them were from Great Britain 

(Roerdansz 1792, p. 199). In 1792, even more British 

ships, as many as 756, mostly in ballast, visited 

Klaipėda to load up with balks and beams from the forests 

of the Lithuanian hinterland (Kirby 1990, p.366). 

There is also more exact data on ships that carried timber 

from Klaipėda in the late 18th century. On 14 January 

1793, the ship Bedford arrived at Kings Lynn with 

a cargo of timber from Klaipėda. British ships would 

usually sail to Klaipėda without any commodities on 

board, in ballast, because their aim was to bring home 

timber. In the spring of 1793, the sailing ship Unanimity 

sailed in ballast from Kings Lynn to Klaipėda. It 

came back on 20 May of the same year with timber 

on board. A week later, on the 28th, this ship sailed in 

ballast again to Klaipėda. Another piece of information 

on the Unanimity, which again arrived from Klaipėda 

with a cargo of timber, dates from 8 October 1793. In 

the summer of 1793, the ship Jane brought timber and 

deal from Klaipėda to the port of Wisbech. Another 

ship, the Sally, also arrived from Klaipėda with a cargo 

of timber at Boston (The Baltic Trade). In the second 

half of the 18th century, up to 11 sorts of timber were 

shipped from Klaipėda (Roerdansz 1792, p.199). 

In the 19th century, even larger quantities of timber 

intended for shipbuilding were shipped, and only war 

would temporarily disrupt this trade, which was highly 

profitable for Klaipėda. The annual number of ships 

calling at and departing from Klaipėda would be close 

to and sometimes even exceed a thousand. In 1856, 

for instance, 883 ships from 12 countries called at the 

port (Hartmann 1978, p.11), and 862 ships departed 

from it, including 620 ships sailing to Britain. Between 

1857 and 1860, between 559 and 590 ships sailed 

from Klaipėda to Britain every year (Sembritzki 1902, 

p.86). In 1874, 1,301 ships sailed from Klaipėda; 1,108 

of them were carrying timber (Sembritzki 1902, p.85). 

Written data indicates that Prussian and Lithuanian 

timber was widely used in the shipyards of different 

countries, and for various ship’s structures. Therefore, 

the ascription of wood that has undergone a dendrochronological 

analysis to the Prussian or Lithuanian 

region does not imply that the ship was in fact built in 

Klaipėda (Memel), Königsberg, Gdańsk or other coastal 

cities of East Prussia or the Duchy of Courland . 6 

Besides, the structures of a ship were not homogenous 

in terms of the use of wood. Different sorts of wood 

were used for different parts of a ship. Furthermore, in 

view of the short supply of high-quality timber, individual 

parts of a ship’s hull would be built of wood of 

the same sort, but of differing quality. For example, in 

the middle of the 19th century, oak from the vicinity of 

Gdańsk was used in ships’ bottoms, for decks and for 

the internal structures of the hull. For a ship’s sides, 

oak shipped from Klaipėda was used, since its quality 

was higher than that of Gdańsk oak, and as good as 

timber from Britain or southern Europe (Litwin 2003, 

p.60). 

In the course of searching for, registering and studying 

sunken and wrecked ancient wooden ships, we cannot 

avoid the issue of the preservation of their remains. At 

present, the preservation of the hulls of wooden ships 

that are classified as being part of the maritime heritage 

is most adverse. The fate of the remains of Wreck 17 

serves as an illustration for this statement. At the end 

of 2009, only a small piece of the hull that had been 

washed ashore in 2007 was taken to a museum; most 

of it was destroyed by human activity and the waves. 

The conservation and display of wooden hulls is very 

complicated and costly. I believe that hulls that are located 

in the shoals, being destroyed by the waves or 

6 

In the 17th century, ships were built in three ports in the 

Duchy of Courland (Pētersons 1995, p.33). 


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which have been cast ashore, could be preserved and 

displayed under water, by moving them to a depth of 

15 to 18 metres, where they would not be exposed to 

the stronger currents and waves. The remains of ships 

protected from destruction and concentrated in a single 

location could be an object of further study and underwater 

studies; this would make their protection easier, 

too. 

While discussions are under way as to how to protect 

underwater finds, first and foremost ships sunk during 

different historical periods, in line with the requirements 

of the Unesco Convention on the Underwater 

Cultural Heritage ratified by Lithuania, sunken ships 

now and then become the targets of looting. Due to the 

danger that the underwater heritage is exposed to, we 

have to avoid mentioning the coordinates of finds and 

some information on the underwater heritage in documents 

and publications. It goes without saying that this 

fact limits the possibilities for the exchange of information 

and scientific knowledge. 


The Baltic Trade Using the Ports of Boston, Hull and Wisbech, 

Grimsby, Kings Lynn Extracted from 18th-Century 

Newspaper Records. Stamford Mercury. A manuscript by 

Teodora Morkūnienė. 2003. 

Published sources 

Bericht über Handel und Schiffahrt im Memelgebiet für den 

Jahr 1920. Memel, 1921, 77-78. 

Codex epistolaris - Codex epistolaris Vitoldi magni ducis 

Lithuaniae (1376–1430), ed. A. Prochaska. Cracoviae, 

1882. 

Consignation (report on ships calling at Klaipėda). Lithuanian 

Sea Museum, 4j.143 (1-3). 

Karte der Schiffbrüche u. Strandungen an der Preussischen 

Ostseeküste in den Jahren 1857 bis 1864. Auf Veranlassung 

des Vereins zur Rettung Schiffbrüchiger in Stettin. 

LEK – Liv-, Est- und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch. Abt. 1. 

Bd. 1. Aalen, 1967. 

Materialen zur Schiffswerft Lindenau; Zeitschrift Strandgut 

10/1985: Schiffahrt im Memelgebiet. INK. NA. P 1.1/15. 

PETRAS DUSBURGIETIS. Prūsijos žemės kronika. In: Lituanistinė 

biblioteka. Vilnius 1985. 

Regesta - Regesta historico-diplomatica Ordinis S. Mariae 

Theutonicorum 1198–1525. (Hrg. Joachim E., Hubatsch 

W). Pars I: Regesta zum Ordensbriefarchiv. Vol. 3 1511– 

1525. Göttingen, 1973. 

44 

Abbreviations 

ATL – Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje. Vilnius from 

1967. (Archaeological investigations in Lithuania). 

BRIAI – Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology 

INK. NA. – Institut Nordostdeutsches Kulturwerk. Nordostdeutsches 

Archiv. Lüneburg 

KU – Klaipėda University 

LCVA – Lithuanian Central State Archive 

LEK – Liv-, Est- und Kurländishesches Urkundenbuck 

LSM – Lithuanian Sea Museum 

MD – Memeler Dampfboot 

PTC – Underwater Exploration Centre 

References 

Manuscripts 

ADOMAVIčIUS, R. Information collected by R. 

Adomavičius (LSM). 

BITINAS, A., ALEKSA, P., DAMUŠyTė, A., GULBINS- 

KAS, S., JARMALAVIčIUS, D., KUZAVINIS, M., 

MINKEVIčIUS, V., PUPIENIS, D., TRIMONIS, E., 

ŠEčKUS, R., ŽAROMSKIS, R., ŽILINSKAS, G. Ataskaita 

už projektą. Baltijos jūros Lietuvos krantų geologinis 

atlasas. Lietuvos geologijos tarnyba. Vilnius, 2004. 

BRAZAUSKAS, M., 2009. Nuskendusių laivų medinių 

konstrukcijų datavimas dendrochronologiniu metodu. 

The South Baltic Cross-Border Co-operation Programme 

2007–2013 “SeaSide – Developing excellent cultural destinations 

in the southern Baltic area”. Klaipėda. 

Merseburg – Photocopies of documents from the Merseburg 

Archive, LSM. 

Literature 

ADOMAVIčIUS, R., 2000. Kam nuskambėjo Lloido varpas. 

Jūra (a supplement to the Klaipėda daily), 2000/27 (329). 

ADOMAVIčIUS, R., 2007. Audringa Baltija primena praeitį. 

Jūra (a supplement to the Klaipėda daily), 9.2.2007. 

BAINES, S., 2008. The history of the General Carleton, and 

of some of those connected with her. In: W. OSSOWSKI, 

ed. The General Carleton Shipwreck, 1785. Gdańsk, 65- 

94. 

BALčIUS, M., 1999. Elija ir Būtingė. In: V. ŽULKUS, ed. 

Palangos istorija. Klaipėda, 193-216. 

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tyrimai. In: ATL 2004 metais. Vilnius, 317-319. 

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Baltijos jūroje. In: ATL 2005 metais. Vilnius, 420-421. 

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In: ATL 2007 metais. Vilnius, 528-531. 

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Hailigenau-Šventoji und die Fremden Schiffer im Lichte 

historischer und archäologischer Forschung. In: Maritime 

Archäologie heute. Rostock, 160-176. 

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Danziger und Rigaer Bucht zur Zeit Wulfstans. Wulfstan’s 

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shipboard. Maritime Culture of the North. 2. Roskilde, 

198-204. 

Received: 29 November 2010; Revised: 13 December 2010; 

Accepted: 28 December 2010. 

Vladas Žulkus 

Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology 

Klaipėda University 

Herkaus Manto street 84, 

LT-92294 Klaipėda, Lithuania 

E-mail: vladas.zulkus@ku.lt 

LIETUVOS PAKRANTėSE 

SUDUŽĘ LAIVAI 

VLADAS ŽULKUS 

Santrauka 

1989–2010 m. Lietuvos Baltijos pajūryje, priekrantėje 

tarp Būtingės ir Klaipėdos, bei jūroje buvo registruota 

vienuolika medinių laivų korpusų radimviečių. Laivai 

išlikę labai nevienodai – vienų korpusų yra tik nedideli 

fragmentai, kiti išlikę visu ilgiu ir pločiu, yra ir laivas, 

nuskendęs su kroviniu. Šie radiniai yra labai skirtingose 

vietose: vienų korpusų fragmentai buvo audrų išmesti 

į krantą, kiti rasti paplūdimiuose po smėliu, kai 

kurie guli priekrantėje vos 2–3 m gylyje, vieno medinio 

laivo dalis yra panaudota krantinei sutvirtinti, dar 

kiti nuskendę 11–37 m gylyje. Medinių laivų korpusai 

buvo rasti įvairiais būdais: apie pakrantėje esančias 

audrų atplautas laivų liekanas pranešė žvejai, paplūdimiuose 

dirbantys gelbėtojai, poilsiautojai; kai kurie 

radiniai aptikti žvalgant seklumas iš lėktuvo, nuo vandens 

paviršiaus ir po vandeniu. Giliau nuskendę laivai 

buvo aptikti šoninės apžvalgos sonaru (angl. side scan 

sonar) įvairiais tikslais tyrinėjant jūros dugną (moksli- 


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UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

45



VLADAS 

ŽULKUS 

46 

nių, mokslinių taikomųjų tyrimų metu, atliekant dugno 

gylių matavimus, karinių išminavimo operacijų metu). 

Datavimo ir identifikavimo problemos 

Visus straipsnyje aprašomus laivus apžiūrėjo, provizorinius 

matavimus atliko, nufotografavo bei vaizdo 

kamera nufilmavo ir suregistravo Klaipėdos universiteto 

Baltijos regiono istorijos ir archeologijos instituto 

Povandeninių tyrimų centro archeologai. 

Netiesioginiai, tačiau neabejotini laivybos rytinėse 

Baltijos pakrantėse įrodymai yra Lietuvos pajūrio 

gyventojų ryšiai su Baltijos jūros salų ir vakarinių 

pakrančių gyventojais nuo VI a. po Kr. Tarp 900 ir 

1000 metų rytinėje Baltijos pakrantėje yra buvę bent 

keli kuršių tolimosios prekybos centrai. XII–XIII a. 

laivyba palei rytines Baltijos pakrantes jau buvo gana 

aktyvi: skandinavų vikingų laivai per Kuršių lagūną 

pakildavo aukštyn Nemunu, o kuršių piratai kontroliavo 

Baltijos jūros rytinę dalį ir plėšikavo Danijos bei 

Švedijos pakrantėse (Žulkus, 2004; Žulkus, Bertašius, 

2009). Lietuvos vandenyse kol kas nerasta nei vikingų 

laikotarpiu, nei viduramžiais nuskendusių laivų, todėl 

ir žinių apie tai, kaip atrodė XI–XIII a. kuršių laivai, 

deja, dar neturime. 

Nors rašytinių šaltinių žinios yra nenuoseklios, faktų 

apie Lietuvos pakrantes nusiaubusius uraganus, 

nuskendusius, į pakrančių seklumas sudužusius ir 

pakrantėn išmestus laivus yra kelios dešimtys. Seniausios 

žinios siekia XIV a. pradžią. Iš viso straipsnyje 

pateikiami 25 istoriniuose šaltiniuose paminėti laivų 

sudužimo ir nuskendimo atvejai. Povandeninių archeologinių 

tyrimų metu nuodugniai išžvalgyta vienuolika 

nuskendusių laivų, fiksuota jų dabartinė būklė. Datuoti 

sudužusių ir nuskendusių medinių laivų korpusus dažniausiai 

yra sudėtinga. Apytikriai mediniai laivai gali 

būti datuojami pagal konstrukcijos ypatybes, tačiau 

nemaža dalis sudužusių laivų pakrantėje yra išlikę tik 

fragmentiškai, po vandeniu esantys laivai yra užnešti 

smėliu, kai kurie jų guli dugnu aukštyn, todėl laivo 

konstrukcija yra atpažįstama tik fragmentiškai. Ant 

kilio stovintys žinomi mediniai nuskendę laivai W-1 

ir W-14 dar tik pradėti detaliau tyrinėti, kiti – W-13, 

W-23 – žvalgyti tik paviršutiniškai. Be to, konstrukcinės 

ypatybės dažniausiai leidžia datuoti tik labai 

apytikriai. To priežastis yra didelė laivų statybos tradicijų 

įvairovė. Laivų statyklų yra buvę labai daug, jose 

pastatyti laivai, ypač mažose statyklose, nebūtinai atspindėdavo 

to laikotarpio laivų statybos konstrukcines 

madas, kurias diktavo didžiųjų jūrinių valstybių laivų 

statytojai. Mediniai laivai teikia daug galimybių dendrochronologiniam 

datavimui, tačiau ne visada iš karto 

gaunami geri rezultatai. Priežastys yra kelios: 

Mediena laivų statybai būdavo smarkiai apdorojama, 

paimti medienos pavyzdžiai dažniausiai neturi balanos, 

o dendrochronologiniams tyrimams gautų medienos 

bandinių skalės būna trumpos. Datuoti galima tik 

turint vienu metu augusių medžių rievių skalių grupę, 

nes tik tada išryškėja bendros medienos prieaugio tendencijos. 

Lietuvos pakrantėse sudužę laivai esti nedideliuose 

gyliuose, dėl to medinės konstrukcijos, kurios 

išliko virš jūros dugno, yra smarkiai apgludintos bangų 

ir srovių nešamo smėlio. Todėl net ir mažai apdorotoje 

medienoje neišlieka paskutinės rievės, todėl neįmanoma 

datuoti tiksliai. 

Dendrochronologinis tyrimų metodas, be datų nustatymo, 

teikia galimybę nustatyti miško kirtimo regioną. 

Ši galimybė taip pat yra ribota ir tinka beveik besąlygiškai 

tik ankstyviesiems viduramžiams. Vėlesniais 

laikais, ypač naujaisiais amžiais, labai išsivysčius laivų 

statybai, įvairių kraštų laivų statyklose vis plačiau pradėta 

naudoti importuota mediena, ir bandymai nustatyti 

laivo statybos vietą pagal medienos kilmės vietą 

gali sukelti daugiau painiavos nei aiškumo. Klaipėda 

kelis šimtmečius buvo miško medžiagos, skirtos laivų 

statybai, eksportuotoja, todėl straipsnyje pateikti duomenys 

gali būti aktualūs įvairių šalių povandeniniams 

archeologams. 

Ieškant, registruojant ir tyrinėjant sudužusius ir nuskendusius 

senovinius medinius laivus negalima apeiti 

jų liekanų išsaugojimo problemos. Šiuo metu jūriniam 

kultūros paveldui priskiriami medinių laivų korpusai 

yra saugomi blogiausiai. Tai iliustruoja laivo 17 (W- 

17) liekanų likimas. 2009 m. pabaigoje į muziejų buvo 

nugabentas tik mažas fragmentas 2007 m. pakrantėn 

išmesto korpuso, didesnė dalis buvo išardyta žmonių ir 

jūros bangų. Medinių laivų korpusų konservavimas ir 

eksponavimas yra labai sudėtingas ir brangus. Seklumose 

esančius ir bangų ardomus bei į krantą išmestus 

laivų korpusus būtų galima išsaugoti ir eksponuoti po 

vandeniu, perkėlus juos į 15–18 m gylį, kur nėra didesnių 

srovių ir bangų poveikio. Nuo suirimo apsaugotos 

laivų liekanos, sutelktos vienoje vietoje, galėtų būti 

tolesnių studijų ir povandeninio turizmo objektas, tai 

palengvintų ir jų apsaugą.

THE RESULTS OF UNDERWATER EXCAVATIONS 

AT SERTEYA II, AND RESEARCH 

INTO PILE-DWELLINGS IN NORTHWEST RUSSIA 

ANDREY MAZURKEVICH, EKATERINA DOLBUNOVA, 

YOLAINE MAIGROT, DARIA HOOKK 

Abstract 

In the Middle to Late Neolithic, pile-dwellings existed in Russia only in the Dnepr-Dvina basin and in the European region, in 

the Alpine zone, and probably in the western Baltic region. Investigations of sites in the Dnepr-Dvina region with underwater 

excavation methods have been conducted since the 1970s. The history of the development of these methods is presented here. 

The preliminary results of complex investigations of the Serteya II site are also covered in this article. An analysis of the 

remains of fauna, palynological analysis, and traceological analysis of bone tools, and modelling with GIS-technologies, allowed 

us to recreate the economic activities of the inhabitants of the Serteya II settlement. It had a complex character: it was a 

hunter-gatherer economy that existed alongside a small productive economy. The latter probably had a prestigious character, 

and did not play a significant role in the economy of ancient people. A comparison of data from typo-technological pottery 

inquiries with dendrochronological and radiocarbon dates allowed the determination of peculiarities of the material culture of 

every construction, and the distinguishing elements of local and newly arrived cultures. An analysis of types of wood allowed 

us to determine the areas of their origin, and to understand when and from what kind of forest repairs were made. Research 

shows that further investigation in this region will lead to uncovering other pile-dwellings. 

Key words: Middle and Late Neolithic, pile-dwellings, underwater archaeology, pottery technology, GIS-technology, traceology, 

dendrochronology. 

Introduction 

The Serteya II site is situated on the small River 

Serteyka, a left tributary of the River West Dvina in the 

Smolensk region (Fig. 1, see Plate III). Lake-glacial 

lowlands and fluvioglacial plains are mostly widespread 

in the upper reaches of the West Dvina. Their 

formation is connected with the reflux of slushy glacial 

water that carried away sandy-clastic material from the 

edge of a receding glacier (San’ko 1987, pp.122, 133). 

These areas, which are associated with glacial lake areas 

where lakes were formed in the Holocene, are rich 

in archaeological sites. They form districts that have 

been given the name of archaeological micro-regions 

(Serteya, Usviaty, Zhizhitsja, Sennica). 

The Serteya micro-region is situated in a valley in the 

shape of a canyon that was formed as a result of the 

activity of the Dvinsko-Kasplyansky tongue, a feature 

of the Lovat lobe, inside morainic formations. Consequently, 

there is not a flattened and smooth relief that 

is characteristic of areas of glacial lakes where the Usviaty 

and Sennica micro-regions are situated (Fig. 1, 

6, see Plate III). The Serteya micro-region constituted 

of a chain of palaeolakes joined by rivers in the Early 

and Middle Holocene. The glacial lake was located in 

a long (up to 4km) and narrow (200 to 600m) valley, 

occupied now by the Serteya peatbog. Its shores were 

covered with coarse-grained sand and pebbles, and a 

layer of aleurite formed on the bottom. Gyttja began to 

accumulate in the Holocene. Pile-dwellings appeared 

here at this time (Miklyaev 1982, p.25). 

In 1972, during explorations of the River Serteyka, the 

Serteya II and Serteya I settlements were discovered. 

A trench was dug along the left shore of an artificial 

channel. Two cultural layers were found in the trench: 

the upper one (A) a sandy lens, and the lower one (B) 

was in the layer of gyttja, with material from Middle 

Neolithic Usviaty culture. The excavations were very 

difficult to carry out, because of the high water content 

of the peat bog. Liquid gyttja was squeezed out from 

the trench walls due to the weight of the overlying layers, 

and they flooded the already cleaned parts. In the 

end, the excavation walls collapsed (Miklyaev 1982, 

p.20ff). These excavations showed that it would be 

better to investigate the site using underwater archaeological 

methods. 

Methods of excavation 

The discovery of peat bog sites in 1963, and their excavation, 

immediately raised the question of improving 

excavation methods. The search to develop methods 

continued all the time, and led to the development of 

3D methods of excavation on the Rudnya Serteya site 


II 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

47

ANDREY 

MAZURKEVICH, 

EKATERINA 

DOLBUNOVA, 

YOLAINE MAIGROT, 

DARIA HOOKK 

The Results of 

Underwater Excavations 

at Serteya II, 

and Research into 

Pile-Dwellings 

in Northwest Russia 

Fig. 2. The location of pile-dwellings on Lake Sennica (Pskov region). A 3D reconstruction of the relief, with palaeolakes, 

at the end of the fourth to the third millennium BC (1m contour interval) (E. Dolbunova). 

48 

between 1984 and 1987. At the same time, underwater 

excavation methods were developed, the first of which 

were made on Lake Sennica in the Pskov region in 

1979. A long session of underwater excavations helped 

us to gain vast experience of organising underwater 

explorations in different conditions (Miklyaev 1982; 

1990; Mazurkevich et al. 2000). 

Sites situated underwater can be divided into several 

types. The first one is sites situated in lakes with zero 

visibility (the bottom of lakes Sennica and Usviaty) 

(Fig. 2). The whole area of the site on Lake Sennica 

was marked out in 20-metre grids, which was the basis 

for a topographical survey of the site and the surrounding 

area. The grid was oriented according to cardinal 

points. An adjacent part of the lake more than one 

hectare in area with the remains of pile-dwellings was 

also covered with a square grid 20 metres by 20 metres, 

based on the already elaborated grid. It served as a 

base for a topographical survey of this part of the site, 

as well as for the development of a more precise square 

grid for the more detailed measuring of material. The 

cultural layer of the site located on the bottom of the 

lake at a depth of 70 to 120 centimetres after an artificial 

water descent was destroyed by ice formations and 

waves. All the wooden constructions were destroyed. 

The visibility was almost zero (the maximum distance 

where a white circle was seen under water was 25 to 

30cm). These obstacles determined the methods of excavation 

on the site in 1979: the material and cultural 

layer was brought up to the surface for sieving. These 

methods were then used during the excavations of the 

Dubokrai II to VI sites located at the bottom of Lake 

Sennica (Fig. 3). 

The remains of an iron workshop dated to the middle 

of the first millennium AD were found in 1986 

in a deeper part (120 to 150 cm deep) of the lake. A 

square of 14 metres by 16 metres was excavated here, 

using underwater excavation methods. The construction 

remains consisted of a blockhouse divided inside 

into chambers of four by four metres. Slag was found 

inside and on the periphery of this construction. The 

most difficult task was to measure the locations of the 

objects, in conditions of near zero visibility. Firstly, 

divers found the external corners of the construction. 

Poles were placed by their external and internal parts. 

Details of the construction, as well as the accumulation 

of slag, were measured, and excavated levels were 

marked by cuts on these poles and marked on the site


Fig. 3. The first underwater excavations: A.M. Miklyaev (photograph by V. Konovalenko). 

plan. The position of pottery fragments was marked 

according to cuts on the nearest poles. The cleaning 

of the constructions and the cultural layer was made 

almost blind, by touch. 

After the successful experience of underwater excavation 

of this iron workshop, it was suggested to try 

to excavate part of the remaining cultural layer in the 

eastern part of the Dubokrai V site. A geological examination 

of the bottom sediment on the periphery of 

the site, on the slopes of the sandy butte, was made to 

determine the most informative part of the site. This 

allowed researchers to gain information about the character 

and the thickness of the layers, and to locate the 

place with the thickest cultural layer. A two-by-twometre 

square was made here, oriented according to the 

cardinal points. The bottom sediment was cleared from 

layer to layer: part of the already treated soil was lifted 

to the surface, and sifted through. The depth of the 

clearing process was measured, and large fragments of 

pottery were put on the plan. The soil was very liquid, 

and the walls leaked. This is why the square of the 

investigated part was narrower at the final stage, only 

one metre by one metre. However, this work allowed 

us to learn some very important information. The stratigraphy 

was determined here: a layer of silt 55 centimetres 

in thickness lay underwater at a depth of 110 

centimetres, then a cultural layer lying in peat with gyttja 

28 centimetres in thickness, then sand to aleurite. 

Fragments of pottery that belonged to the second phase 

of Usviaty culture were found in the lower part of the 

silt and the upper part of the peat. Fragments of pottery 

that belonged to the first phase of Usviaty culture were 

found in the lower part of the peat with gyttja. Fragments 

of pottery of Linearbandkeramik (LBK) culture 

were found on the border of the peat and the gyttja 

(Mazurkevich et al. 1998, p.19). An accumulation of 

Mesolithic materials located apart from the Late Neolithic 

materials were found on the Dubokrai VI site. 

A topographical survey of the lake bottom was made 

in order to reconstruct the relief of the lake; also, holes 

were bored which allowed researchers to determine 

sediments of Holocene lakes in several places. GISmodelling 

of the data attained allowed for the reconstruction 

of an ancient landscape, and to determine the 

location and distribution of sites in the past (Fig. 2). 

The second group represents sites located in rivers with 

medium visibility. The excavation of the Serteya II site 

was begun after the first attempts of underwater excavation 

on Lake Sennica (Fig. 4). Absolutely different 

conditions here allowed researchers to use other more 

precise methods, and to gain results comparable with 

excavations on the surface. However, here we faced 

several obstacles in determining the supplementary 

specificity of underwater excavations: poor visibility 

(0.1 to 1.5m), a low water temperature (11° to 14°C) 

and shallow depths (0.7 to 3m) (Miklyaev 1982; 1990; 

Mazurkevich et al. 2000). This made us develop excavation 

methods in such conditions on the basis of our 

experience and the experience of our colleagues. Firstly, 

we faced the problem of low water temperature, 

which meant divers could only stay underwater safely 

for 45 to 60 minutes each day. Furthermore, a diver 

has to stay almost motionless under the water so as not 

to disturb the silt, in order to maintain good visibility, 

which also leads to rapid cooling, whether he uses a 

diving wet suit or a dry suit. The first stage of the work 

consists of the organisation of a working platform for 

II 

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49







Fig. 4. A view of the Serteya 

II site (photograph 

by A. Mazurkevich). 

ANDREY 

MAZURKEVICH, 

EKATERINA 

DOLBUNOVA, 


DARIA HOOKK 

Fig. 5. The Serteya II site: 

the process of underwater 

excavation (photograph 

by A. Mazurkevich). 

50

divers, the preparation of a convenient approach to the 

water, the installation of a gangway, clearing the excavation 

site of vegetation, and the removal of recently 

accumulated silt with a hand-dredge. During the underwater 

excavations, the site area is marked with twometre 

grids from a base line situated on the shore. Our 

protocol for archaeological finds consists of reporting 

the character of an object, defining the perimeters of 

the object by washing out the ground around it, measuring 

the object’s location by fixed-point triangulation, 

and reporting this data to the surface (Fig. 5). The data 

is noted in the field inventory which is maintained by 

grid squares. Fixed piles and other elements of constructions 

are marked with labels with numbers, which 

are attached underwater and marked on the site plan. 

The clearing of the cultural layer is also conducted in 

grid squares, beginning downstream and going progressively 

from deeper to shallower. The dredge is 

applied to create a more intense stream in order to remove 

debris. 

technology are regarded as a marker of an inner transformation 

of family life, society, etc. This idea is based 

on a concept of the regularity of the technical process 

and its conditionality by traditions handed down from 

craftsman to apprentice. 

A functional approach is used to study bone and antler 

tools. It is based on traceological study, which is 

not yet well developed for tools made from hard animal 

materials. This approach consists of the identification 

and analysis of use-wear patterns registered on 

archaeological tools with the help of a comparative 

collection, constituting ethnographic tools, but also 

with reproduced and used experimental implements 

(Semenov 1964; Maigrot 2003). Bone work from the 

Serteya II site includes tools, waste and roughout. Such 

artefacts represent an important source of information 

for those who are interested in techniques, because 

they offer an opportunity to reconstruct the different 

steps in the manufacturing process. 


Methods of treatment of the materials 

The study of the materials from Serteya II included the 

analysis of typology, manufacture technique and functional 

use. 

Several main features consisting of the ‘chaine operatoire’ 

are used to reconstruct the techniques of pottery 

making. We regarded all the main features, paste composition, 

ways of modelling different parts of a vessel, 

methods of forming, the surface treatment (polishing, 

using an additional layer of liquid clay, traces of 

combing), using the paddle and anvil technique. The 

morphological characteristics include a description of 

the construction and forms of constructive elements 

which constitute a vessel. This description is based 

on the idea that every vessel has definite points (‘critical 

points’) that mark places where the vessel profile 

changes direction (Shepard 1985, p.226). Thus, a vessel 

consists of several main constructive elements: 

edge, rim, neck, belly, bottom, tray, and a few additional 

elements (nose, bail, etc). They are described in 

geometric terms. The design as a system consists of 

several sub-systems which are analysed: graphic sign, 

element, motif and composition. The study of symmetrical 

transformations made on different levels of this 

system and described through a code system formed 

the basis of our analysis of the design. 

Ethnoarchaeological investigations by different authors 

showed the existence of lots of techniques that 

correspond with cultural differences. This is a fundamental 

model on which researchers base their study 

(Martineau 2000, p.6). All changes in pottery-making 

Natural-scientific methods 

Radiocarbon dating of piles of different constructions 

was carried out in order to develop an absolute chronology 

for this site. A total of 35 dates were obtained. 

These dates were statistically treated, and a mean age 

was obtained for the site and for the dwellings (Mazurkevich 

et al. 2009, p.151; Davison et al. 2009, 

p.197ff). 

The analysis of archaeological wood with the help of 

dendrochronological methods is well known (Bailly 

1982) and widely used. Consequently, there are a lot 

of possibilities to find specialised software and hardware, 

presented on professional websites. This is not 

very complicated for dry samples with a large number 

of tree-rings, preserved in good conditions such as permafrost, 

especially if there is additional proof of the 

dating (radiocarbon, archaeological typology and archives). 

Prehistoric time is another situation. The use 

of wood differs from modern times, and the time-series 

are local and floating (Bailly et al. 1997). Thus, archaeologists 

are not so interested in difficult work with inconclusive 

results. 

Any computer program using correlation procedures 

available for the correct dendroscale construction 

(software and hardware…) requires the length of the 

time-series to be more than 100 years, because it is a 

requirement of the statistical approach based on correlation 

methods. Our series are shorter, but that is 

not a reason to reject them. The proposal to use fuzzy 

logic (Hookk et al. 2007) appeared. A simple manual 

transformation of the tree-ring width to one of the six 

linguistic variables, without microscope use or any 

II 

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51







ANDREY 

MAZURKEVICH, 

EKATERINA 

DOLBUNOVA, 


DARIA HOOKK 

52 

statistical standardisation, allows the distinguishing of 

years of extreme growth. At the same time, we are able 

to measure all samples just in situ, taking them into 

the laboratory only for radiocarbon dating or some additional 

investigation. Thus we obtained 36 time-series 

in order to compare them in-between. The floating 

chronology with the ‘combs’ was proven by several 

radiocarbon dates (Hookk et al. 2007). 

An assessment of the kind of wood was made after the 

anatomical analysis of the wood in the Department of 

Scientific Examination and Authentication of Works of 

Art at the State Hermitage Museum. An analysis of the 

type of wood used for piles and objects was made in 

order to understand the logic followed by ancient inhabitants 

in their choice of wood. 

Palynological investigation was made using GIS-modelling, 

in order to reconstruct the palaeo-relief. Three 

palynological diagrams were obtained which showed 

changes in the vegetation in different parts of the valley, 

as well as peculiarities of the vegetation near the 

settlement. A geomorphological analysis of different 

sediments from the Serteya micro-region was also carried 

out. This allowed for the reconstruction of borders 

of palaeolakes and zones of different types of landscapes 

(Fig. 6, see Plate III). A hundred sondages and 

down-holes were made in order to obtain these results. 

A diatom analysis was carried out as well (Mazurkevich 

et al. 2009; Subetto et al. 2009, p.113). 

The results of the work 

Stratigraphy 

A layer of clay ten centimetres thick lies under a layer 

of peat 30 centimetres thick, then a layer of gyttja 150 

centimetres thick, gyttja with wooden remains, and 

nutshells (cultural layer) 30 centimetres thick. An aleurite 

layer lies lower down. 

The settlement (cultural layer B) was destroyed by the 

transgression of the lake. Some of the material was 

moved to the shore and developed the A1 cultural layer, 

which is not very thick. After the middle of the second 

millennium BC, a peat bog appeared on the site of the 

lake. However, its development was interrupted from 

time to time by returning to lake, which is marked by 

sand and clayey sediments. The site probably appeared 

here during one of these stages, which is marked by the 

layer ά (Miklyaev 1982, p.26). However, some of the 

material from this site is synchronous to materials of 

the Serteya II pile-dwelling. 

Constructions 

The remains of several constructions were found at the 

Serteya II site (Fig. 7). Construction No 1 was most 

fully excavated, and that is why the description of constructive 

features of the dwellings is made on its basis. 

The constructions consisted of rectangular platforms 

of about seven by 4.5 metres, attached to piles with 

the aid of ropes (pieces of rope made from bilberry 

rhizome are often found pressed in the piles) and supported 

from below by ‘horned’ piles. The basis of the 

platform consisted of logs nine to 12 centimetres in 

diameter, oriented west-east. Poles five to eight centimetres 

in diameter were densely laid on the logs in 

transverse position. Treated piny slabs about six centimetres 

thick were placed above at right angles to the 

poles. A layer of moss lay above, strewn with coarsegrained 

white sand eight centimetres thick. A hearth 

situated on sand was formed, with big stones laid out 

in a circle about 53 centimetres in diameter. 

Some of the piles were pillars serving as the basis of 

the walls. These pile-pillars were made of tree trunks 

eight, nine, ten, 12, 14, 16, 18 and more than 20 centimetres 

in diameter. The walls could have been made of 

branches cleaned from lateral branches. A large amount 

of the latter was found in the cultural layer, generally 

lying near rows of piles. Pile-pillars large in diameter 

were installed mainly at the corners of the platform, 

pairs of pile-pillars smaller in diameter were placed 

between them along the perimeter. Parts with sandy 

filling for hearths were strengthened with pile-pillars 

and supports. Spruce and ash were generally used to 

make the piles, more rarely pine, elm, maple, oak, willow, 

birch and poplar (Kolosova et al. 1998). Also, 

fragments of eaves and slabs with a lateral support for 

floors, and beams with holes, were found. The distribution 

of wild boar’s faeces suggests that boar were kept 

for some time on the site, not inside the constructions 

but apparently next to them, in a pen. Several piles are 

located near dumps forming a semi-circular construction 

that could have been a pen. 

The pile-dwellings were situated along the shore, and 

were joined by pathways (Miklyaev 1971; Mazurkevich 

1998a). The platforms were encircled by rubbish 

dumps full of kitchen waste located along one of the 

short walls and adjacent parts of long walls. There was 

probably a doorway here. This distribution of overlying 

dumps from different constructions makes it difficult 

to determine exactly which finds belong to which 

construction. These are common platforms that could 

have joined two synchronous dwellings, as a result of 

which their dumps were intermixed. 

Constructions No 4 and No 5 are situated in squares О- 

P-R/1, No 2 occupies squares N-O-P-R/III-IV, dwellings 

No 1 and No6 squares R-S-T/1-III, construction


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ARCHAEOLOGY 

Fig. 7. A map of the constructions of the Serteya II site (compiled by A. Mazurkevich, D. Hookk, E. Dolbunova). 

No 3a squares О-P-R/VI-VII, and No 3b R-S-T/VI- 

VII. 

Most of the piles have a diameter of between six and 

eight centimetres (49% of the piles), the next size 

range is nine to 11 centimetres (39% of the piles), the 

piles from the bearing points of the constructions have 

a diameter of between 12 and 28 centimetres (12% 

of the piles). Types of wood of about 283 piles were 

determined over the last ten years. The distribution of 

kinds of wood shows that oak (Quercus sp.) was a very 

rare type of wood at that time, at only 6%. Other types 

(Pinus sp. 11%, Ulmus sp. 7%, Betula sp., Populus sp., 

Acer sp., Almus sp., Salix sp., and Corilus sp. about 

1% or less) are not numerous either. Fir piles (Picea 

sp.) are more numerous, at approximately 50%. Ash 

(Fraxinus sp.) piles (18%) are numerous, but not typical 

for cross-dating scales, even though they have the 

longest time-series. 

The 44 specimens of all fir (Picea sp.) piles turned out 

to be the best for cross-dating. These samples can be 

divided into three groups. The first group belongs to 

secondary forest: the growth of the width of the rings 

consequently decreases from the first year to the last 

one, and there are no rings that represent extreme 

growth on which dendrochronological dating is based. 

The environmental conditions were permanent. The 

second group has a more dynamic growth, and belongs 

to trees influenced by changes in the water level; some 

natural cycles could be found. The third group has a lot 

of rings characterising years of a very intense or very 

depressive growth. These trees were possibly under 

the influence not only of natural factors like changes 

in water level or sunlight, but also artificial ones: the 

cutting of the forest by ancient inhabitants that led to 

changes in the conditions for the growth of trees. Thus, 

their progressive growth was reproduced (Baillie et al. 

1997). 

53

ANDREY 

MAZURKEVICH, 

EKATERINA 

DOLBUNOVA, 


DARIA HOOKK 







Fig. 8. A dendrochronological scale for the Serteya II site (D. Hookk). 

54 

Broad-leaved forests were used for the construction 

settlements at the time of Usviaty culture. This is why 

we suppose that the settlement appeared here concurrently 

with the disappearance of ash trees as a building 

material. Later, when only fir-piles were used for 

construction, people continued to use the same dwellings, 

and only reconstructions and replacements can be 

fixed. The period of time between the first tree in the 

dendroscale and the last is equal to 34 years, probably 

two generations of the local human population. Construction 

No 1 consists mainly of trees growing in wet 

sites (so-called type 1, complacent tree-ring series). 

Examples of the same type from constructions No 2 

and No 6 are very rare. Examples sensitive to shortage 

in rainfall (type 2) belong to constructions No 2 and No 

6. Examples reflecting very intense or very depressive 

growth (type 3) and those influenced by anthropogenic 

factors (type 4) can be observed in all the constructions 

except construction No 2. According to the proposed 

hypothesis, the sequence of the appearance of 

constructions on the site is (Fig. 8): initially, construction 

No 2 was installed; then construction No 1; later


Fig. 9. The Serteya II site’s ‘imported’ vessels: 1, 2 construction No 3b; 4, 5, 8 construction No 1; 3 construction No 2; 6, 7 

construction No 3a (drawing by Ksenia Dubrovina). 

construction No 3 appeared, with simultaneous reconstructing 

near construction No 1; we gave No 6 to this 

new construction; at that time construction No 2 became 

uninhabited. 

Pottery 

Fragments of nine pots and one conical bottom were 

found in construction No 4. Thirty-six pots and fragments 

of five bottoms were found in construction No 1, 

and in construction No 2, 15 pots, fragments of one bottom, 

and fragments of approximately six vessels. Eight 

pots, fragments of two bottoms and of approximately 

four pots were found on the common platform of constructions 

No 1 and No 2. Ten vessels, three bottoms, 

and fragments of approximately four vessels were 

found in construction No 3a. Three pots, one bottom 

and fragments of one pot were found in construction 

No 3b. There were 16 pots, one bottom and fragments 

of approximately seven vessels on the common platform 

of constructions No 3а and No 3b. It is difficult 

to determine the exact distribution of fragments of approximately 

12 vessels. Only construction No 1 was 

excavated almost fully, part of construction No 2 was 

excavated, and even smaller parts of dwellings No3a 

and No 3b were investigated. Eight ‘import’ vessels 

were found, as well: in construction No 1, a fragment 

with a band (Fig. 9.8), a fragment with cord impressions 

(Fig. 9.5 ), and a small vessel with impressions 

(Fig. 9.4); in construction No 2, a fragment with large 

cord impressions (Fig. 9.3); in construction No 3а, a 

fragment with cord impressions (Fig. 9.7) and a fragment 

of a vessel of Middle-Dnepr culture (Fig. 9.6); in 

construction No 3b, fragments of two non-decorated 

vessels (Fig. 9.1, 2). 

In this research, typology is regarded as a system that 

consists of several sub-systems, including technological, 

morphological and ornamental types. Such an 

elaborate typology is a consequence of specificity of 

pottery that includes several characteristics, technological, 

morphological and ornamental. All of them are 

determined by definite features, each of which has its 

own meaning and value. 

Pottery from Late Usviaty culture was found in construction 

No 4. Shell was used as temper, and grass was 

used in three cases. Vessels were made in an ‘S’ technique, 

and also by several stretched short coils. Fragments 

of vessels of Usviaty culture were also found 

in constructions No 1 and No 2. Vessels made in the 

‘S’ technique and by several stretched short coils are 

represented in construction No 2. Here, vessels with 

mixed temper prevail: shell and grass. The tradition 

of using shell is predominant among pots from construction 

No 1; mixed temper, shell and grass, was 

also used here. Vessels were made by several stretched 

short coils, or coils put above each other and slightly 

stretched. The latter coil technique exists mainly in 

construction No 1. Grass as temper prevails among the 

pottery-making traditions of construction No 3. Vessels 

were made mainly by several stretched short coils. 

Thirteen different types of form (Fig. 10) were distinguished 

here, as well as several types of bottoms: conical 

with a hole in the bottom, pointed, roundish, and 

roundish with a detailed lower part (Fig. 10, 14-17). 

The following ceramic forms are represented almost 

equally in all the constructions: vessels with a belly in 

the form of a cylinder (No 5; Fig. 10.5), a belly in the 

form of a reduced bicone or an ellipse with a roundish 

and slightly turned-out rim (No 6; Fig. 10.6), a globeshaped 

belly and a turned-out rim (No 9; Fig. 10.9), 

vessels of a restricted form with a globe-shaped belly 

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UNDERWATER 

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55

ANDREY 

MAZURKEVICH, 

EKATERINA 

DOLBUNOVA, 


DARIA HOOKK 







Fig. 10. The Serteya II site: morphological types (the number of vessels is equal to the number of forms) 

(drawing by K. Dubrovina). 

56 

(No 10; Fig. 10.10), and a belly in the form of two 

different cones with a large base (No 11 and No 12; 

Fig. 10-12). A vessel of the form No 12 can be reconstructed 

in construction No 4. 

Several forms are situated in some definite constructions. 

Vessels of forms of type No 2 (a belly in the 

form of a reduced and flattened globe, with a turnedout 

rim with a roundish edge; Fig. 10.2), No 3 (a belly 

in the form of a reduced globe with a roundish, slightly 

turned-in rim; Fig. 10-3), No 4 (a belly in the form of 

a converging cone with a turned-out flat/roundish rim; 

Fig. 10-4) are situated in constructions No 1 and No 2. 

Specific forms (No 13) characteristic of Usviaty culture 

are also represented in these constructions (Fig. 

10-13). Vessels of type No 7 (so-called plates; Fig. 10- 

7) are located probably only in construction No 1. Vessels 

with a globe-shaped belly with an element such 

as shoulders (No 1; Fig. 10-1) are represented in constructions 

No 1, No 2 and No 3а. Pots of the form of 

type No 8 (the surviving upper part represents a cylinder 

with concave walls; Fig. 10-8) are situated in constructions 

No 1 and No 3а. 

Large vessels 30 to 40 centimetres in diameter are represented 

only by morphological types No 1, No 2, No 

3, No 9 and No 11 (Fig. 10.1, 2, 3, 9, 11). The diameter 

of others lies in intervals between 20 and 30 centimetres; 

there are also small pots with diameters of up to 

15 centimetres. 

The compositions consisted of rows of impressions 

set at angles to each other, and horizontal rows of 

impressions prevail among the types of design (Fig. 

11.7). Vessels decorated with such compositions are 

represented in all constructions. There are fewer compositions 

that consist of impressions organised in staggered 

rows (Fig. 11.3), lines forming a net pattern 

(Fig. 11.6, 4), or impressions set at an angle to each 

other forming triangles (Fig. 11.1). Complicated forms 

of pottery might be underlined by ornamental means: 

by a combination of different motifs, the borders of 

which mark the places where the profile of the ves-


II 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

Fig. 11. The Serteya II site’s vessels decorated with different motifs: 1, 2, 5, 9 construction No 2; 4 construction No 3b; 3, 6, 

7, 8 construction No 1 (drawing by K. Dubrovina). 

57







ANDREY 

MAZURKEVICH, 

EKATERINA 

DOLBUNOVA, 


DARIA HOOKK 

58 

sel changes its direction. There are also several motifs 

that play the same role: a horizontal row of round 

impressions (Fig. 11.2, 9) or impressions of nodules 

(Fig. 11.5), cord made of bark (Fig. 11.2, 5) or cord. 

It is notable that vessels decorated with impressions 

of cord made of bark (Fig. 11.2, 5) and imitations of 

them (Fig. 11.9) are represented only in construction 

No 2. Lots of vessels decorated with an additional element, 

such as a horizontal row of round impressions 

or impressions of nodules under the rim, are also represented 

here. Simple compositions, consisting of impressions 

set at an angle to each other (Fig. 11.7) or 

organised in horizontal rows, prevail in construction 

No 1. A combination of different types of composition 

is characteristic of vessels from construction No 3. A 

combination of different motifs and a homogeneous 

ornamental system probably represents two different 

decorative traditions. Their combination on one vessel 

might be a sign of a mixture of cultural traditions. 

Fully filling the surface with design is a characteristic 

of these vessels. Traditions of the alternation of empty 

zones and design are not widespread, and are represented 

only by vessels from constructions No 3а and 

No 1, and evidently have different origins. Pots with 

cord impressions were found in constructions No 1 

(Fig. 11.8) and No 3а. 

Almost all types of form, manufacture and design are 

represented in all the constructions. However, a prevalence 

of different types can be noticed. 

Artefacts made of hard animal 

materials, amber, flint and wood 

Antlers, bones and the teeth of wild animals (elk and 

boar) were used to produce tools. More precisely, the 

ulna, metacarpus and antlers of elk, as well as the 

teeth of boar, were used. Tools were made from whole 

bones or from broken bones. In the last case, bones 

were mainly reduced by percussion. Roughouts were 

shaped by scraping and grooving, and more rarely by 

abrading. Techniques such as grooving and scraping 

were carried out with flint tools. It is suggested that 

these lithic tools are to be found in the local flint industry. 

Thus, the range of tools used by Neolithic people 

for bone-working may be identified at some time in 

the future. Tools and decorations were produced very 

carefully. Neolithic people put lots of time and energy 

into producing tools and decorations, which might be 

evidence of the importance of bone implements in their 

life. Bone tools were widely used for various activities: 

for leather-working, for fish scaling, for woodwork, 

etc. Already finished implements (tools and pendants), 

as well as waste products, are represented among the 

collection from Serteya II. The existence on the site 

of blanks shows that at least a number of items were 

made on the spot. 

Two retouched diaphysis flakes, one cone-shaped arrowhead 

with birch tar remains, one bevel-ended elk 

ulna, one roughout of a tool made from a rib split in 

half, one broken diaphysis with traces of scraping and 

one fragment of elk antler are represented in construction 

No 1. One scraper made from a boar’s tusk and 

one knife from the ulna of an elk (Fig. 12.6) was found 

on a common platform of constructions No 1 and No 2. 

The following artefacts were found on a common platform 

of constructions No 3a and No 3b: one distal fragment 

of a bevel-ended tool made from a long bone of 

a big ruminant (probably elk), one pre-form of barbed 

point, one bevel-ended elk ulna, one spoon made from 

an elk antler, one knife made from a long bone splinter, 

one point from a long flake, two points made from 

metacarpus of elk, of which one was decorated with 

small transverse incisions (Fig. 12.7, 8), and one long 

and fine needle with a distal conical part and an indentation 

on the proximal part identified earlier as an 

arrowhead (Fig. 12.1). The use-wear analysis showed 

that the bevel-ended elk ulna was probably used to 

work leather; the point decorated by incisions to make 

perforations in leather; and the knife made from a long 

bone splinter to scale fish. 

The following articles were found in construction 

No 3a: two scrapers from a boar’s tusk (Fig. 12.4), 

one net weight made from a short cylinder of elk beam 

grooved on its circumference, one probable tool from a 

beaver incisor, one point on an elk metacarpus, and one 

proximal decorated fragment of indefinite tool made 

from elk metapodium. Traceological studies allowed 

us to determine that tools made from boar’s tusk could 

have been used as scrapers for woodwork. 

The following articles were found in construction 

No3b: one probable roughout of a long projectile point 

with a conical end, one pre-form of a spoon made from 

an elk antler, one bevel-ended elk ulna, one perforated 

pendant on an upper incisor (Fig. 12.3), one zoomorphic 

perforated pendant on bone (Fig. 12.2), one mesial 

fragment of a metapodium with traces of scraping, 

and one fragment of a comb pre-form (Fig. 12.5). The 

bevel-ended ulna was probably a kind of chisel used to 

carve wood. 

Flint tools are also represented on the Serteya II site. 

The following articles were found in construction No 

2: knives on blade-like flakes, an end-scraper on a flake 

with a rounded edge, a triple side-scraper on a rectangular 

flake, an oblique end-scraper, an oval heavy duty 

tool with an oval back and traces of grinding on the


II 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

Fig. 12. The Serteya II site’s tools and decorations made from hard animal materials: 1, 7, 8 common platform of constructions 

No 3a and No 3b; 2, 3, 5 construction No 3b; 4 construction No 3a; 6 common platform of constructions No 1 and No 

2 (drawing by K. Dubrovina). 

59

ANDREY 

MAZURKEVICH, 

EKATERINA 

DOLBUNOVA, 


DARIA HOOKK 







Fig. 13. The Serteya II site’s amber pendants and wooden artefacts: 1 construction No 1; 2, 3, 5 common platform 

of constructions No 3a and No 3b; 4 construction No 2 (drawing K. Dubrovina; photograph by A. Mazurkevich). 

60 

blade, a point, and a three-cornered arrowhead with a 

concave base. Knives on blades, end-scrapers on flakes 

with a rounded edge were found in construction No 1. 

An oval heavy-duty tool with an oval back and traces 

of grinding on the blade, an end-scraper on an oval 

flake with a rounded edge, a pre-form of a tool, and a 

reamer were found on a common platform of constructions 

No 3. A scraper on a flake with a straight blade, 

a scraper on a rectangular flake with a convex blade, 

fragments of composite tools on flakes, and a fragment 

of a knife were found in construction No 4. 

Two trapezoid amber pendants made of Baltic amber 

with longitudinal drilling were found near the eastern 

wall of construction No 1 (Shedrinsky et al. 2004) 

(Fig. 13.1). 

Artefacts made of wood were found only in constructions 

No 1 and No 3. A piece of a spoon was found in 

construction No 1. Three pieces of the bent handles of 

axes (Fig. 13.3), a fragment of a scaphoid bowl (Fig. 

13.5), and a fragment of a dish (Fig. 13.2) were found 

in construction No 3. One sinker made from bark was 

found in construction No 2 (Fig. 13.4). Two pieces of 

rope were found in construction No 1, and three in 

construction No 3. They were woven from two threads 

made of lime-bast that were intertwined with thread 

made from bilberry roots. A piece of a fishing net made 

from bilberry roots fastened to a viburnum trap net 

was found in dumps in the eastern corner of construction 

No 1. The mesh size is four by four centimetres. A 

piece of mat or textile woven from thread made from 

willow bark was found in construction No 3a. 

Discussion 

An analysis of the material allows us to suggest the 

following ideas. Grass and sand were used as temper 

to produce the pottery of Zhizhitsian culture, which 

is distinct from the pottery of Early Usviaty culture. 

The shell admixture is characteristic of the latter. The 

Serteya II site was found evidently by bearers of traditions 

of Usviaty culture. The small amount of pottery 

of this culture is represented in constructions No 

1, No 2 and No 4. It is represented by vessels made 

by coils or several stretched short coils, with biconical 

bellies, made with a shell admixture. Morphological 

types No 11 and No 12 might be regarded as a continuation 

of the development of forms of Usviaty culture.

A definite dynamic of change in the technical process 

can be traced. Pottery from constructions No 1, No 

2 and No 4 was made predominantly of paste with a 

shell admixture, whereas pottery from construction No 

3 was made mainly of paste with grass used as temper. 

Pots from construction No 1 were made of coils, put 

above each other and slightly stretched, from construction 

No 2 in the ‘S’ technique and by several stretched 

short coils, and from constructions No 3 by several 

stretched short coils. The greater complexity and combination 

of different geometric figures in one vessel 

indicate the changes in dynamics of forms. 

This tendency towards complication is also traced in 

the design, which began to combine different motifs. 

Former motifs were reinterpreted. The Usviatian motif, 

impressions set at an angle to each other forming a row 

of triangles in combination with empty zones situated 

usually on the belly marking changes in the vessel’s 

form, was preserved. This motif continued to be used 

later, but empty zones began to be filled with design 

(Fig. 11.1). 

All these processes are not only chronological markers, 

but reflect different historical events, seen by 

changes, as well as the appearance of new techniques 

of pottery-making and choice of forms. For example, 

pottery decorated by cord made of bark, and its imitation 

from construction No 2, reflects the appearance 

of new cultural traditions in this region, and existed 

here for a short period of time. On the other hand, it 

shows a change in the initial ornamental tradition and 

its distinctive interpretation. The loss of tradition may 

have occurred during the lifetime of two generations, 

which is proven by the absence of pottery of this type 

in other constructions, and the dates of construction No 

2 which existed for 50 to 60 years. The appearance of 

this type of pottery is connected with cultural impulses 

from the region of the Dnepr basin, the area of the 

distribution of Dnepr-Donets culture. The tradition of 

decorating pottery with impressions set at an angle to 

each other, or in staggered rows, can be connected with 

areas in the Dnepr region, as well as the River Upper 

Oka. The appearance of pottery decorated by cord impressions 

is another example of cultural contacts or the 

infiltration of new groups of people. Besides, there are 

several types of cord impressions differing from their 

chronological position. This could mark the existence 

of firm relations with groups that bore the traditions of 

Corded Ware culture. 

An analysis of the pottery revealed cultural relations 

with different areas and gradual processes of change 

in the initial traditions of pottery-making. Radiocarbon, 

dendrochronological analysis and the analysis 

of pottery have allowed us to develop a chronological 

scheme of constructions and reconstructions on the 

Serteya II site and to explain the identified diversity 

of cultural relations. The following succession of constructions 

may be proposed: construction No 4 was 

the earliest one, due to radiocarbon dates (4150+/-80 

BP, 4120+/-60 BP) and pottery analysis. Construction 

No1 appeared later, which corresponded with the 

date 2304+/-113 BC. Construction No 3 was made 

five years later (2295+/-123 BC). At the same time 

(2372+/-82 BC), construction No 2 was either installed 

or reconstructed. The reconstruction of dwelling No 1 

was made 17 years later, and five years later the repair 

of construction No 2. Concurrently, construction No 1 

was enlarged, and thus turned into construction No 6 

(2219+/-184 ВС). The latter existed for a long time, 

and was reconstructed every five years. It is notable 

that the period between repairs is about five years. The 

character of the use of wood is more evidence of this 

fact, as stated above. The time of the dwellings’ existence 

comes to 100 years, thanks to radiocarbon analysis. 

However, according to the preliminary results of 

dendrochronological analysis, the constructions existed 

for 30 to 40 years, i.e. one and a half or two generations 

of people. Continuous existence of two dwellings 

can be observed. 

Bearers of local traditions lived in dwelling No 4 (Usviatian 

culture pottery). People with a later alien tradition 

that did not influence local people greatly lived in 

construction No 2 (pottery decorated by cord made of 

bark and the imitation of it). Traditions of decoration 

by cord existed in constructions No1 and No3a. The 

appearance of new technical and decorative traditions 

could not be explained only by marriage ties, because 

at the same time new types of weapons, such as threecornered 

arrowheads with a concave base, battle-axes 

and imitations of them, tanged axes and oval axes with 

a wedged cross-section, and several types of scrapers, 

also appeared. It was a complex process of interrelations 

between local and newly arrived people, when 

the latter were assimilated at the same time as preserving 

prestigious elements of their culture. 

An analysis of faunistic remains allows us to suppose 

that ancient inhabitants lived on this site all year round. 

The majority of the bones found on the pile-dwellings 

belonged to elk, with fewer examples coming from 

bear, boar, hare, sable, marten, otter, beaver, wolf, roe 

deer and mink. These animals represent a complex of 

species adapted to life in broad-leaved and mixed forests 

(Kuz’mina 2003). Judging from the age groups, 

elk was hunted throughout the year. The number of 

fishbones indicates the considerable economic significance 

of fishing. There are bones of large catfish, pike, 

perch and sander, as well as small fish. Birds were also 

hunted (Sablin, Siromyatnikova 2009, p.153ff). Boar’s 


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ANDREY 

MAZURKEVICH, 

EKATERINA 

DOLBUNOVA, 


DARIA HOOKK 

62 

faeces were found in the base of the cultural layers, 

filled with small fishbones and scales. This fact testifies 

to the fact that at the beginning of the existence of 

the pile-settlement, a number of caught boar were not 

killed immediately, but were kept for some time on the 

settlement, and these animals were fed with fish. Thus, 

we can observe the initial stage of the domestication 

of pigs in this area. Another situation can be observed 

on other sites of the region. The bones of already domesticated 

pig and the bones of a cow and a dog were 

found on the Usviaty IV settlement, dating from the 

end of the fourth millennium BC. The teeth of a horse 

were found as well on the Serteya XI site, dating from 

the beginning of the third millennium BC. The small 

sizes, thin enamel and weak painting indicated that 

these teeth belonged to an old domesticated horse E. 

Caballus L. (Kuz’mina 2003). 

The gathering of food was of considerable importance 

as well: a great number of shells from nuts and 

acorns were recovered, as were cockleshells from the 

lake. At least 30 edible wild plants were used for food. 

Processed hazelnut and water chestnut (Trapa natans) 

became the surrogate of bread and the main source of 

plant protein. 

A palynological diagram showed that the inhabitants 

of the Serteya II site practised agriculture. This is indicated 

in the early Subboreal (Sb-1), when we observe 

the spread of agriculture. Judging from palynological 

data, it is not the first evidence of the appearance of agriculture; 

but all previous attempts were discontinued, 

i.e. agriculture did not adapt to the local environment, 

for unknown reasons. On the palynological diagram, 

during the same time, a high content of grassy vegetation 

is shown, which marks the spread of open spaces, 

which could be used for agriculture and cattle rearing. 

Furthermore, an analysis of the palaeolandscape at 

the beginning of the Subboreal allows us to suppose 

that fertile soil in coastal parts of the lakes could have 

been used as fields for crops and cattle rearing. This 

soil appeared as a result of the coast being swamped. 

Data of the chemical compounds of gyttjas and coastal 

sandy-argillaceous sediments could also testify to the 

appearance of agricultural activity (Mazurkevich 2003; 

Dolukhanov еt al. 2004). 

The Serteya II site is situated on the border of different 

types of landscape. Such features are characteristic of 

pile-dwellings in the region. The spatial analysis of the 

economically favourable zone surrounding the settlement 

reveals a definite pattern. It includes three distinct 

landscape types: a lake plus low-lying terraces and offshore 

mires; end-morainic formations with predominantly 

clayey soils covered with broad-leaved species; 

and glaciofluvial plains with podzolic sandy soils covered 

with pine forests (Dolukhanov et al. 1986). We 

suggest that this preference for particular types of landscape 

might be regarded as a cultural sign. 

The Serteya II site was situated on the shore of an island 

like other pile-dwellings of the Middle and Late 

Neolithic of this region. It became clear after GISmodeling 

of Serteya valley and other archaeological 

microregions (Fig. 2). There are also synchronous materials 

on an upper part, some 60 metres away (layer ά). 

Ancient inhabitants probably moved here when transgressions 

took place. This was due to small cyclical 

changes occurring every ten years, rather than global 

changes in the water level. 

In the Middle Neolithic, only the territory of the 

lake basin was controlled by inhabitants of one piledwelling. 

Kitchen debris, including a large number of 

non-edible parts (hooves, teeth, caudal vertebra, etc) 

represented in the faunal remains, and the absence of 

small hunting camps, proves that in the Middle Neolithic 

whole carcasses of large animals were brought 

to the site where the butchering was done. The remains 

of animals and birds hunted all year round testify to 

the long-term life of pile-dwellings in one place. The 

latter is also proven by an analysis of the lighting of 

pile-dwellings: sites were situated in places lit to the 

maximum in any season. 

All this data has changed our conceptions about the 

economic system of the inhabitants of pile-dwellings. 

The economy of the builders of pile settlements was 

complex, with the prevalence of appropriating strategy: 

hunting prevailed over fishing and the known 

share of food gathering. The combination of different 

types of landscape with rich natural resources made 

the hunter-gatherer economy so effective that people 

began to live in one site during the whole year, and 

the formation of a productive economy was delayed 

for rather a long time. Settlements were inhabited all 

the year round, and the population became more settled 

and started to store food and water. At this particular 

time, on the boundary of the Atlantic and the Subboreal, 

high-capacity vessels appeared. The population 

increased. The system of food distribution changed, 

which inevitably resulted in a change to the social 

structure (Mazurkevich 2003). 

The appearance of pile-dwellings in the fourth millennium 

BC was a common European event the eastern 

border of which was the Dnepr-Dvina basin. It was 

probably a specific form of adaptation by ancient inhabitants 

living in particular landscape and climatic 

conditions. 

Climatic changes occurred everywhere at the Atlantic/ 

Subboreal boundary (3700–3200 BC), and led to the

water level falling, and in these places marshes appeared. 

Hence, ancient people tried to settle near water, 

by small eutrophic stagnant lakes surrounded by 

marshes. The dwellings had to be constructed on the 

marshes along the shores; pile-dwellings could not be 

erected in the lake because of freezing-over in winter. 

According to the analysis, the Atlantic and the Subboreal 

were characterised by frequent changes of the 

water level in the lakes. The building of pile-dwellings 

ensured the settlement was not affected by the large 

seasonal and gradual small changes in the water level 

which were caused by climatic changes. At this time, 

pile-dwellings also appeared in southern Germany and 

Switzerland in the same sort of landscape: they were 

situated on the shores of lakes in front of moraine formations 

of the Wurm Glaciation. 

The mapping of finds in lakes and peat bogs has allowed 

us to suppose the existence of a ‘passage’ in 

front of moraine formations of the Vepsy stage of Valdai 

glaciation included in the second ‘district of lakes’ 

(Miklyaev 1995, p.26). Probably, people bearing the 

traditions of Globular Amphora and Funnel Beaker, 

Corded Ware and Bell Beaker cultures appeared along 

this ‘passage’ in the upper Dvina region (Mazurkevich 

1998a). The further investigation of pile-dweller culture 

will allow researchers not only to find new sites in 

the zone of this ‘passage’, but also to determine more 

precisely the processes of adaptation and ancient history. 

Acknowledgements 

This work was supported by the projects ECO-NET n° 

16333YJ, NEST No 028192 FEPRE and РГНФ 10-01- 

00553а/Б. 

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Received: 28 August 2010; Revised: 7 December 2010; 


Andrey Mazurkevich 

St Petersburg 190000 

State Hermitage Museum 

Department of Archaeology 

of Eastern Europe and Siberia 

Dvortsovaya Naberezhnaya, 34, Russia 

E-mail: a-mazurekvich@mail.ru 

Ekaterina Dolbunova 


The State Hermitage Museum 

Department of Archaeology of Eastern Europe and Siberia 


E-mail: katjer@mail.ru 

Daria Hookk 


State Hermitage Museum 

Department of Archaeology 

of Eastern Europe and Siberia 


E-mail: dariahookk@yahoo.com 

SERTĖJOS II IR ŠIAURĖS 

RYTŲ RUSIJOS POLINIŲ 

GYVENVIEČIŲ POVANDENINIŲ 

TYRIMŲ REZULTATAI 

ANDREY MAZURKEVICH, 

EKATERINA DOLBUNOVA, 


DARIA HOOKK 

Santrauka 

Vidurinio–vėlyvojo neolito polinių gyvenviečių aptinkama 

ne tik Rusijos Dniepro–Dauguvos upių baseinuose, 

bet ir Alpių bei vakariniuose Baltijos jūros 

regionuose. Dniepro–Dvinos upių regione polinės gyvenvietės 

buvo pradėtos tyrinėti nuo 1970 metų. 

Šiame straipsnyje pateikiama šių polinių gyvenviečių 

tyrimų metodika ir preliminarūs kompleksiniai archeologiniai 

povandeniniai Sertėjos (Pietų Pskovo sritis) 

II gyvenvietės tyrimai, vykdomi jau nuo 1972 metų. 

Sertėjos II gyvenvietės radinių archeoosteologinių, palinologinių, 

traseologinių tyrimų duomenis suderinus 

su GIS tyrimais, nustatyta ir rekonstruota ūkinė čia gyvenusių 

bendruomenių veikla: gyventojai čia daugiausia 

vertėsi medžiokle, rinkiminiu ūkiu, į kurį palengva 

skverbėsi gamybinio ūkininkavimo šakos. Gamybinis 

ūkininkavimas, nors, matyt, laikytas prestižiniu, vėliau 

netapo svarbia ūkio šaka. Technologiniai keramikos, 

dendrochronologiniai medienos ir radiokarboniniai 

visų radinių tyrimai įgalino nustatyti kiekvieno Sertėjos 

II gyvenvietėje aptikto kultūrinio sluoksnio, kaip 

atskiros polinių statinių statybos konstrukcijos, ypatumus, 

išryškinti vietinės kultūros raidą ir požymius, 

kurie buvo perimti iš kaimyninių kultūrų. Detalus medienos 

tyrimas įgalino nustatyti, iš kokių medžių rūšių 

ir kokiu laikotarpiu buvo statomi poliniai statiniai. 

Ateityje tikimasi Sertėjos regione aptikti daugiau vidurinio–vėlyvojo 

neolito laikotarpio polinių gyvenviečių. 

64 

Yolaine Maigrot 

Equipe Protohistoire europeenne UMR 7041 du CNRS 

MAE Nanterre F - 92023; 21 allee de l’Universite, France 

E-mail: yolaine.maigrot@mae.u-paris10.fr 

Vertė Algirdas Girininkas

FRESHWATER ARCHAEOLOGY IN LITHUANIA: 

INVESTIGATIONS AND PROSPECTS 

ELENA PRANCKĖNAITĖ 

Abstract 

The survey and research of underwater archaeological objects in Lithuania is already in its third decade; therefore, it would 

be inaccurate to say that the field is new. This article discusses objects that have been found and investigated in inland waters 

in Lithuania. It is devoted to a discussion of the beginnings of this branch of science, and the stages in its development; and 

also to a presentation of the main tendencies in underwater research and the results of completed surveys. 

Key words: underwater archaeology in Lithuania, inland waters, underwater objects, research, prospects. 


Introduction 

The term ‘underwater archaeology’ is usually associated 

with seas and oceans, and in particular with the 

mysterious remains of sunken ships and their cargoes. 

The archaeological heritage of inland waters (lakes and 

rivers) is not well known, although its contribution to 

the knowledge of history is no less significant. From 

the earliest times, the shores of lakes and the confluences 

of rivers were inhabited, because of the easy access 

they provided to water and food resources, safety, 

communication and trade routes. There are objects that 

lie at the bottoms of these lakes and rivers which, over 

time, either fell there or were lost by accident. Water 

was also a place where offerings were made and bodies 

were buried. As a result of the exceptional qualities of 

water and silt in conserving objects, they can survive 

up to the present day. 

In Lithuania, the systematic survey and investigation 

of underwater archaeological objects is now in its third 

decade, so it can hardly be considered to be a new field 

of science. Although there are references made to and 

speculation concerning objects and finds lying in Lithuanian 

waters that can be traced to the 19th century, 

investigations were not carried out until the 1980s. The 

slow evolution (or beginning) of underwater archaeology 

in Lithuania was conditioned by various factors. 

First of all, by factors which may be related to the limitations 

of the technical possibilities that were available, 

and to a lack of knowledge. The wide-scale underwater 

archaeological investigations that have been conducted 

in Lithuania during the last few decades, and the discoveries 

of new underwater archaeological objects, 

however, have proven that the inland waters of Lithuania 

are rich in a heritage that has yet to be discovered. 

This article deals with underwater archaeology, but will 

not cover marine archaeology. As a result, it is only 

objects which at the moment are still under water, and 

which are to be surveyed or investigated by underwater 

archaeology methods, which will be mentioned. The 

article does not aspire to be an in-depth analysis of the 

underwater heritage of Lithuania. Its aim is to discuss 

the beginning of the field and the stages of its evolution, 

and to present the basic tendencies in underwater 

exploration, accompanied by the results and prospects 

gained from completed surveys of new objects. 

The evolution of underwater 

archaeology in Lithuania 

The history of underwater archaeological exploration 

is rather short, and since it is based on material which 

has been collected so far, the most appropriate approach 

would be to divide its evolution into two stages: 

from the first mention of the likelihood of the existence 

of underwater objects in writing until the beginning of 

underwater archaeological exploration, and from those 

first investigations up to the present day. The scattered 

information that was available in various literary and 

periodical sources was gathered together, with the aim 

of tracing the development of underwater archaeology 

and its beginnings. This information bears witness to 

the fact that the subject of underwater objects and finds 

is a great source of interest to both researchers and lovers 

of history. 

Information about objects under water or stray finds 

can be traced back to the 19th century. For instance, 

in 1836, A. Jucevičius (Ludwik Adam Jucewicz 

1813–1846) mentions stone deities that remained under 

water, while E. Tiškevičius (Eustachy Tyszkiewicz 

1814–1873) proposed a riverbed search for stone pagan 

idols that were included in a list of archaeological 

objects (Tyszkiewicz 1850, pp.81-82). One exceptional 

example of information relating to the underwater 

II 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

65

Freshwater Archaeology 

in Lithuania: Investigations 

and Prospects 

ELENA 

PRANCKĖNAITĖ 

66 

archaeological heritage of Lithuania is provided in 

archaeological maps of the Vilnius, Hrodna and Kaunas 

provinces by F. Pokrovski (Pokrovski 1893; 1895; 

1899). On these maps, the locations of underwater objects, 

or objects lying partially submerged, are clearly 

marked. These markings were probably based on locations 

where solitary finds had previously been discovered. 

As completed surveys or discovered objects 

do not exist from this period, we must unfortunately 

presume that the information provided in these maps 

was confined to speculation. 

Interest in underwater archaeological objects began to 

develop from the beginning of the 20th century. This 

was related to the investigations of the remains of 

lake dwellings discovered by F. Keller in Switzerland 

in 1854, and to ‘the fever of lake settlements’ which 

spread throughout Europe at that time (Ruoff 2004, 

pp.9-10). Information on the unique objects found in 

Lake Zurich and the Alps region reached Lithuania after 

more than 40 years had passed since their discovery. 

In an article published in a periodical in 1891, the finds 

from Lake Zurich were described in detail as evidence 

of an unheard-of and slightly ‘strange’ way of living 

over water (Andriulaitis 1891, p.93ff). In this way, a 

few lake dwellings were marked on the archaeological 

maps compiled by F. Pokrovski, and the remains of a 

settlement discovered in Lake Rybnica (now in Belarus) 

were distinguished by a most impressive description 

(Pokrovski 1893, pp.47-48). 

The earliest reference to the search for lake settlements 

in Lithuania is to be found at the beginning of 

the 20th century. The literature from this period calls 

them trobos ant svajų (houses on piles) or ‘houses of 

beam construction’. In an article in the daily Lietuvos 

žinios (Lithuanian News) in 1914, it was written that 

no lake dwellings had been discovered yet in Lithuania, 

although it speculated that people had lived in such 

dwellings in the Stone Age, and, on the grounds of the 

investigations conducted by F. Keller, that they could 

also have existed in Lithuania (Jurkūnas 1914, p.2). 

With the aim of discovering underwater objects of this 

type in Lithuania, scientific discussions concerning the 

peculiarities of lake dwellings developed in the 1920s 

(Paunksnis 1931, p.503). Although by the mid-20th 

century, investigations had yet to take place, archaeologists 

and interested parties had no doubt that such a 

peculiar mode of construction over water had existed 

in Lithuania, and made efforts to pinpoint places, by 

referring to ethnographic sources and archaeological 

finds discovered near water. 

The largest amount of information available relating to 

separate underwater objects that were mentioned before 

the Second World War in Lithuania can be found 

in the files of the State Archaeological Commission. 

In those files, references to bridges, scattered solitary 

finds, settlements and logboats can be found. The files 

are also evidence of the first attempt made to conduct 

an investigation into underwater archaeological objects. 

Professor E. Volteris, writing to the minister of 

education, appealed for funds so that he might mount 

an investigation of the settlement on Lake Dobilė 

(KPCA, F.1, Ap.I, b.84, p.75). Unfortunately, information 

on whether the investigation was carried out has 

not been found. Work discussing separate types of objects 

appeared in the 1920s. In L. Kšivickis’ Žemaičių 

senovėje (In the Old Age of the Samogitians), information 

was presented concerning kūlgrindas (secret 

underwater stone roads across swamps and swampy 

areas) and bridges (Kšivickis 1928). J. Basanavičius, 

referring to historical sources and scattered solitary archaeological 

finds, described the bridges and means of 

water transport used by the Balts (Basanavičius 1970, 

p.109ff). P. Tarasenka, in his ‘Lithuanian Archaeological 

Material’, identified a separate group of objects, 

fords and ancient roads, and categorised them as yet 

undiscovered, and thus at that time hypothetical underwater 

objects and solitary finds according to the 

knowledge of the day (Tarasenka 1928). 

Until the mid-20th century, the process of underwater 

archaeology consisted simply of the recovery and 

collection of objects from lakes, without any supplementary 

registration, due to the inability to breathe and 

thus move freely under water. Various methods were 

created for the extraction of finds: a member of the 

party, connected to a boat by a hose which provided 

air, would, by using an iron hoe with a long handle, 

collect finds into a basket (Hafner 2004, p.178). Tongs 

or a small rake with a long handle would also be used. 

With the aid of these instruments, the sediment of the 

lake would be raked into a pile, which was then sifted 

through in the search for ceramic and metal finds 

(Kola, Wilke 1985, p.26). Under the auspices of the 

German archaeologist J. Heydeck, investigations of 

pile-settlements had already been carried out in the 

19th century (1895) in the Masurian Lake District in 

the former territory of East Prussia (Gackowski, 2000, 

p.10ff). The methods of investigation were similar to 

those mentioned above: a cultural layer was dragged 

out on to the surface, and then investigated. The usage 

of caissons can be considered as the first attempts to 

conduct a scientific investigation, i.e. by sucking the 

water from the area under investigation, and then performing 

a typical archaeological investigation afterwards. 

Such experiments were also conducted in Lake 

Zurich under the guidance of Schwab in the late 19th 

century, and by Vougo in the 1910s and 1920s (Kola, 

Wilke 1985, p.27).


II 

Fig. 1. The Lake Plateliai underwater survey (1986–1987) (photograph by expedition members). 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

We can only speculate as to why such inventive underwater 

archaeological methods of investigation were 

not adopted in Lithuania, and why objects were not 

investigated, even though their existence was beyond 

question. However, we may rejoice at the fact that, in 

the case of Lithuania, the immense desire for knowledge, 

and the curiosity of the investigators of the past, 

did not destroy the heritage through non-methodical 

(according to the present-day understanding) investigations. 

A completely new stage in the field of underwater archaeology 

started in 1943, when the oceanologist J. 

Cousteau and engineer E. Gagnan invented an autonomous 

apparatus that enabled underwater breathing by 

way of the adjustment of a pressure regulator attached 

to a cylinder of compressed air. This apparatus allowed 

a person to move with relative ease under water, and 

made archaeological investigations much less difficult. 

It also meant that methods of underwater archaeological 

investigation could be more closely aligned with 

the more common methods of archaeological investigation 

on dry land. 

In Lithuania, the first underwater exploration to be aided 

by aqualung was attempted only in 1959. Under the 

initiative of Trakai Museum, hired professional divers 

surveyed the shores of Lake Galvė. The explorations 

were unsuccessful, and this is why they were discontinued 

for a time (Ušinskas 1981, p.4). 

Underwater investigation was then taken up some time 

later by the archaeologist V. Ušinskas, who also initiated 

the founding of Agaras, an underwater archaeologists’ 

club (Valatka 1984, p.6). Under the guidance of 

Ušinskas, diving was carried out in various east Lithuanian 

lakes from 1978. An archaeological survey expedition 

was organised in the Telšiai, Alytus and Lazdijai 

districts in 1980, in order to find new underwater archaeological 

sites. During this expedition, special attention 

was paid to the search for lake settlements. 

Unfortunately, due to both a lack of knowledge and a 

lack of a sufficient technical basis, the survey did not 

yield any results (Ušinskas 1981, p.4). 

The investigation of the water burial site that was 

discovered at a depth of one metre in Lake Obeliai 

(in the Ukmergė district) can be considered as one 

more attempt to conduct underwater exploration 

(Urbanavičius, Urbanavičienė 1988). Although this 

was a unique attempt in terms of its intention to be both 

a methodical and a systematic underwater investigation, 

because of the small depth and the rather limited 

visibility of the lake, and for a variety of other reasons, 

the underwater investigation did not take place. 

67

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and Prospects 

Fig. 2. The Lake Plateliai underwater survey (1986–1987) (photograph by expedition members). 

68 

The first successful underwater investigation was undertaken 

by a group led by the archaeologist V. Žulkus 

in Lake Plateliai (in the Plungė district) in 1987. In 

this lake, the remains of a bridge and a logboat were 

discovered (Žulkus 1988, pp.187-189). From 1995, a 

systematic investigation of the Lake Plateliai bridge 

was carried out (Žulkus 1996, p.296; 2003). V. Žulkus, 

the archaeologist in charge of these expeditions, can, 

without any doubt, be called the father of underwater 

archaeology in Lithuania (Figs. 1, 2). 

In 1997, an investigation of the eastern lakes of Lithuania 

and accompanying underwater surveys was begun. 

The ruins of the Lake Galvė bridges were explored in 

collaboration with Toruń University (Baubonis 1997, 

p.256ff). Together with his team, Z. Baubonis, the 

initiator of these explorations, began a new stage in 

underwater archaeology in inland waters of east Lithuania. 

The first underwater objects were discovered in the 

1980s. The improvement of technical means and the 

personal initiatives of those involved determined the 

beginning of underwater archaeology in Lithuania. 

Underwater research in Lithuania 

Underwater research using not only methods for inventorising 

objects but also methods of excavation with 

the use of an ejector has been completed in four sites in 

Lithuania: in lakes Plateliai and Galvė, where bridges 

were found, and the site of the Merkinė boat and in the 

settlements of Lake Luokesai. 

The first underwater archaeological explorations were 

begun in Lake Plateliai under the guidance of V. Žulkus. 

Between 1986 and 1988, the remains of a bridge dating 

back to the 16th or 17th centuries were discovered in 

the lake, and subsequently inventorised (Žulkus 1988, 

p.188). This almost 300-metre-long bridge is thought 

to have been located between the Šventorkalnis peninsula 

and Castle Island. In 1995, a systematic investigation 

of the bridge and its environs was begun in 

collaboration with Toruń University. This investigation 

continued until 2003, while the survey of the lake 

has continued until now, with more and more underwater 

objects being discovered (Žulkus, 2007, p.503). 

By adapting exploratory methods from neighbouring 

countries and employing the latest sonar equipment, a 

methodology for underwater archaeological research 

was developed during the investigation of the Plateliai 

bridge (Žulkus 2005, pp.319-230). These explorations 

not only laid the foundations for the methodology of 

underwater archaeology in Lithuania; they were also 

of great importance in terms of training: students and 

young specialists received their first basic instruction 

there on how to carry out underwater research. Almost 

all underwater archaeologists working today in Lithuania 

trained at the ‘Lake Plateliai school’.


Fig. 3. The process of removing the Merkinė boat (photograph by W. Szulta). 

A further investigation of bridges inspired by the results 

of the research in Plateliai was conducted in Lake 

Galvė, which surrounds the castle at Trakai. For a 

long time, what we knew about the bridges of Trakai 

Castle had been based on iconographical evidence (an 

engraving by T. Makowski). However, an underwater 

survey led by Z. Baubonis alongside the same Toruń 

University team which had previously worked at Plateliai 

found different evidence. During research conducted 

between 1997 and 1999, the remains of three 

bridges which used to connect the castle and Karaite 

Island, Karaite and Little Church islands, and Karaite 

Island with the shore, were discovered. A preliminary 

dating of the bridges dates them to the 16th century 

(Baubonis et al. 1999, pp.553-554). In the environment 

of the bridges, a more thorough study was conducted 

using a water pump. The finds discovered during this 

study confirmed that there had been extensive human 

activity in and around the castle. This archaeological 

material was also complemented by solitary finds that 

were also discovered, which appeared to have fallen 

into the water accidentally. 

Underwater research in the River Nemunas was undertaken 

between 2000 and 2001, after the discovery of 

the wreck of a wooden boat. The boat was called the 

Merkinė boat (WM-1) (Baubonis 2001, pp.231-232). 

The remains of the boat were first excavated, and then 

inventorised. This work was again carried out with the 

assistance of Toruń University. With the aim of protecting 

the find from decaying, the boat was taken out of 

the river and preserved (Fig. 3). At present, its remains 

can be viewed in Panemuniai Regional Park. According 

to the most recent data, the boat can be dated to the 

18th century. 

One further exploration, of Lake Luokesai, which began 

in 2000 and is still continuing today, has so far 

uncovered two lake dwellings which have been dated 

to the Late Bronze Age or Early Iron Age. Since 2004, 

research has been conducted in association with foreign 

scientists (from Switzerland and the United Kingdom). 

The remains of the settlements in Lake Luokesai 

were found in the shoals of the lake at a depth of 1.5 

to two metres, and were located on opposite shores of 

the lake (Baubonis et al. 2001, pp.228-231) (Fig. 4). 

The first settlement in the northern part of the lake 

was composed of a quadrangular complex of dwellings, 

covering an almost 900-square-metre area, and 

was surrounded by two defensive bowed fences. The 

second settlement differed significantly in its structure 

from the first settlement: it was formed from a solid 

platform of about 190 square metres in area, and is 

presumed to have been connected to the shore by a 

bridge. During the underwater investigation of the first 

settlement, a 40 to 95-centimetre-thick cultural layer 

was discovered. This settlement was formed of a horizontal 

wooden construction, arranged in seven to eight 

layers, and by approximately 350 vertical piles, and 

the various archaeological finds discovered at the site 

suggest that the area was densely inhabited (Baubonis 

et al. 2002, pp.268-270; Baubonis et al. 2009, pp.519- 

521). The remains of the second settlement consist of 

the remains of a horizontal wooden platform arranged 

II 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

69

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and Prospects 

Fig. 4. The excavation of the Lake Luokesai dwelling (photograph by G. Krakauskas). 

in one layer, and about 300 vertical piles (Menotti et 

al. 2005). During these ten years of investigations, a 

particular methodology has been used and perfected 

based on the experience of other countries. The study 

of the dwellings of Lake Luokesai has required a complex 

inter-disciplinary approach, as thorough research 

of the lake dwellings would be unimaginable without 

dendronchronology, sedimentology, archaeobotany, 

micromorphology, palynology, and other branches of 

science. 

All of the objects under investigation are of different 

types (bridges, boats, settlements); and the sites (river, 

lake) and the depth of their discovery (from 2m to 

13m) are also different. To investigate them, different 

methods were developed and adapted. Aside from the 

settlements at Luokesai, which date from prehistoric 

times, the majority of the objects date from the Middle 

Ages or the modern era. It is worth emphasising 

once more the importance of experience and influence, 

and also the help provided by researchers from foreign 

countries, during these underwater archaeological investigations. 

As has already been mentioned, none of 

the investigations were conducted without the contribution 

of scientists from other countries. 

The search for new underwater 

objects and the results 

One of the main aims of Lithuanian underwater archaeology 

is to locate and inventorise new finds. Such lakebound 

surveys have been under way since 1998. The 

locations for these surveys were chosen on the basis 

of various sources, such as folklore, ethnographic and 

mythological material, and knowledge gained from 

studies of local lore or encyclopedias. Since 2001, 

these surveys have also been made by referring to ortophotography 

(using, as an example, the lake settlements 

discovered in Lake Luokesai). A large amount of 

information was gained from the files of the State Archaeological 

Commission and the Index of Lithuanian 

Land. Water reservoirs, next to which may have existed 

archaeological objects (hill-forts, ancient settlements, 

estates and other objects), were also surveyed. 

Information concerning the existence of underwater 

objects has also been provided by private persons and 

members of diving clubs. These surveys were initially 

conducted at the request of state institutions (the Centre 

for the Lithuanian Cultural Heritage), and also at 

the initiative of museums (Kaišiadorys Museum), although 

many of the surveys were accomplished thanks 

to personal initiatives. So far, one particular method 

has prevailed: most of the investigations have been 

70


II 

Map 1. Lakes where underwater archaeological surveys have been conducted: 

1 Lake Siesartis (Molėtai district); 2 Lake Baltieji Lakajai (Molėtai district); 3 Lake Stirniai (Molėtai district); 4 Lake Ančia 

(Lazdijai district); 5 the River Nevėžis (Kaunas district); 6 Lake Gabys (Kaišiadorys district); 7 Lake Liminas (Kaišiadorys 

district); 8 Lake Statkūniškės (Kaišiadorys district); 9 Lake Daugiškiai (Kupiškis district); 10 Lake Širvėna (Biržai district); 

11 Lake Sagardas (Ignalina district); 12 Lake Ūkojas (Ignalina district); 13 Lake Dviragis (Rokiškis district); 14. Lake 

Sartai (Rokiškis district); 15 Lake Kurėnų (Ukmergė district); 16 Lake Vaikesas (Utena district); 17 Lake Bedugnis (Varėna 

district); 18 Lake Liškiavos (Varėna district); 19 Lake Želva (Molėtai district); 20 Lake Daugai (Alytus district); 21 Lake 

Čedasai (Rokiškis district); 22 Lake Gelvanė (Širvintos district); 23 Lake Vilkokšnis (Trakai district); 24 Lake Snaigynas 

(Lazdijai district); 25 Lake Kretuonas (Švenčionys district); 26 Lake Janava (Biržai district); 27 Lake Asveja (Molėtai 

district); 28 Lake Dumbliukas (Vilnius district); 29 Lake Mergežeris (Varėna district); 30 the River Nemunas (Varėna district); 

31 Lake Aisetas (Švenčionys district); 32 Lake Galvė (Trakai district); 33 Lake Luokesai (Molėtai district); 34 Lake 

Luokesaitis (Molėtai district); 35 Lake Zarasas (Zarasai district); 36 Lake Baltas (Zarasai district); 37 Lake Jagomantas 

(Švenčionys district); 38 Lake Rašia (Švenčionys district); 39 Lake Obeliai (Ukmergė district); 40 Lake Plateliai (Plungė 

district); 41 Lake Liminas, the River Šventoji (Rokiškis district); 42 Lake Suvingis (Alytus district); 43 Lake Uosintas 

(Rokiškis district); 44 Lake Vainežeris (Lazdijai district); 45 Lake Žąsliai (Kaišiadorys district); 46 the River Neris (Vilnius 

district); 47 Lake Širvis (Vilnius district); 48 Lake Perkaliai (Molėtai district). 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

carried out by diving and visually surveying the bottom 

of a lake. 

From 1998 until 2010 (with short breaks), 44 lakes and 

sections of four rivers were surveyed (Map 1). In 13 of 

the locations, new archaeological objects were discovered, 

while in eight of the sites, single archaeological 

finds were discovered (Map 2). 

By examining the results of the completed underwater 

investigations, we can affirm that the most reliable 

information has been provided by private divers. In 

all inland waters in which the existence of unknown 

objects was indicated by divers, archaeological artefacts 

have been discovered. Through the search for 

new archaeological objects, and with reference to the 

ethnographic material collected by the State Archaeological 

Commission, a few problems arose. First of all, 

it became obvious that it is quite difficult to establish 

the exact location of a previously inventorised object, 

due to the frequency of name changes in the areas studied. 

Secondly, land reclamation work that took place 

during the Soviet period changed the landscape: many 

lakes became boggy, with the result that there was zero 

visibility in them. 

At present, we can distinguish a few groups of underwater 

archaeological material which need to be studied: 

71

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and Prospects 

Map 2. Lakes where underwater archaeological objects or archaeological artefacts have been found. 

□ - rare archaeological artefacts 

o - archaeological objects (including logboats) 

1 Lake Plateliai (Plungė district); 2 Lake Vainežeris (Lazdijai district); 3 Lake Suvingis (Alytus district); 4 Lake Mergežeris 

(Varėna district); 5 the River Neris (Vilnius district); 6 Lake Dumbliukas (Vilnius district); 7 Lake Žąsliai (Kaišiadorys 

district); 8 Lake Širvis (Vilnius district); 9 Lake Jagomantas (Švenčionys district); 10 Lake Asveja (Molėtai district); 11 

Lake Luokesai (Molėtai district); 12 Lake Luokesaitis (Molėtai district); 13 Lake Siesartis (Molėtai district); 14 Lake Rašia 

(Švenčionys district); 15 Lake Aisetas (Švenčionys district); 16 Lake Perkaliai (Molėtai district); 17 Lake Obeliai (Ukmergė 

district); 18 Lake Zarasas (Zarasai district); 19 Lake Baltas (Zarasai district); 20 Lake Liminas, the River Šventoji (Rokiškis 

district); 21 Lake Uosintas (Rokiškis district). 

1. bridges 

2. dwelling places 

3. burial places, offerings, treasures 

4. vessels 

5. harbours, jetties 

6. fishing equipment 

Bridges make up one of the most abundant groups 

(Szulta 2007, p.115ff). The remains of bridges 

have been located in lakes Aisetas (Baubonis et al. 

2009, p.522ff), Asveja (Fig. 7, see Plate II), Zarasas 

(Baubonis, Kraniauskas, 1999, pp.555-560), and Plateliai 

(Žulkus 1988, p.187ff); while the remains of three 

bridges have been discovered in Lake Galvė (Baubonis 

1997; 1999). 

The dwelling places group consists of the two lake 

dwellings discovered in Lake Luokesai, and a dwelling 

place discovered in the River Šventoji (Baubonis et al. 

2009, p.522ff). 

Vessels, which consist of logboats and boats, are the 

most numerous group, in relation to the number of 

finds. Until now, there have been the following discoveries: 

two boats in Lake Asveja, one boat in Lake 

Rašia (Fig. 5), and the already mentioned Merkinė 

boat, which was found in the River Nemunas and removed 

and conserved (Baubonis et al. 2002, pp.270- 

271). Logboats constitute the largest group of water 

vessels found in Lithuania, and date from a range of 

historical periods. Overall, more than 20 logboats have 

been found. The majority of them are kept in museums, 

while others decorate farmsteads or still remain under 

water. More than ten logboats were found during underwater 

surveys (Fig. 6, see Plate II). 

72

the surveys that have been conducted in that area are 

rather limited. 

This extensive palette of object types shows once more 

the abundance and variety of underwater archaeological 

finds in the inland waters of Lithuania. The 

majority of the objects have not yet been thoroughly 

investigated, and not all the information on them has 

so far been gathered. 

During these surveys, not only underwater archaeological 

objects but also solitary archaeological finds 

were discovered, and these finds confirm that certain 

water-related activities took place during the prehistoric 

period. 


Fig. 5. The Rašia boat (photograph by G. Krakauskas). 

The burial ground at Lake Obeliai is the only object 

which has been attributed to the burial places group, 

while the area of Merkinė harbour and the four jetties 

discovered in the River Merkys (Baubonis et al. 2001, 

pp.231-232) have been attributed to the harbours and 

jetties group. A find relating to fishing which was attached 

to a sunken island in Lake Luokesai has been 

attributed to the fishing equipment group (Baubonis et 

al. 2006, p.416-419). 

One more object, of which there are two types, should 

be mentioned: a kūlgrindas is a secret stone road across 

a swamp or a swampy area; and a medgrindas is a 

similar secret road made primarily of wood and earth. 

As the most frequently mentioned locations of these 

objects are swamps and damp places (in rare cases 

lakes), they can be ascribed to wetland archaeology, 

but investigated by applying methods of land-based 

archaeology. 

The majority of underwater archaeological objects discovered 

date from the medieval and modern eras. The 

number of objects ascribed to other periods is, unfortunately, 

fairly insubstantial. The lake district of eastern 

Lithuania, which constitutes the largest concentration 

of lakes in the country, is, unsurprisingly, the area most 

abundant in finds. As the amount of information concerning 

the lakes of western Lithuania is still small, 

Problems and prospects of underwater 

archaeology 

The finds gathered from the underwater work that began 

in the 1980s have enriched the country’s archaeological 

material. Although underwater archaeological 

exploration came late to Lithuania, it has accelerated 

rapidly in recent years. Projects that have been conducted 

together with foreign researchers from institutions 

that have a large body of knowledge have 

contributed significantly to the development of methods 

for underwater exploration, and the technical basis 

of these methods is of sufficiently high quality to allow 

methodical research to be conducted here. 

One of the most important factors that has benefitted 

the development and successful completion of archaeological 

surveys is the level of water visibility, which 

distinguishes Lithuania from its Baltic neighbours 

(Ilves 2010). 

Not enough information has been gathered yet to justify 

the search for objects that we may reasonably assume 

to exist but, as yet, lie undiscovered. For this reason, 

special attention has to be given to the files of the State 

Archaeological Commission, material collected by 

local lore societies, finds housed in the collections of 

museums, and previously conducted investigations of 

ethnographic and mythological material. 

A thorough analysis of sources and a reconstruction of 

the palaeogeographical situation, in addition to an investigation 

into changes in water levels, are extremely 

important when conducting surveys. 

Regarding the present tendencies of non-destructive 

methods, and having analysed earlier underwater surveys, 

methodological improvements are of crucial importance 

in the continuation of underwater research. 

Sonar surveys are especially important when aiming 

to pursue a more effective search: they allow for the 

II 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

73



and Prospects 

ELENA 


74 

prospecting of large areas of water during a shorter period, 

and make it possible to conduct searches in conditions 

of poor visibility. A survey using an echo sounder 

during the summer season of 2009 was successfully 

tested. In both Western Europe and the Baltic States, 

this method has already been used for a couple of decades 

(Koponen, Grönhagen 1994, p.103; Ilves 2010). 

With reference to the experience of foreign countries, 

in conditions of zero visibility, information can be 

gathered through the lifting of silt bores, which allows 

researchers to ascertain the traces of a cultural layer 

or human activity. The taking of samples allows for 

the establishment of preliminary or potential places for 

investigation, especially in locations where lake water 

levels and their environment have been altered by land 

reclamation. 

Archaeological objects that have been discovered close 

to water require complex investigation (whether they 

are water or dry land finds). Archaeological objects of 

a similar nature are often investigated separately, because 

of the application of different methods; or they 

are analysed using specific criteria which artificially 

categorise the objects. Thanks to underwater investigations, 

information can be obtained about activities 

related to lakeside dwellings, such as fishing, hygiene 

and transport. As a result, complex investigations are 

more beneficial, as they provide more universal information 

about the lifestyle of communities of the past. 

Underwater entertainment pursuits, such as fishing, as 

well as the growing number of divers, threaten underwater 

objects. Nonetheless, these pursuits also create 

an opportunity for the discovery and open sharing of 

information concerning objects that lie under water. 

Collaboration and constant contact with members of 

private diving clubs provides invaluable information, 

and at the same time assistance in regulating the divers 

diving near the locations of underwater objects. 

One of the main factors preventing the development 

of underwater archaeology in Lithuania is the preparation 

of new specialists. At present, the only course 

devoted to this branch of science is taught at Klaipėda 

University. However, if we wish to aim for more active 

student interest in our underwater heritage, the systematic 

teaching, i.e. the establishment of a specialisation 

in the field, is necessary. The preparation of students at 

university level has been emphasised as an important 

necessary contribution to the development of underwater 

archaeology (Kola 1983, p.41; Urtans, Rains 2003, 

p.111). 

Concluding remarks 

The inland waters of Lithuania undoubtedly contain a 

large amount of undiscovered cultural heritage which 

has yet to be researched. Through the application of 

improved and more effective surveys, and by using 

the large number of sources that refer to underwater 

objects, as well as information gained from new and 

ongoing investigations of objects, research into prehistoric 

Lithuania and its connection with the common 

European historic heritage will be furthered. 

Translated by Ignė Aidukaitė 

Abbreviation 

ATL – Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje (Archaeological 

investigations in Lithuania). Vilnius, from 1967. 

References 

Manuscript 

Kultūros paveldo centro archyvas, F.1, Ap.I, b.84, p. 75. 

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321. 

Received: 20 July 2010; Revised: 10 October 2010; 


Elena Pranckėnaitė 

History Department, Faculty of Humanities 


Herkaus Manto street 84 


E-mail: elenapranckenaite@yahoo.com 

VIDAUS VANDENŲ 

ARCHEOLOGIJA LIETUVOJE: 

TYRIMAI IR PERSPEKTYVOS 

ELENA PRANCKĖNAITĖ 

Santrauka 

Archeologinis vidaus vandenyse (ežeruose ir upėse) 

esantis paveldas yra ne taip gerai žinomas ir ištirtas palyginti 

su jūriniu paveldu, nors tai anaiptol ne mažiau 

svarbu istorijos pažinimo prasme. Ežerų pakrantėse ir 

upių santakose nuo pat ankstyviausių laikų apsigyvendavo 

žmonės dėl vandens ir maisto išteklių, saugumo, 

susisiekimo, prekybos kelių. Ežerų ir upių dugne glūdi 

ir atsitiktinai įkritusių ar pamestų daiktų. Vandenyje 

buvo aukojama ir laidojama. Išskirtinės vandens ir 

dumblo konservacinės savybės sudarė galimybes radiniams 

ir objektams išlikti iki šių dienų. 

Sistemingos povandeninių archeologinių objektų 

paieškos ir tyrimai Lietuvoje jau skaičiuoja trečią dešimtmetį, 

todėl nebūtų tikslu šią mokslo šaką vadinti 

vis dar nauja. Užuominų ir spėjimų apie Lietuvos 


II 

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ARCHAEOLOGY 

75



and Prospects 

ELENA 


76 

vandenyse esančius objektus ar radinius atsekama jau 

nuo XIX a., tačiau iki pat XX a. 9-ojo dešimtmečio 

jų tyrimai nebuvo atliekami. Lėtą povandeninės archeologijos 

raidą (ar jos pradžią) Lietuvoje lėmė įvairūs 

aspektai, pirmiausia, manytina, siejami su techninių 

galimybių ribotumu ir žinių stoka. Tačiau paskutiniais 

dešimtmečiais Lietuvoje vykdomi plataus masto povandeniniai 

archeologiniai tyrimai ir atrandami vis 

nauji povandeniniai archeologiniai objektai įrodo, kad 

Lietuvos vidaus vandenys yra turtingi dar neatrasto paveldo. 

Straipsnis skirtas povandeninei archeologijai, neįtraukiant 

jūrinės archeologijos aspekto. Jame minimi 

tik tie objektai, kurie šiuo metu yra po vandeniu, o jų 

paieškoms ar tyrimams taikomi povandeninės archeologijos 

metodai. Straipsnis nepretenduoja į visapusišką 

povandeninio paveldo Lietuvoje išnagrinėjimą, jo tikslas 

– aptarti šios mokslo srities pradžią ir vystymosi 

etapus, pateikti pagrindines povandeninių tyrimų tendencijas 

ir vykdytų naujų objektų paieškų rezultatus 

bei perspektyvas. 

Nuo 1998 m. vykdomos naujų objektų paieškos Lietuvos 

ežeruose. Žvalgymams vietos pasirenkamos 

remiantis įvairiais šaltiniais: tautosaka, etnografine ir 

mitologine medžiaga, žiniomis iš kraštotyrinių veikalų, 

enciklopedijų. Taip pat nuo 2001 m. žvalgoma 

ir remiantis ortofotografijomis (siekiant rasti ežerų 

gyvenviečių, remiantis Luokesų ežero pavyzdžiu). 

Daug informacijos žvalgymams naudojama iš Valstybinės 

archeologijos komisijos bylų ir Lietuvos žemės 

vardyno. Žvalgomi vandens telkiniai, šalia kurių yra 

archeologijos objektų (piliakalnių, senovės gyvenviečių, 

dvarviečių ir kt.). Informacijos apie po vandeniu 

esančius objektus teikia ir privatūs asmenys, nardymo 

klubų narai. 

Šiuo metu Lietuvos archeologinėje medžiagoje galima 

išskirti kelias povandeninių objektų, kurių tyrimams 

reikia taikyti povandeninių tyrimų metodiką, grupes: 

1. Tiltai; 

2. Gyvenamosios vietos; 

3. Laidojimo vietos, aukojimai, lobiai; 

4. Vandens transporto priemonės; 

5. Uostai, prieplaukos; 

6. Žvejybos įrenginiai. 

Povandeniniai darbai, prasidėję XX a. 9-ajame dešimtmetyje, 

praturtino Lietuvos archeologinę medžiagą 

rastais naujais įvairių tipų objektais. Nors ir vėlyva 

povandeninių archeologinių tyrimų pradžia, jie įgauna 

didelį pagreitį dabartiniu metu. Lietuvoje išvystyta 

povandeninių tyrimų metodika. Tam didelę įtaką turėjo 

bendri projektai su patirties ir žinių turinčiais užsienio 

valstybių institucijoms atstovaujančiais mokslininkais; 

Lietuvoje sukurta gana gera techninė bazė, leidžianti 

atlikti metodiškus tyrimus. 

Vienas iš svarbių veiksnių, lemiančių sėkmingą povandeninių 

archeologinių žvalgymų ir tyrimų vystymąsi 

Lietuvoje, yra gana geras vandens matomumas, kuo 

Lietuva išsiskiria iš kitų Baltijos šalių. 

Neabejotinai Lietuvos vidaus vandenyse yra gausybė 

neatrasto ir netirto kultūros paveldo. Pritaikius patobulintas 

ir dar efektyvesnes paieškas bei remiantis 

gausiais po vandeniu esančius objektus mininčiais šaltiniais 

ir tęsiant objektų tyrimus bei atliekant naujus, 

dideliu indėliu bus prisidėta prie Lietuvos priešistorės 

ir istorijos kaip bendraeuropinio paveldo tyrimų.

BETWEEN CLINKER AND CARVEL: ASPECTS 

OF HULLS BUILT WITH MIXED PLANKING 

IN SCANDINAVIA BETWEEN 1550 AND 1900 

NIKLAS ERIKSSON 

Abstract 

Half-carvels are vessels on which the lowest part of the hull is built with overlapping strakes of planking, referred to as clinker 

construction, and the uppermost parts of the hull are constructed with the planks laid side by side, in the carvel fashion. These 

mixed planking constructions first occurred in the 16th century (as far as we know), but became very common in later centuries. 

The aim of this article is to highlight the existence of different versions of clinker construction, and to discuss some 

reasons behind the selection of the technique. 

Key words: clinker, carvel, shipbuilding, 17th century, 18th century, naval architecture, wreck, Baltic Sea. 


Introduction 

To sort out if a hull is built using the clinker or carvel 

construction technique is one of the first things an archaeologist 

will try to assess when confronting a new 

wreck. The two techniques form a kind of basic perception, 

as they signify different concepts, not only 

technically, but also socially. From the 16th century 

onwards ‘clinkers’ were the vessels of peasants, while 

‘carvels’ were the ships of merchants, noblemen and 

the state. To an extent, clinker and carvel are understood 

and defined in the light of the other. 

In Scandinavia, some ships were built using both these 

techniques: the bottom and the lowest parts of the hull 

in clinker, and the uppermost in carvel. These are referred 

to as ‘half-carvels’ (in Swedish Halvkravell; 

Hasslöf 1970). Besides the half-carvels, there have 

been some almost forgotten variants of clinker construction. 

The aim of this text is to discuss the possible 

motives behind different technical solutions. What 

does mixed planking, half-carvel/half-clinker signify? 

What dwells in the sphere between clinker and carvel? 

What do these constructions say about hulls as a materiality? 

Clinker, carvel, shell and skeleton 

On a clinker-built hull, the strakes of planking are 

laid overlapping, so that the higher strake is fastened 

outside the underlying strake. This technique is often 

described as a Scandinavian tradition, in use since the 

Iron Age. On a carvel-built hull, the strakes of planking 

are placed side by side, resulting in a smooth hull side. 

The origin and evolution of this technique, as well as 

its introduction into northern European shipbuilding, 

have been the subject of much research throughout the 

years (Adams 2003; Lemée 2006). There are several 

ways to construct a carvel hull. In order to distinguish 

the different techniques, the concepts ‘shell’ or ‘skeleton’ 

construction are commonly used (Hasslöf 1970). 

The term ‘shell construction’ is used to describe shipbuilding 

techniques where the planking of the hull is 

laid first, and the strengthening frames are inserted afterwards. 

The method is commonly found in clinker 

constructions, but several carvel-built ships were built 

in this way as well. Perhaps the best-known of these 

shell-built carvel hulls are the Dutch method, described 

by Nicolaes Witzen at the end of the 17th century, 

where the strakes of planking are held together with 

clamps (Lemeé 2006). But other methods for holding 

the strakes together existed (Maarleveld 1994, pp.153- 

163; Pobst 1994, pp.143-152). We can also distinguish 

these shell constructions as being ‘bottom-based’: as 

the bottom of the hull serves as the shape of the hull, 

a lot is determined by the lowest parts (Hocker 1991; 

Hocker, Vlierman 1996, p.37ff) 

The opposite of shell construction is referred to as 

‘skeleton construction’. The term is used to describe 

shipbuilding on pre-erected frames, which may be 

thought of as ribs on a skeleton. This means that the 

cross-sectional shape of the hull must be determined in 

advance, before the frames are cut, shaped and erected. 

For this reason, skeleton construction is connected to 

the use of drawings, or other measures enabling a predestined 

shape. In northern Europe in the 17th century, 

the use of drawings is associated with English 

and Scottish shipbuilders among others (Lemeé 2006; 

Landström 1980). However, skeleton-built carvel hulls 

had been built in the Mediterranean for several hundred 

years by this point. 

II 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

77

Between Clinker and Carvel: 

Aspects of Hulls Built with 

Mixed Planking in Scandinavia 

Between 1550 and 1900 

NIKLAS 

ERIKSSON 

78 

Societal connection and strakes of 

planking? 

When discussing the different concepts of shell/skeleton 

and clinker/carvel, we may try to reflect upon 

what they represent. The use of one technique over 

another could be discussed from a functional point of 

view. The selection of technique can be regarded as 

the result of a response to different outer parameters. 

But the selection of technique and design may also be 

the result of a more or less conscious decision within 

a specific group, made in order to reflect upon certain 

social aspirations. At the same time, the ability to create 

a specific construction puts the stress on know-how. 

If you do not know the technique, you can imitate the 

look of it. Material culture is full of these imitations. 

We could mention 18th-century Swedish houses, and 

reveal that the red imitated brick, the grey around the 

windows imitated stone, and the yellow ochre on the 

doors and window frames imitated oak. The same goes 

for vernacular furniture: red-painted chairs with black 

seats were painted in this fashion to give the impression 

of mahogany and leather. Wealthy farmers built 

their wooden houses with architectonical elements 

imitating stone architecture. 

The distinction between the academic and the vernacular 

building tradition has been stressed by terrestrial archaeologists 

(and anthropologists). Vernacular houses 

are built by their occupants; or, if not, by someone who 

is well within the occupant’s immediate community. 

James Deetz has pointed out that vernacular structures 

are the products of their users, and form a sensitive indicator 

of these people’s inner feelings, their ideas of 

what is or is not right for them. Changes in attitudes, 

values and world-view are very likely to be reflected 

in changes in vernacular architectural forms. Academic 

architecture is designed by architects who were trained 

in the trade, and reflects contemporary styles that relate 

to formal architectural order (Deetz 1977, p.92ff). 

The distinction between academic and vernacular architecture 

in housing may to an extent be applied to 

naval architecture, where carvel forms the academic, 

and clinker the vernacular. The use of drawings for the 

shaping of pre-erected frames puts a demand on different 

abstract skills. In this sense, carvel construction 

may be regarded as the academic form of shipbuilding. 

It is no coincidence that the 17th-century Swedish 

writer Åke Clason Rålamb dedicates one whole book 

to the subject of shipbuilding when writing a series for 

the education of noblemen (Rålamb 1943). A learned 

person should be able to converse on fundamental matters 

of naval architecture. 

Ships and values 

The Dutch to a large extent shell-dominated carvel 

construction proved very successful. The ships were 

less expensive than skeleton constructions, and the 

design relied very much on repeating successful ships 

and in mass-production. In contemporary accounts, 

especially by those who spoke in favour of English 

shipbuilding, we may detect judgements on the disadvantages 

of Dutch ships (Schama 1989, p.44). Where 

the English master shipbuilders used rules and calculations, 

Rålamb also saw shortcuts and fiddling in the 

Dutch designs (Rålamb 1965, p.44). In spite of these 

bitter comments by backbiters on Dutch shipbuilding, 

the fluit and the other ship-types proved very successful, 

even though their design relied on craftsmanship 

rather than on abstract calculation and drawings. 

The clinker tradition goes parallel with the various 

ways of putting a carvel-built hull together. Clinkerbuilt 

vessels belonged to peasants. From the 17th 

century onwards and with the introduction of carvel 

construction for big ships, clinker vessels, being built 

and used by peasants, may be regarded as the vernacular 

form of shipbuilding. The state helped in carving 

this image by giving privileges to carvel-built hulls. 

In wartime, carvels that could be used by the navy, 

achieved some specific fiscal privileges. Another fiscal 

coincidence is that peasants were not allowed to 

sail fully decked boats, a condition that helped to keep 

these vessels very boat-like (for a thorough description 

of these circumstances, see G-son Berg 1984). 

In conclusion, several techniques existed in parallel 

from the 17th century onwards. These techniques were 

evaluated by contemporary society in different ways, 

and formed preconceptions regarding different shipbuilding 

techniques. Technique and tradition became 

associated with different groups of people or with 

specific stereotypes. The Dutch constructions were associated 

with profit-chasing merchants, while clinker 

vessels belonged to peasants. 

In order to break this up further, we might list the following 

preconceptions associated with clinker and 

carvel. What do the terms clinker and carvel signify in 

a wider sense? 

Carvel 

Academic 

Nobleman 

Plans and drawings 

Designed by naval architect 

Ship 

Privileges 

Armed 1 

Clinker 

Vernacular 

Peasant 

Freehand 

Designed by user 

Boat 

Unprivileged 

Unarmed 

1 

Carvel-built ships could be used by the navy in wartime.

Half-carvels 

In an article from 1970, Olof Hasslöf describes the 

concepts of clinker, carvel, shell and skeleton. But he 

also describes what he refers to as ‘half-carvels’. These 

ships have a clinker-built lower hull, which is built using 

the shell method. When the bottom planking is finished, 

strengthening frames are inserted. The futtocks 

rise above the completed clinker bottom of the hull, 

and form a skeleton for the sides of the hull. The uppermost 

four strakes of planking are then carvel-laid, 

side by side, forming a smooth hull side (Hasslöf 1970, 

1986, p.51ff; Humbla 1934, p.100). 

The Swedish ethnologist Kerstin Berg has written a 

dissertation dealing with shipping in Roslagen in the 

middle of Sweden from various points of view. Although 

the main source material consists of written 

records, she describes some conditions regarding halfcarvels. 

According to Berg, half-carvels were introduced 

to the parish of Vätö in the 1830s, and became 

very popular. However, towards the middle of the century, 

many of these ships were rebuilt as full-carvels. 

The half-carvels/half-clinkers were regarded as obsolete, 

old-fashioned and backward (G-son Berg 1984, 

pp.131, 188ff). The evolution of half-carvels, and the 

vessels rebuilt into carvels, as well as the techniques 

used during their construction, should be viewed as the 

materialisation of the changing conditions among the 

people who built and used them. The local seafaring 

community in the Vätö area, as well as in Sweden in 

general, underwent important changes in the 19th century. 

Among others, the fiscal privileges such as those 

requiring peasants not to use decked boats sprung out 

of broader changes in society. Should the appearance 

of new shipbuilding techniques be understood as a result 

of changing attitudes regarding social equality? 

The development of opportunities to carry out trade 

and shipping not only created a demand for bigger and 

more appropriate vessels, it also affected the identity of 

the people who used and built these vessels. Boats are 

clinker-built, while ships are carvel-built. If you are to 

become a ‘ship-owner’, your vessel should look like a 

ship, and have smooth planking. If you only have the 

know-how to build a clinker, but you have the social 

ambitions of the owner of a carvel ship, the technique 

of the former and the look of the latter form a perfect 

compromise: you make the ship a half-carvel! 

Fig. 1. The beak of the Märsman as it appeared in the 1960s. 

The timber now rests on the seabed (photograph by 

S. Lövstrand). 

of Rödlöga in the Stockholm archipelago, called the 

Märsman 2 (Fig. 1). The ship has not undergone any 

thorough archaeological survey, but from a brief diving 

visit at the site a couple of years ago, it is possible 

to make some small comments. Although the ship has 

disintegrated, it seems to be more or less complete. The 

two masts have fallen out from the hull and rest outside 

the starboard side. The location of the mast-steps suggests 

that she carried gaff rather than square-sails. Contemporary 

society would probably have recognised the 

ship as a schooner. The hull measures approximately 

23 metres between the stemposts. 

The lowest part of the hull is clinker-built. The frames 

are made out of compass timbers, and the species 

seems to be pine. They are attached to the planking 

with wooden pegs. The clinker strakes of planking are 

nailed to each other with iron nails. The construction of 

the lowest part of the hull is built in the same manner 

that clinker-built vessels had been built since the medieval 

period. Probably the planking is of sawn planks, 

rather than from split logs. 

But from above the bilge, the construction changes 

character. The side planking is carvel-built, and there 

are still the clearly visible remains of a massive deck 

construction. The tiller points aft, which indicates that 

the ship was steered by a wheel, but also that the stern 


II 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

Archaeological remains 

The 19th-century development of vernacular clinkerbuilt 

small boats into ‘real’ ships has left one interesting 

remain. It is an unidentified wreck, located south 

2 

There is an oral tradition regarding a ship that sank at 

this very spot on a stormy night in the 19th century. The 

following morning only the masts were sticking out of the 

water. On one of the tops, a member of the crew was tied 

to the mast and survived. The Swedish word for mast top is 

märs. As the wreck has been associated with this tradition, 

it has been given the working name the Märsman. 

79





NIKLAS 

ERIKSSON 

80 

had an overhang. Together with the small beakhead 

in the bow (Fig. 1.), the profile appearance of the hull 

would not have differed from any carvel-built schooner 

or brig from the period. 

The wreck has been dated, through coins and other 

artefacts, to the first half of the 19th century, and it 

may be used to illustrate the conditions described by 

Kerstin Berg during this particular period. You use the 

material and the techniques that you are familiar with, 

even though you try to build up something completely 

different. The Märsman wreck may be regarded as a 

large boat dressed up as a ship. One of the ships mentioned 

in Berg’s study is the schooner Victor. She was 

also built during the heyday of ‘half-carvels’, in 1852. 

She was later rebuilt, and converted into a full-carvel 

in 1877. In 1898, she sank outside Ornö in the Stockholm 

archipelago. As a diver visiting the wreck of the 

Victor, it is impossible to see that the ship was originally 

clinker-built. Perhaps the Märsman would have 

been rebuilt in the same way if she had still been afloat 

in the 1870s? 

When did the first half-carvels 

appear? 

The oldest carvel-built ship that has yet been found 

in the Baltic Sea is the Kravel. This ship, loaded with 

wrought-iron guns, may be regarded as an expression 

of early 16th-century high tech. It was the top of the 

line in warfare at that time, and the owner was probably 

none other than the Swedish king Gustav Vasa 

(Adams, Rönnby 1996; 2009). In the early 16th century, 

carvel-built ships were probably quite an unfamiliar 

sight, and many fighting ships were still clinkers. 

The Riddarholmsskeppet, dated to the 1520s, that was 

found during construction work in the 1930s and is 

now in the permanent exhibition of the Stockholm Medieval 

Museum, is an example of this (Fischer 1983). 

Clinker-built ships were used by the navy later on as 

well, for carrying provisions and so on, but they did 

not carry guns. 

The oldest half-carvel built vessel that has yet been 

found is the Åkroken wreck, dated dendro-chronologically 

to 1577. The provenance of the timbers suggests 

that the ship was built in Jämtland, which is located 

in the north of Sweden. Only a minor excavation of 

this wreck has been carried out. The estimated original 

length of the hull should have been approximately 

16 to 17 metres from stem to stern (Eriksson 2008a; 

2008b). The Åkroken wreck is one of the few properly 

dated wrecks from the early modern period, and 

it is interesting to note that what we may call ‘traces’ 

of carvel construction started to occur in vernacular 

shipbuilding quite rapidly after the first big ships were 

becoming carvel-built. 

From the 17th century onwards, half-carvels seem to 

become quite common, and the size seems to vary. The 

so-called Gröna Duvan (the Green Dove, after a plate 

with a bird that was recovered from the site) unidentified 

wreck, dated from coins to the 1730s, has a length 

from stem to stern of 16 metres (Fornsök), while the 

Bockolmen wreck, located on Åland, dendro-dated to 

1788–1790, has a length of 24 metres (Lindholm 2002, 

p.4ff). 

Half-carvels and the confusion they 

cause 

In the 17th century, big merchant ships of robust construction, 

such as fluits, East Indiamen and so on, had 

certain fiscal rights. Their taxes were lower if they 

could be equipped with artillery and used by the navy 

in wartime. This tax reduction was known as the Halva 

friheten (half-freedom). The other half was reduced if 

the ship was built and equipped in Sweden. In reality, 

clinker-built vessels could not benefit from these 

fiscal rights. The argument put forth was that they 

were simply regarded to weak for war use. In a letter 

from the taxation authorities to the Swedish king, 

dated September 1687, the fiscal status of half-carvels 

is stated: ‘no vessels [...] built in clinker should receive 

the half Swedish freedom in the tolls payment, even 

though they may be good and strong enough, or if they 

in the waterline in clinker and above in carvel-built are’ 

(Kommerskollegium. Main archive, main ser. B1a:26, 

Swedish Public Record Office). 

Written sources that describe the circumstances of 

half-carvels and their status in between clinker and 

carvel are scarce, but there are some interesting exceptions. 

One is a letter dated May 1777 from the toll 

director in Underslev in Finland (at that time still a 

part of Sweden) to all the toll offices in the rest of the 

country. It is a warning, because it has come to his notice 

that: ‘Owners of ships built using clinker construction, 

partly under the practice of rebuilding [to carvel], 

partly where the hull was half-carvel and half-clinker 

built, have received a certificate from certain officials 

[...] revealing incorrect information regarding [the vessels’] 

displacement, construction and strength.’ As a 

consequence, some of these ships received privileges 

originally intended only for carvel-built ships. 

Rebuilding hulls built in clinker fashion into carvel 

hulls has a long tradition and has been done for various 

reasons. The schooner Victor has already been 

mentioned. Early examples are the English Souvereign 

(1487–1488) (Adams/Rönnby 1996), and the so-called

Maasilinna wreck, dated to the 16th century (Mäss 

1994). Conversions seem to have been quite common 

in Sweden up to the 20th century, sometimes in combination 

with lengthening the ship. The clinker-built 

hull was simply cut in two, the ends were pulled apart, 

and a carvel construction was then built around these 

separated ends (Hasslöf 1970, p.59ff). The quotation 

above from the toll director suggests that half-carvels, 

or conversions from clinker to carvel, not only resulted 

in the sought-after visual effect. It implies that the bluff 

was sometimes swallowed, and resulted in some fiscal 

privileges. Which was the primary aim and which was 

the spin-off effect, is, of course, difficult to say. 


Other facades 

A hull side may be compared to the façade of a house. 

The wooden wall is articulated by different construction 

elements, which reveal the techniques used when 

building the ship. These construction elements, however, 

are often designed and modelled in order to appear a 

certain way. The profiled gunwales seen on ships from 

the 17th to the 19th centuries add nothing to the function. 

They are shaped in that way in order to make the 

shadows fall in a desired way, articulating the side of 

the hull to achieve a visual effect. In some cases, wide 

planks have been divided by longitudinal lines graven 

into the surface (Hocker 1991, p.197ff). The aesthetic 

aspect of the hull side in itself has not drawn as much 

attention as, for instance, the carved decorations of 

ships (Carr, Soop 1986; 2007). It is obvious, however, 

that the shaping of the outside could include stylistic 

aspects. As an example, 19th-century merchant ships, 

from brigs to clippers, were equipped with painted 

gunports, just for the look of it. The half-carvels should 

also be seen as an expression of such intentions. But 

there are other odd kinds of clinker construction that 

might have derived from a similar mindset regarding 

stylistic, aesthetic and architectonical ambitions. 

The kind of clinker I have in mind has a conventional 

clinker-built lower hull, but on the side the landing alternates 

(Fig. 2). Instead of placing the upper strake 

of planking on the outside of the lower, every second 

strake is placed on the inside. This technique is known 

from some wreck finds. The oldest might be the Melböda 

wreck from Öland, surveyed by Carl Ekman and 

Harald Åkerlund in 1951 and 1952. The wreck was 

dated on the basis of topography and layers to the late 

medieval period or the 16th century (Ekman 1954, 

pp.5-42). This technique has also been noted in the 

Danish area. The ‘Sandskude’ seems to have been built 

using this technique as well (Göthche 1985, p.299ff; 

1991, p.85ff). Carl Ekman estimated the original 

length of the Melböda ship to be approximately 16 or 

Fig. 2. A sketch showing the configuration of the planking on 

the Björns wreck (by Eriksson). 

17 metres. The Danish find is a bit smaller, estimated 

to have been ten to 12.5 metres from fore-stem to stern. 

The best-preserved example of a hull built in this fashion 

is located at Villinge in the Stockholm archipelago. 

The vessel is almost 19 metres between the stem-posts, 

and 5.2 metres wide (Fig. 3). It has a full deck, the 

galley was located between the bilge pump and the 

stern cabin (Eriksson 2004). The layout is quite similar 

to the orientation of these rooms found in small fluitships 

of the 17th century (Eriksson, forthcoming). The 

water depth here is a mere seven metres, and the explanation 

for the coherence of the hull structure is to a 

large extent a matter of its cargo. It consisted of burnt 

limestone. When the ship sank, the limestone reacted 

with the water and formed a massive support for the 

ship’s interior. The wood has been dendrochronologically 

dated to the 1740s, with its provenance pointing 

towards the island of Gotland, the limestone island that 

was an extensive producer and exporter of burnt limestone 

from the 18th century onwards. 3 

The Björns wreck originally had two masts. The location 

of the foremasts suggests square sails for both 

of the masts, in a similar fashion to the Stinesmindes 

wreck. This ship, however, is of a completely different 

nature when it comes to its construction. It is a robust 

carvel construction, with three so-called whales, 

thicker strakes of planking, strengthening the hull 

3 

More ship timbers originating from a hull built in the 

same way as the Björns wreck have been found at Gotland 

(Jonsson 2009). 

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ERIKSSON 





Fig. 3. A plan and side elevation sketch of the Björns wreck, a small 18th-century vessel loaded with burnt limestone 

(by N. Eriksson). 

82 

sides. Even if the Björns wreck is clinker-built, the 

ship originally would have appeared very much like 

the ship from Stinesminde when viewed from the side. 

The whales of the Stinesminde ship (Göthche/Rieck 

1990, pp.157-171) correspond to the side planking of 

the Björns wreck, something I do not want to view as 

a coincidence. 

Between clinker and carvel, a parting 

shot 

The shipbuilding techniques so briefly described here, 

the half-carvels, but also the vessels built with alternating 

strakes of clinker planking, may be regarded as a 

compromise between technology (clinker) and an aesthetic 

ambition (carvel). There may, of course, be other 

motives behind the selection of one technique over 

the other. The alternating strakes of clinker planking 

may well be a necessity of the shell-based shaping of 

the hull. Building the ship with conventional clinker 

planking up to the gunwhale would have widened the 

ship considerably. However, the parallel hull sides and 

the slight tendency of tumble-home, seen at the Björns 

wreck, is a borrowing from carvel ship architecture. 

References 

ADAMS, J., 2003. Ships, Innovation and Social Change. 

Aspects of Carvel Shipbuilding in Northern Europe 1450- 

1850. In: Stockholm Studies in Archaeology 24, Stockholm 

Marine Archaeology Report, 3. Stockholm. 

ADAMS, J., RÖNNBY, J., 1996. Furstens Fartyg – Marinarkeologiska 

undersökningar av en renässanskravell. In: 

Sjöhistoriska museets rapportserie, 32. Stockholm. 

ADAMS, J., RÖNNBY, J., 2009. Kraveln – Marinarkeologiska 

undersökningar av ett skeppsvrak från tidigt 

1500-tal i Nämndöfjärden, Stockholms skärgård. In: C. 

SCHOERNER, ed. Skärgård och örlog, Nedslag i Stockholm 

skärgårds tidiga historia, KVHAA, Konferenser, 71. 

Stockholm. 

LAUGHTON, L.G.C., 2006 (1925). Old Ship Figure-Heads 

& Sterns: With Which are Associated Galleries, Hancing- 

Pieces, Catheads and Divers Other Matters That Concern 

the Grace and Countenance of Old Sailing-Ships. Ontario. 

DEETz, J., 1977. In Small Things Forgotten. The Archaeology 

of Early American Life. New York. 

EKMAN, C., 1954. Melbödaskeppet. Unda Maris. 

ERIKSSON, N., 2004. Vraket som Björn hittade. In: Marinarkeologisk 

tidskrift, 1. Stockholm. 

ERIKSSON, N., 2008a. An early “half-carvel” in the Northern 

Baltic. In: Maritime Archaeology Newsletter from 

Denmark. Esbjerg. 

ERIKSSON, N., 2008b. En fartygslämning från slutet 

av 1500-talet i Selångersån, Arkeologisk förundersökning. 

In: Statens Maritima museer, Arkeologisk Rapport, 

2008:6. Stockholm. 

ERIKSSON, N., (forthcoming, 2011). Tapping into the 

Potential of Baltic Sea Shipwrecks – an Archaeology of 

Space. In: J. RÖNNBY, ed. Archaeological Interpretations 

of Shipwrecks. Stockholm. 

FISCHER, A., 1983. Riddarholmskeppet – en skeppsarkeologisk 

beskrivning och bedömning. Stockholm. 

G-SON, BERG, K., 1984. Redare i Roslagen: segelfartygsrederier 

och deras verksamhet i gamla Vätö socken. 

Stockholm. 

GÖTHCHE, M., 1985. Sandskuder – vessels for trade between 

Norway and Denmark in the 18th and 19th centuries. 

In: C.O. CEDERLUND, ed. Postmedieval Boat and 

Ship Archaeology. BAR Intern. Ser. 256. Oxford.

GÖTHCHE, M., 1991. Three Danish 17th-19th-century 

wrecks as examples of clinker building techniques versus 

carvel building techniques in local shipwrightry. In: 

R. REINDERS, P. KEES, eds. Carvel Construction Technique, 

Fifth International Symposium on Boat and Ship 

Archaeology. Oxford. 

GÖTHCHE, M., RIECK, F., 1990. Skuden er ladet med? Et 

1600-tals vrag fra Mariager Fjord, Nationalmuseets arbejdsmark. 

Köpenhamn. 

HASSLÖF, O., 1970. Huvudlinjer I skeppsbyggnadskonstens 

teknologi. In: O. HASSLÖF, H. HENNINGSEN, 

A.E. CHRISTENSEN, eds. Sömand, fisker, Skib och Vaerf. 

Introduktion till Maritim Etnologi. Köpenhavn. 

HASSLÖF, O., 1986 (1939). Bankskutor och sjöbåtar i Bohuslän, 

facsmile Båtdokumentationsgruppen. Skärhamn. 

HOCKER, F., 1991. ‘The development of a bottom-based 

shipbuilding tradition in Northwestern Europe and the new 

world’, dissertation. Texas A&M, Texas. 

HOCKER, F., VLIERMAN, K., 1996. A small cog wrecked 

on the Zuiderze in the early fifteenth century, Excavation 

report 19, NISA. Lelystad. 

HUMBLA, P., 1934. Klink och kravell. In: Svenska kryssarklubbens 

årsskrift 1934. Stockholm. 

JONSSON, M., 2009. Rapport vrakfynd. Lauters hamn, Fårö 

socken, Gotland. 

LEMEé, C., 2006. The Rennaissance Shipwrecks from 

Christianshavn. An archaeological and architectural study 

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från 1700-talet. In: Marinarkeologisk tidskrift, 2. 

Stockholm. 

MAARLEVELD, T.J., 1994. Double Dutch Solutions in 

Flush-Planked Shipbuilding: Continuity and Adaptations 

at the Start of Modern History. In: C. WESTERDAHL, 

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1991. Oxbow Monograph 40. Oxford. 

MäSS, V., 1994. A Unique 16 th Century Estonian Ship Find. 

In: C. WESTERDAHL, ed. Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. 

ISBSA 6, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40. 

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PROBST, N., 1994. The Introduction of Flush-Planked Skin 

in Northern Europe and the Elsinore wreck. In: C. WEST- 

ERDAHL, ed. Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. ISBSA 

6, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40. Oxford. 

RÅLAMB, Å.C., 1943 (1691). Skeps Bygerij eller Adelig Öfnings 

Tionde Tom, Sjöhistoriska museet, facsmile. Stockholm. 

SOOP, H., 1986. The power and the glory: the sculptures of 

the warship Wasa. Stockholm. 

SOOP, H., 2007. Flytande palats, Utsmyckning av äldre 

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under guldåldern 1570-1670. Uddevalla. 

Received: 20 September 2010; Revised: 12 December 2010; 


Niklas Eriksson 

Maritime Archaeological Research Institute 

at Södertörn University 

SE-141 89 Huddinge, Sweden 

E-mail: niklas.eriksson@sh.se 

TARP KLINKERINĖS IR 

KARAVELINĖS LAIVŲ KORPUSŲ 

STATYBOS – MIŠRŪS LAIVŲ 

KORPUSŲ STATYBOS ASPEKTAI 

SKANDINAVIJOJE 1550–1900 M. 

NIKLAS ERIKSSON 

Santrauka 

Mediniai laivų korpusai galėjo būti gaminami karaveline 

technika, korpuso lentas jungiant vieną prie kitos 

ir taip formuojant vientisą laivo korpuso šoną. Vėliau 

laivo korpusas buvo formuojamas perdengiant lentas. 

Nuo XVII a. tarp karo ir prekybos laivų aptinkami 

karavelinio tipo laivai. Priešingai, klinkerinis laivo 

korpuso sujungimo būdas buvo naudojamas statant 

neprestižinio tipo laivus, t. y. prasčiokų laivus. Klinkerinis 

laivų korpusų statybos būdas niekada nebuvo 

finansuojamas iždo. 

Karaveliniu būdu laivų korpusai Baltijos jūros areale 

pradėti statyti XVI a. pirmojoje pusėje. Jie reprezentavo 

aukštą to meto laivų statybos technologiją. Tačiau 

greitai karavelinės laivų korpusų statybos elementų 

pradėta pastebėti klinkerinės laivų korpusų statybos 

technologijoje. Šie laivai įvardijami kaip „pusiau karaveliniai“, 

jų apatinėje korpuso dalyse buvo naudojama 

klinkerinė konstrukcija, o viršutinėje – karavelinė. 

Pavyzdžiui, statant pusiau karavelinį laivo korpusą 

buvo naudojama keletas technologinių variantų. Statant 

tokio tipo laivų korpusus, buvo naudojama paprastesnė 

technologija, bet tai galėjo turėti keletą funkcinių 

ypatumų. Be to, galėjo būti ir pamėgdžiojimas. Karavelinė 

laivų korpusų technologija naudota statant valstybinius 

ir prekybos laivus. Dekoravimu pasiekta, kad 

klinkerinė technologija atrodė kaip karavelinė. Pusiau 

karavelinė technologija buvo idealus kompromisas, 

kai buvo norima pastatyti laivo korpusą, kad jis atrodytų 

kaip karavelinis. Tokie laivai buvo visapusiška 

karavelinių laivų statybos imitacija. Tuo metu tokiu pat 

būdu pasiturintys fermeriai mediniuose namuose naudojo 

akmens imitacijas, ir tai nebuvo blaškymosi, bet 

greičiau estetinis technologijos panaudojimo būdas. 

Pusiau karavelinė laivų statybos technologija atrodė 

kaip plati to meto jūrinės architektūros visuma. Pavyzdžiui, 

XIX a. pusiau karavelinė technologija buvo 

susijusi su denio struktūra, suformuojant snapo formą 

laivagalyje ar panašiai. Faktiškai pusiau karavelinio 

tipo laivus tapo sunku atskirti nuo karavelinių. Iš rašytinių 

šaltinių žinoma, kad pusiau karavelinio tipo 

laivai buvo laikomi karaveliniais. Tuo buvo siekiama 


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NIKLAS 

ERIKSSON 

mokestinių nuolaidų, kurios būdavo taikomos karavelinio 

tipo laivams. 

Pusiau karaveliniu korpusu laivai nuo XVII a. nebuvo 

tik vienas iš variantų, pereinant iš klinkerinio tipo 

laivų prie karavelinio. Lentų klojinys klinkerinio laivo 

korpuse buvo kaitaliojimas. Apatinėje laivo korpuso 

dalyje lentų klojinio briauna buvo iš išorės, bet viršutinėje 

laivo korpuso dalyje – iš vidaus. Todėl susidaro 

įspūdis, kad laivo korpuso šonas iš išorės, iki vandens 

grimzdės linijos, yra karavelinės technologijos. 

Vertė Algirdas Girininkas 

84

THE RAŠIA BOAT: FROM LOG-BOAT TO BOAT 

(A CASE STUDY) 

ROKAS KRANIAUSKAS 

Abstract 

Lithuanian boat and ship archaeology is a field of studies that is still in its very early stages. This paper is presented as a case 

study of a solitary watercraft found during underwater prospecting. The subtitle ‘From log-boat to boat’ is intended not only 

to stress technical innovations and transitions in boat-building techniques, but also to open a new chapter in Lithuanian inland 

underwater archaeology, with an emphasis on boat and ship archaeology. Some technical features of this boat, such as the bottom 

made from a single piece of pine, links it to more archaic log-boats. In eastern Lithuanian woodlands, archaic watercraft 

remained relatively unchanged up to modern times. From appearances, the Rašia boat can be taken as originating during the 

change from log-boat to boat, reflecting some features that can be retrospective in time to earlier periods of history. 

Key words: underwater archaeology, underwater prospecting, ship and boat archaeology, log-boat, plank boat, boat-building, 

caravel-built, eastern Lithuania, Lake Rašia. 


This article is based on a recent (2009) boat find at 

Lake Rašia in the Labanoras Regional Park in the 

east Lithuanian lakes region. For more than a decade, 

a team of young archaeologists have been diving and 

prospecting rinic lakes of glacial origin, searching for 

still little-known archaeological objects underwater. 

This has enabled them to discover a number of logboats, 

interpreted as a very archaic and at the same 

time a very typical means of water transport on Lithuanian 

lakes and rivers. The Rašia boat is the first find 

of plank-built watercraft of its type to be discovered on 

the lake bed. The title of the article ‘From Log-Boat to 

Boat’ has the intention not only of stressing technical 

innovations and transitions in the boat-building technique, 

but also of opening a new chapter in Lithuanian 

inland underwater archaeology, with the emphasis on 

boat and ship archaeology. 

To date, there are only a few publications concerning 

inland plank boats, mainly research done from an 

ethnographic point of view. The first attempt to describe 

fishermen’s boats used in the Vilnius region was 

made by the Polish ethnographer M. Znamierowska- 

Prufferowa in the early 1930s (Znamierowska 1930). 

She documented the building of a boat named ‘the 

bat’. This was a boat with frames made from a single 

curved tree branch, and side planks joined in clinker 

style. A few pictures were taken of men making a boat 

on the shore of Lake Skaistis (in the Trakai district). 

Another ethnographer, V. Vitauskas, described the 

whole process of boat-building by River Dubysa fishermen, 

from curving the boat’s flat bottom, and joining 

planks with iron nails, to covering the hull with 

resin pitch (Vitauskas 1939). In 1966, 17 log-boat and 

plank boat types were published in an attempt to systematise 

data gathered by the Ethnographic Museum 

of Lithuania (Bernotienė 1966). A. Butrimas in 1993 

published an article about the first plank boats used in 

the Lake Biržulis area, pointing to water-powered sawmills 

as the main impulse for the appearance of these 

boats (Butrimas 1993). The extensive study of fishing 

history by L. Piškinaitė-Kazlauskienė deals with rafts, 

log-boats and plank boats used up to modern times 

(Piškinaitė-Kazlauskienė 1998). However, all the 

above-mentioned publications are more of a descriptive 

nature, based on oral interviews or photographic 

material. The discovery of the Rašia boat enables us to 

take a more comprehensive view. 

The site of the boat (Fig. 1, see Plate IV) was indicated 

by a diving enthusiast. The boat was lying bottom down 

at seven metres depth, on an underwater slope, coming 

from a small lake island. Being half-submerged in silt, 

it was full of sand and fine gravel. Before making the 

documentation, some of this sand was removed. 

The Rašia boat (Fig. 2) is made from pine, and is 5.6 

metres long and up to 1.6 metres wide in the central 

part. The bottom is formed from a single five-centimetre-thick 

plank, 32 centimetres wide in the middle, 

and narrowing at the front and back to 12 centimetres 

wide. Five frames of a rectangular diameter seven by 

eight centimetres, each curved from a single piece of 

pine, are joined to the bottom every 60 centimetres. 

The bow is carved from a rectangular trunk 12 by 12 

centimetres in diameter, and 80 centimetres high. The 

stern is made from a trapezium-shaped plank, widening 

upwards from 12 to 48 centimetres. It has a semicircular 

notch on the edge. 

Three planks on each side some 20 centimetres wide 

and two or three centimetres thick are joined in caravel 

style, fixed with frames using treenails of 2.5 centime- 

II 

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ARCHAEOLOGY 

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ROKAS 

KRANIAUSKAS 

The Rašia Boat: 

from Log-Boat to Boat 

(a Case Study) 

Fig. 1. Lake Rašia (Labanoras Regional Park) and the site of the boat find (by R. Kraniauskas). 

86 

tres in diameter. Rectangular-shaped iron nails were 

used only to join the side planks with the bow and the 

stern. The caulking between the planks was made by 

filling the gaps with moss. The first three frames on 

the edges of both the boat’s sides are joined by semicircular 

12.5 centimetres in diameter, 140-centimetrelong 

trunks. The upper planks have rectangular-shaped 

holes in the front and at the back of the boat. The hull is 

impregnated with a thick layer of brown organic resin 

pitch that helped to preserve the boat in very good condition. 

Overall, it seems that the boat was used very 

little, and foundered on one of its first voyages. 

The first technical feature that draws our attention is 

the bottom. The single massive plank contrasts with 

the later well-known flat-bottomed multi-planked inland 

watercraft. Log-boats, as some of the most archaic 

and widespread watercraft, are frequently interpreted 

as being the direct forerunners of plank-built boats in 

culturally and historically different regions (Hornell 

1946, p.189; Johnstone 1989, p.45). Although evolution 

theories in the transition of boat-building are criticised, 

it is hard to deny the influence of the experience 

and customs of older techniques in newly appearing 

watercraft. In the east-southeast Baltic Sea area, two 

major factors led to radical changes in navigation and 

boat-building techniques. 

The first of them was the Viking era, and the influences 

of Scandinavian boat-building traditions. There are a 

number of boat finds in the west Slavic trading centres 

of Ralswiek and Wolin linking log-boats directly with 

plank boats. The technical transition of the boat-building 

technique is evidenced by adding additional planks 

to log-boat sides, and the gradual reduction of the logboat 

hull (Springmann 2009, p.190). During this evolution, 

specific types of V-shape ship keels emerged 

(Indruszewski 2004, p.207). Relict log-boats as hollowed 

keels have been used in even bigger framed and 

clinker-built Slavic ships (Smolarek 1981, p.51). 

The second factor took place in the Middle Ages with 

the introduction of higher draught cog ships, when a 

strict line was drawn between seagoing sailing ships 

and inland watercraft. In the eastern Baltic area, it is 

almost impossible to find continuity in boat-building 

traditions, as the Viking-era style of navigation, routes 

and trade centres disappeared. The early Middle Ages 

were marked by a change in the socio-economic model 

and led to the change and adaptation of watercraft suitable 

for new purposes for trade and provision between 

inland ports and seaports, or medieval towns and their 

hinterland. In the early stages of this transition, logboats 

were again enhanced and modified to suit the 

needs of transport. A huge log-boat up to 14.3 metres 

long with clinker-built planking and separate frames 

from the end of the 14th century was found in Gdansk 

(Ossowski 1999, p.125). Expanded log-boats with side 

planks and frames, able to carry horses, were common 

in the northwest Slavic lands of Novgorod and Pskov 

(Voronin 1951, p.282). For a while, these hybrids must 

have coexisted with flat-bottomed boats. Unfortunately, 

in Lithuania there are no archaeological finds or direct 

evidence of transitional types of boats from the 

Viking or medieval periods.

Despite all the changes and innovations, log-boats 

were in use up to the mid-20th century in Slavic and 

Baltic lands on a smaller scale, mainly in fishing. Even 

at the beginning of the 21st century they were used for 

fishing in southern Lithuania (Perminas 2008, p.38). 

Small country communities indulging in fishing as an 

alternative economic activity along Lithuanian lake 

shores maintained this tradition for hundreds of years. 

At this level, the introduction of plank-built boats occurred 

only in modern times, somewhere at the turn 

of the 19th and 20th centuries, though it is possible to 

notice a continuity from the log-boat building tradition 

to eventually changing them into plank boats. 

The Rašia boat is considered one of the very first plank 

boats to appear in the eastern Lithuanian lakes, and 

shares some common features with a log-boat. The 

long and narrow bottom made from a single thick 

plank resembles a relict log-boat, and invokes the relative 

instability of the watercraft. To enhance stability, 

the central part of the boat is widely spread. Rectangular 

holes in the upper planks look like positions for 

stabilising wings used in log-boats (Perminas 2009, 

p.51). There are no fixed positions for oars on the sides 

of the boat. The semi-circular notch on the stern suggests 

that the boat was propelled as a log-boat by one 

long rudder. All later-known plank boat types have at 

least three bottom planks, fixed oar positions, and seats 

inside the hull. 

It was designed for fishing: two trunks of a semi-circular 

cutaway on the sides of the boat were used to 

slide fishing nets. Lake Rašia is connected with the Lakajai 

lake system, giving access for fishing in a huge 

water basin. These lakes are situated in the biggest 

Lithuanian woodlands, around Labanoras, surrounded 

by sandy hills, where pine trees grow abundantly. The 

woodlands form a poorly accessible area for rapid 

cultural or technical innovations from other regions. 

Because of the poor soil, fishing and hunting played 

a very important role in the economies of small local 

communities. 

In comparison with ethnographic boat descriptions and 

documented log-boats rarely exceeding five metres, the 

Rašia boat is relatively long and has an extra capability 

for carriage. This kind of boat can have been used for 

the transport of hay, which was common among farmers 

living by a waterfront and cutting grass on islands 

or lake shores (Piškinaitė-Kazlauskienė 1998, p.165). 

In the Lake Rašia landscape, the only terrain suitable 

for grass cutting is on the southwest bank. For a wooded 

area with sandy soil, hay transport was of essential 

importance to local farmsteads. 

It is hard to say where the boat was built. Lake Rašia’s 

shores were thinly populated. Probably the boat was 

brought here by waterways, maybe from the nearby 

larger lakes of Lakajai. It is made of local materials, 

and by a local carpenter, who did his best in combining 

the deep traditions of log-boat hollowing with a modern 

knowledge of the planking technique. 

Was it a fishing or transport accident that led to the boat 

foundering? Its site and position suggest that somebody 

was fishing around the island, or carrying something 

from it, although the cargo looks strange. The 

boat is slightly inclined to the left, and full of sand and 

gravel. In surrounding sites, it is impossible to accumulate 

such an amount of ballast by any hydrodynamic 

forces. It is evident that its foundering was intentional, 

filling the boat with sand and gravel from the island. 

According to the boat’s technical features, the level of 

preservation, the site and the local traditions of boat 

building, it can be dated to the end of the 19th century. 

In an archaeologial sense, this is a modern find, but 

interpreted as very representative of east Lithuanian 

woodlands and lakes, noting the region’s late transition 

from some representations of its archaic past. The 

Rašia boat appears to date from the change from logboat 

to boat, reflecting some features that may be retrospective 

in time to earlier periods of history. 

References 

Manuscripts 

PERMINAS, K., 2009. XIV-XX a. Luotai iš dabartinių Lietuvos 

ir Latvijos teritorijų (doctoral dissertation), defended 

at Klaipėda University. 

Literature 

BERNOTIENĖ, S., 1966. Vandens susisiekimo priemonės. 

Etnografinių tyrimų anketa, No. 6. Vilnius. 

BUTRIMAS, A., 1993. Biržulio ir Lūksto valtys (laiveliai). 

Mūsų kraštas, 1 (2), 99-100. 

HORNELL, J., 1946. Water transport – origins & early evolution. 

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 

INDRUSZEWSKI, G., 2004. Man, Ship, Landscape. Ships 

and seafaring in the Oder mouth area 400-1400 AD. A 

case study of an ideological context. Publications from the 

National Museum, Studies in Archaeology & History 9. 

Copenhagen. 

JOHNSTONE, P., 1989. The sea-craft of prehistory. London: 

Routledge. 

OSSOWSKI, W., 1999. Studia nad Łodziami jednopiennymi 

z obszaru Polski. Gdansk: Marpress. 

PERMINAS, K., 2008 Ežeriniai Lynežerio ir Marcinkonių 

apylinkių luotai. Liaudies kultūra, 4, 38-45. 

PIŠKINAITĖ-KAZLAUSKIENĖ, L., 1998. Žvejybos istorijos 

apybraižos. Vilnius: Diemedis. 

SMOLAREK, P., 1981. Ships and ports in Pomorze. In: G. 

MILNE, B. HOBLEY, eds. Waterfront archaeology in Britain 

and northern Europe. London, 51-60. 


II 

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ARCHAEOLOGY 

87

The Rašia Boat: 

from Log-Boat to Boat 

(a Case Study) 

ROKAS 

KRANIAUSKAS 

SPRINGMANN, M.J., 2009. Frühe Schifffahrt und Shiffbau 

in den Haffgebieten. In: H. MEYER, M.J. SPRIN- 

GMANN, H. WERNICKE, eds. Die Lagomar Haffe. The 

Lagomar Lagoons. Friedland: Steffen verlag, 180-206. 

VITAUSKAS, V., 1939. Žvejyba Padubysio valsčiuje. Gimtasai 

kraštas, 1 (21), 462-471. 

VORONIN, N.N., 1951. Istoriia kultury drevney Rusy. Moscow. 

ZNAMIEROWSKA-PRUFFEROWA, M., 1930. Rybołówstwo 

jezior trockich. Wilno. 

Received: 19 August 2010; Revised: 14 October 2010; 


Rokas Kraniauskas 


Herkaus Manto street 84, 


E-mail: rokidze@yahoo.com 

RAŠIOS VALTIS – PERĖJIMAS 

NUO LUOTŲ PRIE VALČIŲ 

Rokas Kraniauskas 

Kyla klausimas, ar galima įžvelgti Rašios valties 

konstrukcijoje tęstinumą tarp gerai pažįstamų luotų 

ir naujai atsirandančių lentinių valčių. Vandens transporto 

priemonių evoliucijos teorijos įžvelgia tiesioginį 

perėjimą nuo luotų prie lentinių laivų – degraduojant 

luotui iki kylio ir laipsniškai atsirandant papildomoms 

bortų lentoms. Tam įrodyti pasitelkiami laivų su reliktiniais 

luotais – kiliais radiniai, žinomi iš vakarų slavų 

gyventų teritorijų. Rašios valties atveju jos dugną 

būtų galima taip pat interpretuoti kaip reliktinį luotą. 

Šis konstrukcijos elementas valties meistro buvo pasirinktas 

kaip jam turbūt gerai pažįstama dugno technologija, 

naudota skobiant luotus. Taip pat valtyje 

pastebėta dar keletas detalių, būdingų luotams: nėra 

aiškios pozicijos irklams, laivagalyje padaryta pusapvalė 

išpjova, naudota vienam vairiniam irklui, abiejų 

šonų viršutinėse borto lentose padarytos keturkampės 

skylės, primenančios luotuose naudotų stabilizacinių 

sparnų poziciją. 

Nesant radinių ir aiškios tipologijos, Rašios valtį sunku 

datuoti. Turint omenyje bendrą radimvietės aplinkos 

kultūrinį kontekstą ir įvertinant tai, kad perėjimas 

nuo luotų prie lentinių valčių mažose Labanoro girios 

kaimo bendruomenėse įvyko gan vėlai – XIX–XX a. 

sandūroje, Rašios valtį galėtumėme datuoti XIX a. pabaiga 

ir interpretuoti kaip vieną iš pavidalų pereinant 

nuo archajiškų luotų prie modernių vandens transporto 

priemonių. Nors galutinis virsmas įvykęs vėlai, techniniai 

valties bruožai atskleidžia panašius perėjimo procesus, 

vykusius daug ankstesniais laikais. 

88 

Santrauka 

Šio straipsnio idėja gimė 2009 m., kai Rašios ežere 

(Labanoro regioninis parkas) povandeninių archeologinių 

žvalgymų metu buvo rasta nuskendusi neįprasta 

lentinė valtis. Daugiau kaip dešimtmetį žvalgant rininius 

Rytų Lietuvos ežerus įprastu radiniu tapo luotai. 

Šios archajiškos vandens transporto priemonės, naudotos 

nuo akmens amžiaus iki pat XXI a., ne kartą atkreipė 

tyrinėtojų dėmesį. Tuo tarpu apie lentines valtis 

žinoma tik iš pavienių etnografinių aprašymų. 

Rašios valtis rasta 7 m gylyje gulinti ant povandeninio 

šlaito, einančio nuo ežero salos. Valtis yra pušinė, 

5,6 m ilgio, 1,6 m pločio, bortai suformuoti iš trijų lentų, 

kurios viena su kita sujungtos karavelės stiliumi. 

Karkasas sudarytas iš 5 vientisų špantų, išdėstytų kas 

60 cm. Valtis gerai impregnuota ruda organine derva, 

o tarpai tarp lentų užkišti samanomis. Įdomiausias valties 

konstrukcijos elementas yra dugnas, suformuotas 

iš vienos lentos, 32 cm pločio per vidurį, siaurėjančios 

į priekį ir galą.

THE EARLY MEDIEvAL BRIDGES AT OSTROW 

LEDNICKI IN THE LIGHT OF UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES 

Andrzej KolA 

Abstract 

Ostrow Lednicki, an island situated in Lake Lednica between Gniezno and Poznań, is an important archaeological site from 

the period of the beginnings of the Polish state. In the tenth and 11th centuries, apart from Gniezno, Poznań and Giecz, the 

town, which has been preserved together with the remains of a stone palace, was one of the main towns of the state of Mieszko 

I and Bolesław I the Brave. The significance of Ostrow Lednicki in the Early Middle Ages is also emphasised by two bridges 

leading to the island, the Gniezno bridge from the east, and, the Poznań bridge from the west, which mark an important communication 

route in that period between Poznań and Gniezno. With the exception of towns, bridges like this were the largest 

engineering constructions of the epoch in the Slavic world. Systematic underwater studies of the remains of the bridges were 

undertaken in 1982, and have been carried out with intervals until today. In 2000 and 2001, the exploration of the west bridge 

was supported financially by the Foundation for Polish Science. It was concerned in particular with building a special apparatus 

for the conservation of movable monuments after excavating them during underwater studies in the area of the bridge’s 

location and found by means of metal detectors used in the close vicinity of the west bridge. These studies yielded a large 

number of artefacts, enriching our knowledge of the material culture of the Early Middle Ages. The military finds, consisting, 

so far, of over 150 axes and several dozen spearheads and javelins, are exceptionally important. This unique collection of 

military objects has no counterpart in European archaeology. 

Key words: bridge, Early Middle Ages, underwater archaeology, Ostrow Lednicki, Poland. 


II 

Ostrow Lednicki, an island measuring a few hectares in 

Lake Lednica situated between Gniezno and Poznań, 

has been an object of archaeological interest for over 

150 years. The island has revealed the well-preserved, 

clearly outlined Early Medieval earthen ramparts of a 

town, the ruins of the oldest stone-built construction in 

Poland, a palace with a residential function, combined 

with a chapel originating from the times of the first Piast 

dynasty of Poland of Mieszko I and Bolesław I the 

Brave. Our present state of knowledge regards Ostrow 

Lednicki, along with Gniezno, Poznań and Giecz, as 

one of the most significant Piast towns from the period 

of the formation of the state in the second half of the 

tenth and the beginning of the 11th century (Kurnatowska 

2000, p.108ff). The Early Medieval settlement 

complex of Ostrow Lednicki also consisted of a settlement 

located on the island, a vast cemetery on the eastern 

shore of the lake, and two huge bridges connecting 

the island with the lake shores (Fig. 1). 

Systematic studies on the Ostrow Lednicki settlement 

complex and its widespread supply base were undertaken 

at the beginning of the 1980s, within the framework 

of an interdisciplinary scientific programme, 

following the inspiration and coordination of historic, 

archaeological and geographical-environmental research 

supervised by the Museum of the First Piasts in 

Lednica. The museum also initiated underwater studies 

in Lake Lednica, which were a continuation, and 

simultaneously a verification, of underwater work carried 

out in the lake in the vicinity of the island in the 

years 1959 to 1961. This was when the remains of two 

bridges were found in the lake on the east and west 

sides of Ostrow Lednicki. These bridges marked communication 

routes towards Poznań (the west one was 

called the Poznań bridge) and towards Gniezno (the 

Gniezno bridge). It was stated then that the length in 

the water of the west bridge amounted to 438 metres, 

and the east one 187 metres (Kola, Wilke 1977). During 

these three underwater excavation seasons, which 

were limited by time and their reconnaissance character, 

attention was focused solely on the west bridge’s 

remains (Mikołajczyk 1961; Anderszowa et al., 1963). 

Since 1982, underwater research of Ostrow Lednicki 

has been carried out first by the Archaeology Department 

(at present the Institute of Archaeology) of Nicolas 

Copernicus University in Toruń. The studies are an 

element of the longstanding research programme entitled 

‘West Slavic Water Communication Devices in 

the Middle Ages’. These studies have continued, with 

some intervals, until the present day. The first years of 

the excavations were devoted to the remains of the east 

bridge; and their results, apart from the current reports 

(Kola, Wilke 1985; 1991), were presented in a separate 

collective monograph (Wczesnośredniowieczne mosty 

..., 2000). Since 1986 (Kola, Wilke 1989), the studies 

have concentrated, with some intervals, on the remains 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

89

Andrzej 

KolA 

The Early medieval bridges at 

Ostrow Lednicki in the light of 

underwater archaeological studies 

Fig.1. Ostrow Lednicki: a sketch showing the situation of the island and the bridges (after W. Szulta 2008, p.113). 

90 

of the west bridge and the lake zone situated in the 

western part of the island. 

The remains of both bridges (Fig. 2) are manifested 

at present as sections of poles stuck into the bottom, 

slightly jutting out from the alluvion, being the remnants 

of supporting parts of the bridge, pillars (piers) 

and buttresses (Fig. 3, see Plate Iv). Numerous remains 

of poles from the upper bridge construction, 

as well as other small wooden parts of this material 

from the period of building or repairing the bridge or 

the adjoining constructions, are scattered around them 

(Figs. 4, 5). The task of the underwater research was to 

retrieve from the bottom silt all the deposited wooden 

remnants, and all accompanying movable historical 

objects, to compile an underwater inventory of the excavated 

historic structures, and to take them from the 

water for a complete laboratory examination. To date, 

some wood samples from the bridge structures were 

taken for dendrochronological analysis, which is indispensable 

for defining the dates of particular stages of 

the construction and repairs to the bridge within the 

framework of a planigraphical-chronological analysis. 

Movable artefacts, in turn, were subjected to conservation 

treatment, and after the conservation process they 

were delivered to the Museum of the First Piasts in 

Lednica; whereas underwater studies outside the zone 

of the remains of the bridge focused on searching for 

numerous movable artefacts appearing in the zone, 

particularly military objects deposited in the water as 

a result of human activity during the settlement’s use. 

A suitable method for the exploration and underwater 

documentation was specially prepared in order to fulfil 

the study programme while excavating the remains of 

both bridges (Kola 2000). The area of the poles, that is, 

the remains of the bridge, was divided into two strips 

four metres wide, in a transverse composition towards


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UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

Fig. 2. Ostrow Lednicki: the Early Medieval bridges. The situation of the remains of the west bridge (3a) and the east bridge 

(3b), together with the exploration sectors (in accordance with the research from 2000) (after A. Kola, G. Wilke 2000, p.13). 

Fig. 4. Ostrow Lednicki: the east bridge. 

A projection of the remains of the bridge 

in sections of strips 6-9 

(after A. Kola, G. Wilke 2000, p.40). 

91

Andrzej 

KolA 




92 

Fig. 5. Ostrow Lednicki: the west bridge. A projection of the remains of the bridge by the island (strips 4-8), and in the 

central part of the lake (strips 15-17) (after G. Wilke, archives of the Underwater Archaeology Department of the Institute 

of Archaeology of NCU).

Fig. 6. Ostrow Lednicki: the remains of the Early Medieval 

bridges. A scheme of the exploration of the culture layers 

(after A. Kola, G. Wilke 2000, p.29). 

the longitudinal axis of the bridge. These strips in turn 

were divided into four-by-four-metre sections, treating 

them as fundamental exploration and documentation 

units. The exploration of the bottom stratification was 

led by means of an accordingly constructed injector, a 

special appliance for cleaning archaeological structures 

of silt (Fig. 6). The exploration work was performed 

by divers, mainly students specialising in underwater 

archaeology at Toruń University. After completing the 

cleaning process, a drawing (scheme) was made under 

the water of all the wooden constructions revealed 

within the range of the section marked, and then transformed 

on the surface on to the collective scheme 

(Figs. 4, 5). The scheme was also equipped with places 

marked where movable artefacts were excavated in the 

course of exploration. 

The exploration of the west bridge, which is still not 

completed, concentrated primarily on studying the island 

side. Here, seven strips were explored, and a complete 

documentation of the remains of the bridge was 

drawn up (strips II–vIII, from four to 32 metres from 

the island) on a total of 35 study section surfaces. In 

this area, the remains of the bridge appeared at a depth 

of 1.5 metres to over six metres. Next, two strips inside 

five units were studied at a distance of 24 metres 

west of the former area (strips XvI and XvII), where 

the depth of the deposition of the remains amounted to 

over ten metres. The examined fields in the area of the 

last two strips did not include, however, all the range 

of the width of deposition of the remains of the bridge. 

This last area revealed a big sunken dugout boat over 

ten metres long, dated undoubtedly to the times of the 

use of the bridge. The boat is still awaiting lifting, 

which is connected with the technically and financially 

complicated process of its conservation. A dugout boat 

similar in size was excavated near the same bridge in 

1960, which after being lifted found a place in the local 

Museum of the First Piasts (Mikołajczyk 1961a). 

A crucial point in the attempt at reconstructing the west 

bridge is defining the number of subsequent stages of 

building or rebuilding (repairs). Analysing the planigraphy 

of pole relics of both the east and the west bridges, 

it can be noted that the remnants of bridge poles, 

being elements of pillars and buttresses in a horizontal 

projection in its construction, consist of two rows in the 

longitudinal composition of the bridge. Therefore, the 

imprecise rows outline the width of the bridge, where 

suitable poles in those rows joined by sway braces and 


II 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

Fig. 7. Ostrow Lednicki: the exploration of the east bridge. A reconstruction of the deck levels of the bridge in subsequent 

stages, on the basis of planigraphy of the remains of pillars and dendrochronological studies (after G. Wilke, archives of the 

Underwater Archaeology Department of the Institute of Archaeology of NCU). 

93




Andrzej 

KolA 

94 

Fig. 8. Ostrow Lednicki: an attempt at the reconstruction 

of the east bridge (after A. Kola, G. Wilke 2000, p.46). 

Fig. 10. Ostrow Lednicki: the east bridge. Axes ‘in situ’ from the bridge area 

(photograph by W. Szulta). 

Fig. 11. Ostrow Lednicki: the east bridge. A selection of axes found in the 

area of the bridge (photograph by W. Szulta). 

strengthened by buttresses from outside created the 

bridge pillar. Such bracing with joggle holes for inserting 

poles was excavated among the studied remains in 

the zones of both the east and the west bridge. In the 

case of the east bridge, the span between the joggle 

holes in the bracing was about 4.2 metres, appointing 

at the same time the width of the bridge’s deck (Fig. 

7). Based on the results of dendrochronological pole 

analysis, and using them for a chronological-planigraphy 

analysis (Fig. 8), it was established that the bridge 

was erected in the years 963–964, and its subsequent 

rebuilding or repair took place as late as the 1030s 

(Wilke 2000). The west bridge could have functioned 

at a similar time; analyses of selected dendrochronological 

samples are in progress. 

Underwater studies performed in 2000 and 2001 in 

the zone of the west bridge by Ostrow Lednicki were 

supported financially by a grant from the Foundation 

for Polish Science, Archeo II, as a continuation 

of the work undertaken in the 1980s. 

The study method corresponded with 

the experience previously gathered at 

the same site. The idea was to explore 

underwater stratification from the bottom, 

using special equipment (injector 

of water type) and free penetration by 

means of underwater metal detector. 

The research using these methods was 

performed both within the area of the 

remains of the bridge, and in the vicinity 

of the lake from the western shore 

of the island. 

In 2000, the exploration concentrated 

on shore strips II and III near the island. 

In strip III, the exploration of field 2 of 

the previous year was continued, where 

the remains of four poles marked in the 

general scheme of the remnants of the 

bridge with numbers from 89 to 92 

were found. They constituted a piece 

of the pillar beam of the bridge. In strip 

II, the exploration was focused on the 

area of field 3 (only about four to eight 

metres from the present shoreline), 

which was completely overgrown 

with reeds. Under a thick reed root 

layer of about 80 to 100 centimetres, 

a greyish-yellow sand layer with grey 

gyttja under it contained nine further 

poles stuck into the lake bed, marked 

on the map by the numbers 102 to 110. 

Moreover, the three next trenches were 

set in strips Iv, v and vI (marked in 

those strips as section 0), within a dis-


Fig. 12. Ostrow Lednicki: the east bridge. Military and riding accoutrements from the 1999 studies (photograph by 

W. Szulta). 

tance of about eight to ten metres south of the place 

where the remains had already been spotted in previous 

years. Their purpose was to indicate the presence 

of wooden constructions and historic artefacts related 

to the use of the bridge under a layer of semi-fluid silt. 

The verification turned out to be successful, because 

the fields explored in strips V and VI contained oak 

laths 540 centimetres long, 38 centimetres wide, and 

ten centimetres thick, which had probably been part 

of the bridge’s deck. The trench in field 0 (strip IV) 

revealed a completely preserved wooden sledge runner, 

and nearby two complete Early Medieval axes 

entangled with each other. As a result of underwater 

exploration in the year 2000, except for the items listed 

above, several other wooden and metal artefacts were 

excavated, including an iron axe and wooden nogs 

and pegs for fixing parts of the bridge construction. 

The mass of artefacts consisted of fragments of Early 

Medieval ceramic vessels (a total of 632 fragments). 

The free exploration with the help of an underwater 

metal detector concentrated that year on studying the 

south side of the Poznań bridge, marked by two sections 

of 12 by 24 metres each, as well as along the 

western shore of the island towards the north of the 

remians of that bridge. As a result, several historical 

objects with ferromagnetic features were located 

and lifted from the lake, including two axes, two iron 

plates, an iron sickle and two half-scythes, a carpenter’s 

hatchet with a preserved handle, the arrowhead 

of a bow, a belt clasp, a bucket arc, and a wooden tub 

with metal hoops. 

In 2001, underwater research was continued in the area 

of the west bridge using a metal detector for underwater 

exploration, studying precisely by injector fields 2 

and 3 in strip II. A total of 24 square metres was subjected 

to detailed study. The trench in unit 3 was a continuation 

of the work started the year before, and in the 

end ten poles marked with numbers from 102 to 111, 

being the part of the bridge pillar beam, were reported, 

while the exploration of field 2 of the same strip did not 

confirm the presence of any remains of wooden constructions 

related to the bridge. Other wooden objects 

that were found and brought up were the following: the 

stave of a small bowl, a piece of a lid, a wooden spade 

and a tub stave. The total number of objects considered 

to be parts of Early Medieval ceramic vessels was 282 

pieces. 

Underwater penetration with the use of a metal detector 

focused on the exploration of the south side of the 

remains of the bridge in the subsequent two sectors 

12 by 24 metres each and the north side of the bridge. 

These systematic studies resulted in the localisation 

and excavation of the following historic objects with 

ferromagnetic features: two axes, a spearhead, an iron 

hook and a piece of iron wire. However, a wooden 

single-trunk dugout boat, a dugout with a preserved 

length of 4.5 metres, turned out to be an exceptional 

find. It was taken up from the bottom, and after completing 

its inventory, it was preserved for research and 

exhibition purposes. 

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ARCHAEOLOGY 

95




Andrzej 

KolA 

The studies of Early Medieval bridges on the remains 

of Ostrow Lednicki, as far as the scale of work and 

the results obtained are concerned, can be regarded as 

unique in European archaeology. Regardless of all the 

knowledge gained so far on the subject of these monumental 

engineering achievements of the Early Middle 

Ages, the research produced many movable historic 

artefacts, enriching our knowledge of Medieval culture 

at the turn of the tenth century (Fig. 9, see Plate 

Iv). The collection of military objects, nearly 150 military 

axes (Figs. 10, 11) and several dozen spearheads 

and javelins (Fig. 12), being the biggest collection of 

objects of this type obtained until now from one archeological 

site, is particularly impressive. Therefore, 

the crucial problem now is the question of the proper 

conservation of the waterlogged objects excavated in 

such great quantity. The understanding on the part of 

the Foundation for Polish Science, which subsidised 

the research from the Archeo II programme and also 

met the expectations of these conservation problems, 

should also be stressed. 

ed. Ziemie polskie w X wieku i ich znaczenie w kształtowaniu 

się nowej mapy Europy. Kraków, 99-117. 

KURNATOWSKA, Z. (ed), 2000. Wczesnośredniowieczne 

Mosty Przy Ostrowie Lednickim, vol I, Mosty traktu gnieźnieńskiego, 

I. Lednica-Toruń. 

MIKOŁAJCZYK, G., 1961. Badania na Ostrowie Lednickim, 

pow. Gniezno w 1957-1959 r.. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne, 

13, 551-554. 

MIKOŁAJCZYK, G., 1961a. Łódź wczesnośredniowieczna 

z Jeziora Lednickiego, pow. Gniezno, Kwartalnik Historii 

Kultury Materialnej, 9, 314-316. 

WILKE, G., 2000. Analiza chronologiczno-przestrzenna 

struktur palowych i próba rekonstrukcji mostu. In: Z. KUR- 

NATOWSKA ed., Wczesnośredniowieczne mosty przy 

Ostrowie Lednickim, vol I, Mosty traktu gnieźnieńskiego. 

Lednica-Toruń, 57-71. 

Received: 3 November 2010; Revised: 9 December 2010; 


Andrzej Kola 

Nicolas Copernicus University in Toruń 

Institute of Archaeology 

Szosa Bydgoska 44/48, Poland 

E-mail: inavcheo@his.uni.torun.pl 

Literature 

ANDERSZOWA, K., ŁOMNICKI, J., NOWAK, A., SZENI- 

COWA, W., 1963. Sprawozdanie z prac badawczych na 

Ostrowie Lednickim w 1961 roku. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne, 

15, 218-230. 

KOLA, A., 2000. Archeologiczne badania na reliktach mostu. 

In: Z. KURNATOWSKA ed., Wczesnośredniowieczne 

mosty przy Ostrowie Lednickim, I, Mosty trakty gnieźnieńskiego, 

Lednica-Toruń. 

KOLA, A., WILKE, G., 1977. Stan badań śródlądowej archeologii 

podwodnej w Polsce. Pomorania Antiqua, 7, 

147-184. 

KOLA, A., WILKE, G., 1985. Wstępne sprawozdanie z archeologicznych 

badań podwodnych przeprowadzonych na 

reliktach mostów wczesnośredniowiecznych w Jeziorze 

Lednickim w latach 1982-1983. Acta Universitatis Nicolai 

Copernici, Archeologia XI, Archeologia Podwodna, 2, 

63-73. 

KOLA, A., WILKE, G., 1989. Sprawozdanie z archeologicznych 

badań podwodnych reliktów 

wczesnośredniowiecznego mostu “poznańskiego” (Rybitwy, 

stan. 3 a) w Jeziorze Lednickim, w latach 1986-1987. 

Studia Lednickie, I, Lednica-Poznań, 77-95. 

KOLA, A., WILKE, G., 1991. Sprawozdanie z archeologicznych 

badań podwodnych przeprowadzonych w Jeziorze 

Lednickim na reliktach mostu wczesnośredniowiecznego, 

tzw. gnieźnieńskiego (Rybitwy, stan. 3 B) w latach 1984- 

1985. Acta Universitatis Nicolai Copernici, Archeologia 

XV, Archeologia Podwodna, 3, 43-58. 

KURNATOWSKA, Z., 2000. Wielkopolska w X wieku i formowanie 

się państwa polskiego. In: H. SAMSONOWICZ, 

ANKSTYVŲJŲ VIDURAMŽIŲ 

OSTROW LEDNICKI 

TILTAI POVANDENINIŲ 

ARCHEOLOGINIŲ TYRIMŲ 

KONTEKSTE 

Andrzej KolA 

Santrauka 

Ostrow Lednicki – sala Lednica ežere, kuris yra tarp 

Gniezno ir Poznanės miestų. Šioje saloje yra reikšminga 

archeologinė gyvenvietė, menanti Lenkijos valstybės 

ištakos laikus. Šio X–XI a. miesto liekanos yra 

susijusios su akmenine pilimi, kaip ir Gniezno, Poznanės 

ir Gieczo miestuose. Ostrow Lednicki buvo vienas 

pagrindinių miestų valdant Mieszko I ir Boleslovui I 

Narsiajam. Šiam miestui ankstyvaisiais viduramžiais 

ypač svarbūs buvo du tiltai, jungiantys salą su strategiškai 

reikšmingais keliais. Gniezno vardu pavadintas 

tiltas iš rytų ir Poznanės tiltas iš vakarų jungė svarbius 

kelius iš Poznanės į Gniezną. Tiltų reikšmė ne mažesnė 

nei miesto, nes tai svarbūs inžineriniai įrenginiai 

slavų išplitimo areale. Sistemingi tiltų tyrimai prasidė- 

96

jo 1982 m. ir su pertraukomis baigėsi tik pastaruoju 

metu. 2000–2001 m. tiltų tyrimams buvo gauta Lenkijos 

mokslo fondo lėšų. Šiems tyrimams ir tiltų konservavimui 

buvo naudojami specialūs judantys aparatai 

ir metalo detektoriai. Tuo būdu šalia tiltų buvo aptikta 

daug radinių, susijusių su ankstyvaisiais viduramžiais. 

Dauguma radinių buvo kovinės paskirties: 150 kovos 

kirvių, strėlių ir iečių antgalių. Tyrinėti inžineriniai tilto 

įrenginiai ir šalia jų rasti radiniai neturi analogijų 

tarp Europos archeologinių paminklų. 



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99

The Excavation of Kryvina 

Peatbog Settlements in 

Northern Belarus between 

2000 and 2009 

THE EXCAVATION OF KRYVINA PEATBOG 

SETTLEMENTS IN NORTHERN BELARUS 

BETWEEN 2000 AND 2009 

MICHAL CHARNIAUSKI, MAXIM CHARNIAUSKI 

MICHAL 

CHARNIAUSKI, 

MAXIM 

CHARNIAUSKI 

Abstract 

Between 2000 and 2010, the Asaviec 2 and Asaviec 7 settlements of Kryvina peatbog (Vitebsk region) were excavated. At 

Asaviec 2 the excavations concentrated on the northern part, where pure materials of Usvyatian culture were found, and also 

several fragments of a Globular Amphora culture vessel. 

The excavations of the new Asaviec 7 settlement (up till 2007) gave us pure materials of Northern Belarusian culture, too. 

Among them are bone, antler and flint items, made mainly according to local Neolithic traditions. There are two 14C dates for 

this settlement: 3770±90 ВР and 3870±40 ВР. 

Key words: Late Neolithic, Bronze Age, peatbog settlements, northern Belarus, Usviaty culture, Northern Belarusian culture. 

100 

Kryvina peatbog is situated on the border of the Sianno 

and Beshankovichy districts in the Vitebsk region. Ten 

Neolithic and Bronze Age settlements, Asaviec 1, 2, 3, 

4, 5, 6, 7 and Kryvina 1, 2, 3, as well as several other 

sites, are known here (Fig. 1). 

Between 2000 and 2009 the settlements of Asaviec 2 

(by Michal Charniauski) and Asaviec 7 (by Maxim 

Charniauski) were investigated. The explorations by 

Maxim Charniauski in the southern part of Asaviec 2 

with the prevailing materials of Northern Belarusian 

culture are not finished yet, and are therefore not included 

in the present work. 

Asaviec 2 

The Asaviec 2 site is situated in the northern part of the 

Kryvina peatbog 1.3 kilometres south-southeast of the 

village of Asaviec. 

The site was discovered in 1966. Since then, it has been 

sporadically excavated (Cherniavskii 1967). Almost 

350 square metres have now been excavated. Most of 

the archaeological material at the site belongs to the 

Northern Belarusian culture of the Late Neolithic to 

Bronze Age. Usvyatian culture ceramics from the Middle 

Neolithic were found at the bottom of the cultural 

layer. They differ from Northern Belarusian culture ceramics 

in most parameters, and are easily distinguished 

from the complex of finds. However, flint and bone artefacts 

from the bottom layer could have belonged to 

either culture. 

Beginning in 2000, the excavations have focused on 

the northern part of Asaviec 2 (Charniauski 2003; 

Charniauski 2009). Here, a cultural layer of about 

one metre was discovered under the peat. Up to 

0.5 metres deep, it contained artefacts of Northern 

Belarusian culture. Lower, down to the bedrock, the 

remains of an Usvyatian culture settlement were bedded 

in situ. Specific artefacts were found here that represent 

comprehensively local Usvyatian culture. They 

comprise ceramics, tools and hunting weapons made 

from flint, horn and bone, household tools, decorations, 

the remains of wooden structures, and osteological 

and phytologic material. 

The ceramics are the most numerous (Figs. 2, 3, 4, 5). 

They consist of more than 2,000 fragments of pottery, 

mainly pots, and much fewer bowls (the 2002 to 2009 

excavations). 

The shapes of the larger pots have not yet been wholly 

reconstructed. They can be assumed by the fragments 

available, as well as by the small vessels, which usually 

copied the patterns of the larger ones. These were 

low vessels shaped like a helmet, with pointed bottoms 

and cylindrical tops that transferred smoothly into the 

near-bottom part. Taken in axial section, the bottoms 

were usually 90º or more. Their ends were sometimes 

rounded. The bowls were mostly round-bottomed, and 

more rarely with pointed rounded bottoms. 

The pottery necks were wide open. The height equalled 

the width, or was slightly bigger. This is also confirmed 

by the preserved fragments and the rather large quantity 

of rim residues. 

It is difficult to determine the neck diameters of the 

pots. Having been in a very moist environment for a 

long time, the ceramics have to a large degree lost their 

firing. That is the reason why the potsherds, including 

the rims, have lost their form under the pressure of the


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Fig. 1. The Kryvina peat-bog region: the location of the settlements. 1 Asaviec 6; 2 Asaviec 3a; 3 Asaviec 3; 

4 Asaviec 5; 5 Asaviec 2; 6 Asaviec 2a; 7Asaviec 2b; 8 Asaviec 4; 9 Asaviec 7; 10 Asaviec 1; 11 Kryvina 3; 12 Kryvina 2; 

13 Kryvina 1 (drawing by M. Charniauski). 

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CHARNIAUSKI, 

MAXIM 

CHARNIAUSKI 




2000 and 2009 

Fig. 2. Ceramics of Usvyatian culture: 1, 2 shapes of vessels; 3 the bottom; 4–20 rims (drawing by M. Charniauski). 

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Fig. 3. Asaviec 2. Decorative elements and motifs of Usvyatian culture ceramics (drawing by M. Charniauski). 

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MICHAL 

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CHARNIAUSKI 

104 

higher layers. Exceptions occur when a fragment is 

positioned vertically in the layer. This is why a few 

finds give us an idea as to the rim diameters, the small 

pots being from eight to 20 centimetres, the larger ones 

about 25 to 40 centimetres. 

Pot rims are straight or brought together a little, and in 

rare instances they are slightly bent forward (Fig. 2.4- 

20). They are usually thickened with a flat, mainly inside 

tapered cut. Sometimes rims with a similar flat cut 

but without thickening are encountered. There are also 

items that are smoothly thinned from the middle part. 

Finely crushed shells, often large quantities of them, 

small pieces of organic matter which was burnt down 

during firing, and grains of fireclay were added to the 

clay paste of the walls. As a result, the potsherds were 

light and porous, but fragile and falling into small pieces 

when wet. Along the surface, a tight microlaminar 

structure can be seen in a fresh break. The pieces of 

crushed shells are of a similar orientation. Inside the 

break, there is a warm-grey layer that tells us about the 

insufficient firing of the ceramics. 

The pots were made of quite standard clay strips, five 

to seven centimetres wide and on average six to nine 

millimetres thick by the butt-end joint method (a swallow-tail 

joint). Some of the potsherds are exfoliated 

into two halves. Such a two-layer structure can also be 

seen on some breaks. This makes us think that a clay 

roller was made, and afterwards it was flattened (rolled 

out) into a thin belt. Then it was folded lengthwise. As 

a result, one edge of the belt was grooved, the other one 

thinned, which was exactly what was necessary in the 

swallow-tail joint technique. The belt joints were plastered 

with clay, and the wall surfaces were smoothed 

by tapping from both sides with the ‘hammer and anvil’ 

technique. The ‘hammer’ could be a board with 

thread or cord winding. In the latter case, its parallel 

stamps remained on the wall surface. The tapping resulted 

in both pottery surfaces being very smooth. The 

outer surface was additionally polished with bone polishers. 

These were ribs and wetted ceramics fragments, 

sometimes wound with birch bark (Fig. 6.23). Judging 

by several glossy dark-grey potsherds, the pottery was 

perhaps also rubbed with carbon powder. 

All the ceramics from Asaviec 2 have become greyish 

after lying in peat for a long time. Usvyatian ceramics 

are usually grey-brown for the same reason. Some of 

the inner surfaces still keep a layer of carbon that is up 

to two millimetres thick here and there. Separate fragments 

indicate that initially most of the pottery was of 

a beautiful light-grey, yellowish colour. 

The preparation of the clay with the appropriate admixtures, 

the modelling of the pottery, its decoration 

and drying, and the polishing of the surfaces was all a 

laborious process. So the ceramics were taken care of, 

and when they were damaged they were repaired. The 

inhabitants tied them with cords and birch bark. This 

is indicated by the repair perforations on the brims of 

the potsherds. 

After drying and perhaps before polishing, the pottery 

was covered with decorations, mainly by stamping, 

and more rarely by carving. 

The decorations included various notches, dimples, 

caterpillar prints, pits, combed motifs and cuts (Fig. 3). 

Notches make up more than 90% compared to other 

elements. They are usually medium-sized (1 to 1.5cm 

long); however, there are many small and some long 

and seed-like ones. As a rule, they were made with 

paddles with round ends, wide and narrow, in the 

backing-off manner, i.e. the punch (ornamentor) was 

inclined relative to the decorated surface. The notches 

were slightly curved, sometimes pressed in the upper 

part (prodded notches), and usually quite wide. In 

some cases, they resemble a linear stamp imprint with 

rounded ends. Sometimes, the notches are curved and 

thin, as if they were made with a shell. 

Most of the decorations were made with an inclined 

punch (ornamentor) in the backing-off ‘cursive’ manner. 

The notches are inclined to the right. Only a few 

of them are vertical or inclined to the left. This might 

be connected with most of the people involved in the 

decoration process being right-handed. 

Caterpillar imprints and dimples make up to 4% 

each. These are quite different, including triangular, 

square, needle-like and amorphous short notches, and 

even hoof-like shapes. Pits, drawn lines and combed 

elements are rare. Pits are shallow and inexpressive, 

drawn lines are thin or quite thin. Combed stamps have 

fewer ripples; however, wide and rather long ones are 

also encountered. 

Decorative motifs are usually sparse, and make up single, 

twin, or, more rarely, multi-row horizontal belts 

that are sometimes situated under the rim only. In some 

cases, patterns are skew or vertical, they even cross 

each other, creating closed zones. Some pottery has no 

decoration at all, except for the rim. 

Flattened or tapered rims are always decorated. If the 

rim was thin, the decorated belt was shifted to its inner 

edge. Sometimes the same occurs with a thickened rim 

as well. The rim usually had the same decorative elements 

as the pot’s body. We should also mention the 

absence of a deep round pit belt on Usvyatian pottery 

that was typical of the ceramics of other Neolithic cultures 

of Belarus.


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Fig. 4. Asaviec 2. Figurative motifs in the decoration of Usvyatian culture ceramics. 1, 2 ducks; 3 a rhombus composition; 

4 a crown of water nut leaves (drawing by M. Charniauski). 

105

MICHAL 

CHARNIAUSKI, 

MAXIM 

CHARNIAUSKI 




2000 and 2009 

Fig. 5. Asaviec 2. Ceramics: 1 an amphora of Globular Amphora culture; 2, 3 fragments of Usvyatian culture vessels with 

duck images (drawing by M. Charniauski). 

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Fig. 6. Asaviec 2. Items of Usvyatian culture made of flint (1–9), antler and bone (10–19, 21, 22, 24), amber (20) and 

ceramics (23): 1–4, 10, 15 arrowheads; 5 a javelin head; 6–8 scrapers; 11 a fragment of a figure plate; 12 an item made 

of wild boar tusk; 13 an ornamental plate; 14, 18 punches; 16 the spike of a dagger; 17 a decorator; 19 a bead; 20, 

24 pendants; 21 a chisel; 22 an axe; 23 a ceramic polisher (drawing by M. Charniauski). 

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2000 and 2009 

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MAXIM 

CHARNIAUSKI 

108 

Usvyatian ceramics of the Kryvina micro-region are 

distinguished by the presence of pictorial elements in 

the decoration. The majority of these finds were obtained 

during the last few years. They are quite realistic 

and also outlined stamped pictures of swimming birds 

(Figs. 4.1, 2; 5.2, 3), snakes (Fig. 2.1), and crowns of 

water chestnut leaves (Fig. 4.4). There are wavy lines, 

zigzags, herringbone patterns, and arcs as signs of the 

earth, water and celestial phenomena. Rhombuses 

were probably stylised images of eggs, the most important 

sacred element in the cosmogonic mythology 

of the local people (Fig. 4.3). 

Split flint is generally rare. It can be explained by its 

absence in the area. Usvyatian ceramics are accompanied 

by drop-like and rhombic arrowheads (Fig. 6.1- 

4), a non-typical javelin head (Fig. 6.5), chip scrapers 

(Fig. 6.6-8), knives (Fig. 6.9), and perforators. The inhabitants 

of the settlement tried to work on some nonflint 

stones as well. 

Flint was successfully replaced by antler and bone, 

which was generally typical of the whole Neolithic 

Age in northern Belarus. 

Bone needle-like (Fig. 6.10) and close to biconical 

(Fig. 6.15) flat-shaft arrowheads have been unearthed. 

The latter provided the basis for the development of 

Kryvina-type arrowheads of the Late Neolithic Age. 

There are fragments of spearheads and daggers (Fig. 

6.16), perforators made from small bones with heads 

(Fig. 6.14, 18), and pieces of tubular bones, and tools 

made from wild boar’s tusks (Fig. 6.12). In order to 

produce cutting tools, fragments of antlers were used, 

on which skew blades were formed. However, the local 

people had begun producing axes using a better technique, 

by splitting the antler piece in two halves (Fig. 

6.22). 

There is a fragment of a flat bone figured plate (Fig. 

6.11) and a damaged flat artefact with rhombiс decoration 

that might have been used for netting (Fig. 6.13). 

The excavations made over the last few years have 

uncovered examples of decoration. These were perforated 

animal teeth (Fig. 6.24), beads made of tubular 

bird bones (Fig. 6.19), and a skull fragment of a small 

animal with a perforation. It was in the Middle Neolithic 

that amber jewellery appeared in northern Belarus. 

In the lower layer at Asaviec 2, two pendants with 

a frontal perforation (Fig. 6.20) and a fragment of a 

bead were found. 

During the excavations between 2000 and 2009, the 

remains of some wooden constructions of poles and 

sharpened stakes driven into the bases of the cultural 

layer or into the bedrock were found in the layer with 

Usvyatian artefacts. Fire hearths were located on sandy 

platforms here. 

The cultural layer contains many very splintered animal 

bones, bird bones, fishbones and scales. There are 

also the burnt cores of water chestnuts, nutshells of hazelnuts, 

and the shells of lake shellfish. 

The excavations at Asaviec 2 also uncovered fragments 

of human bones, mostly splintered. One bone was the 

femur of a young individual, estimated between 12 and 

15 years old. It could be evidence of cannibalism in the 

area, as the bone has some marks that could be traces 

of cutting (identified by Astrid Lennblad, Gotland University, 

Sweden). 

Single fragments of Narva culture were found at the 

bottom of the cultural layer together with the Usvyatian 

artefacts. This suggests that the settlement was 

founded by bearers of Narva culture. However, it took 

a short time for Narva culture to transform itself into 

Usvyatian culture. This was very likely facilitated by 

the influence of Baltic culture, with its typical combedpit 

ceramics. This influence resulted in, for example, 

the presence of smooth-wall ceramics with traces of 

gravel, and images of ducks made with widely indented 

stamps. To the west of the Belarusian Lakeland, 

where the coexistence of local people with the bearers 

of Baltic culture occurred, there are large quantities 

of hybrid ceramics in local settlements in which Late 

Narva techniques were combined with Baltic shapes 

and decoration. 

The excavations in 2009 uncovered fragments of pottery 

of Globular Amphora culture (Fig. 5.1) in the upper 

layer with Usvyatian artefacts. They originated 

from a two-ear flat-based amphora with a rim diameter 

of about 15 centimetres. The colour of the vessel was 

brownish-grey, darker on the inner surface where the 

carbon layer was preserved. The walls have a lot of 

coarse sand in their structure. The grains are generally 

rolled, and of a light-grey or pinkish colour, sometimes 

up to five millimetres in size. The wall surfaces have 

slight traces of polishing, horizontal on the rim and 

skew on the body. The traces on the inner surface are 

close to horizontal ones. There was a belt of small vertical 

notches on the part of the amphora where the neck 

turns into the shoulders. 

In Belarus, such amphorae have only been found so far 

in the western part of the county (Charniauski 1997, 

pp.211-216). They are also known in Lithuania, mostly 

in the western and southern parts (Girininkas 2009, 

Fig. 150). During previous years, in the upper part of 

the Usvyatian layer, ceramics that could be connected 

with Corded Ware culture were encountered. This 

may suggest that the bearers of Globular Amphora and

Corded Ware cultures were involved in the decline of 

Usvyatian culture. 

The porous ceramics of a Kryvina bottom layer type 

were marked out, and referred to another type of Narva 

culture as a result of the explorations of Skema 1 

on Lake Narach and at Asaviec 2 (Charniauski 1965, 

p.72ff; Cherniavskii 1969, pp.71-79). The understanding 

of materials of recent years makes it possible to 

consider the porous ceramics and accompanying flint 

and bone artefacts as belonging to Usvyatian culture 

of the Middle Neolithic singled out by Mikliaiev 

(Mikliaiev 1971, p.20ff). 

The carbon from the ceramic fragment with images 

of ducks showed an age of 4370±50 BP (Ua–34618) 

(Zaitseva et al. 2008, p.86). There is also an older date 

obtained from the bark from the bedrock surface of 

4900±140 ВР (IGSB–779). As can be seen, the dating 

of the Usvyatian culture artefacts from Asaviec 2 correspond 

to the chronological period of the culture at 

the settlement of Usvyaty 4 (5120–4030 ВР (Mikliaiev 

1995, p.19). 

The Usvyatian culture artefacts of the Kryvina microregion 

have their own peculiarities. One of the most important 

features is the minimal quantity of the combed 

elements, and the total domination of notches. At the 

same time in the Narach Lakeland, on the southwest 

periphery of the culture, there are more thin-combed 

and linear stamps, pit elements. Zaikovski distinguished 

two versions from the porous ceramics culture 

of the Middle Neolithic in the Lakeland, Kryvina and 

Dzisna versions (Zaikovski 1985, p.11ff). 

Today we know that the Usvyatian culture of the Middle 

Neolithic occupied the total area of the Belarusian 

Dzvina region (Charniauski 2008, p.73), except for the 

far southeast part with its Babinavichi-type settlements 

(Zaikovski, 1985). To the south, Usvyatian artefacts 

were discovered upstream of the River Biarezina, and 

to the southwest on the River Vilija and Lake Narach 

region. This culture also occupies the southern part of 

the Pskov region and the northwest of the Smalensk 

region. 

Asaviec 7 

This settlement is situated in the northern part of the 

Kryvina peatbog, 1.6 kilometres south-southeast of the 

village of Asaviec, and 0.3 kilometres south-southeast 

of the settlement of Asaviec 2, on the other side of the 

initially not yet flattened bed of the River Kryvinka 

(Fig. 1.9). 

Unlike the neighbouring Asaviec 2, the settlement is 

located directly on peat, which tells us about its occupation 

during the time of the regression. The regression 

was quite long, as the peaty lakeshore (the depth of the 

mainland peat exceeds 1m) had to dry well before settlement 

became possible. 

A total of 70 square metres was excavated, and 25 

square metres more was cleaned at the ash depth at 

Asaviec 2. 

The bedrock of the settlement drops in a southwesterly 

direction, exposed to daylight by a peat fire in 1999. 

As a result, the thickness of the cultural layer is from 

0.2 metres in the northern squares to 1.15 metres in 

the most preserved area (without pits). Material in the 

form of flint artefacts is found 20 metres north of the 

place where the bedrock outcrop is. Therefore, we 

should assume that the cultural layer here was totally 

destroyed by fire. 

The cultural layer consists of two peat horizons of different 

sand content levels. It contains two to four fillings 

of lake sand (5 to 15cm thick). The lowest part 

rests upon a pine bark bedding that in turn lies directly 

on bedrock, dense dark-brown peat abundantly rich in 

plant residues. Above all, the filling here is a thin interlayer 

with a lot of small pieces of coal and organic 

matter. 

Finds have been encountered beginning with the day 

surface of the settlement. Larger quantities of them in 

the cultural layer coincide with the depth of the two 

first sand fillings, 15 to 50 centimetres on average, depending 

on the square. 

Eight years of exploration have given us numerous materials: 

ceramics, bone, antler, clay, flint, stone, bark, 

wooden, amber and copper artefacts. 

The ceramics of Asaviec 7 belong almost completely 

to Northern Belarusian archaeological culture. About 

a dozen fragments belong to Usvyatian and Middle 

Dnieper cultures, some date from the late Bronze Age. 

More than 13,000 identifiable ceramics fragments, and 

almost the same number of unidentifiable small pieces 

(less than 2 sq. cm), have been uncovered. 

The firing quality of the pottery is rather poor. The 

inside wall breaks have the darkest interlayer, which 

vanishes closer to the rim. The long stay in water has 

made some of the fragments lose their firing, and surface 

ornamentation and processing traces are easily 

smoothed by the touch of a finger. All these things lead 

us to believe that the pottery was fired in a fire hearth 

at modest temperatures. 

As an admixture, crushed shells, grass, and sometimes 

gravel and sand, were added to the clay. Single fragments 

suggest the possible use of chamotte. It was 

common to add bird down and down feathers to the 


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CHARNIAUSKI 

110 

clay paste. To make one vessel, they used two and even 

three different additions. 

The pots were made of wide strips by means of skew 

sticking; sometimes fragments with traces of butt-end 

and hybrid skew-butt-end joining methods are found 

that are signs of the Usvyatian tradition. 

The surfaces of the fragments are hatched, mainly horizontally. 

The hatching depth and expressiveness differs, 

the most vivid is usually located inside the pot. 

On the outside surface, it is smoother, and is slightly 

visible on certain parts of the pottery. If there is no 

decoration, the hatching relief increases; sometimes, 

apparently, it was used as the decoration for the components. 

The rims are slightly forward-bent, straight, and tapered 

mostly with rounded or flattened cuts, some of 

them with a build-up. Some of the rims were decorated 

along the cut; several have the decoration on the inside 

surface. 

Mostly flat-base pottery was used in the settlement; 

rounded or slightly pointed bottoms are rare (Fig. 7.2- 

4, 12-13). 

The decoration on the pottery is very dense, usually 

covering the whole vessel, including the bottom and 

rim cut, and sometimes inside the latter. An exception 

to this is the slightly ornamented pots in which the 

clear influence of corded ware ceramics can be seen. 

The main decorative elements at the settlement are the 

imprints of combed and smooth stamps (square, ovalshaped, 

lens-like, and in a C-shape, as well as all the 

possible variations obtained by changing the incline 

of the decorating tool), straight and curved notches of 

various lengths, ‘caterpillar’ and corded imprints, the 

imprint of a rounded stick edge, and pits of round, oval 

and amorphous shapes. Tracing with narrow and wide 

tools was also applied. 

The most common decorative motifs are: a band of 

sparse pits (double pits) on a wide and deep flattened 

encircling groove (Fig. 7.1, 23), a horizontal herringbone 

pattern made with the help of a combed or smooth 

stamp, various notches and strikethroughs (Fig. 7.1-2, 

18, 21, 28), bands of vertical imprints of combed or 

smooth stamps, notches (Fig. 7.2, 17, 19, 25), bands 

of inclined notches, usually to the right, imprints of 

combed or smooth stamps (Fig. 7.20, 27-31), a band of 

crossed notches inclined to different sides, imprints of 

combed or smooth stamps (Fig. 7.17), bands of single 

or twin zigzags made with combed or linear stamps 

(Fig. 7.3-4, 21), oblique rows of vertical, inclined, or, 

more rarely, horizontal imprints of mainly smooth S 

going diagonally from the rim (Fig. 7.2), narrow horizontal 

encircling bands, streaked or made of mutually 

overlapping imprints of smooth or combed stamps, 

imprints of a cord (Fig. 7.2, 19), horizontal bands of 

adjoining hatched triangles with changeable vertices 

(Fig. 7.5), bands of pits (Fig. 7.6), and single, twin and 

triple ‘arcs’ from imprints of smooth stamps or pits 

(Fig. 7.22). 

It should be mentioned that many identical decorative 

motifs were made with the help of smooth as well as 

combed stamps, and that the latter were used less by 

the dwellers of the settlement. However, some tools 

have been observed to have such inexpressive indentations 

that their imprints are difficult to distinguish from 

a smooth stamp, especially when they have not been 

applied to the surface at a right angle. 

The most common combinations of decorative motifs 

are: 

• 1-2 herringbone belts underlined by an encircling 

groove with separate or twin pits. They were used 

to line the rim (Fig. 7.1) 

• herringbone bands connected by bands of inclined 

or vertical imprints (Fig. 7.1-2, 26) 

• herringbone bands transferring to bands of crossed 

to-and-fro-inclined stamps 

• inclined stamps or herringbone patterns divided 

by one or two bands of horizontal zigzag (Fig. 7.1) 

• bands of inclined stamps or herringbone patterns 

divided by one or several bands of pits (Fig. 7.28) 

• bands of pits, short vertical imprints of linear 

stamps or encircling cord stamps that restrict from 

above and below the row of adjoining hatched triangles 

The reconstruction of vessels from the settlement allows 

us to single out the basic forms: poorly profiled 

vessels with a convex body and a slightly distinguished 

neck; vessels with an S-shape profile made according 

to the traditions of Corded Ware cultures; biconical 

pots with a tapered top (Fig. 7.1-6); and bowl-shaped 

goblets (Fig. 7.12-14, 16). Tiny copies of pots, including 

decorated ones, appear among the artefacts (Fig. 

7.10-11, 15). 

There are traits of Usvyatian, Upper Dnieper and Corded 

Ware ceramics (Middle Dnieper and Baltic) cultures 

in the ceramic complex of Northern Belarusian culture 

from the Asaviec 7 settlement (Charniauski 2006, 

p.44ff). 

At the Asaviec 7 settlement, bone and antler artefacts 

of four categories have been unearthed: hunting and 

fishing tools, household and working tools, artistic 

and cult objects, and musical instruments. A total of 

279 artefacts of these types were discovered during


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Fig. 7. Asaviec 7. Ceramics of Northern Belarusian culture: 1–16 vessels; 17–32 decorative elements and motifs 

(drawing by M. Charniauski). 

111




2000 and 2009 

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CHARNIAUSKI, 

MAXIM 

CHARNIAUSKI 

eight years of exploration there: 20 arrowheads, four 

harpoon heads, five daggers, five fishhooks and six remains 

of their production, three axes, three chisels, 20 

perforators, 18 items of split wild boar tusks (so-called 

‘fish knives’), two items from split beaver incisors 

(fragments of items made from a beaver jaw?), one 

spearhead, two spikes, two flakes, four pressure tools, 

four punches (ornamentors), one palette-knife, 31 pendants 

(including 19 of animal teeth), one half-moonshaped 

pendant, one ‘grivna’, three key-like pendants, 

two zoomorphic pendants, five bear or beaver phalanges, 

one from patella, 22 beads, two pins, one flute, 

77 indefinable fragments of artefacts, 14 intermediates, 

and 27 fragments of production residues. 

Bone arrowheads are mainly represented by artefacts 

of the ‘Kryvina’ type. These are spindle-shaped 

(Fig. 8.5, 6), bottle-shaped arrowheads (Fig. 8.1, 2, 4) 

and their flattened variants (Fig. 8.3). There are also 

stretched willow-leaved shapes (Fig. 8.7). Some of 

the fragments imply the use of needle-shaped items 

(Fig. 8.13). The bone arrowheads of ‘Kryvina’ type are 

mostly typical of the settlements of the Kryvina peatbog. 

They make up about 30% of all the artefacts of 

this class in the region. 

Bone daggers are represented by items made from ulnar 

and radial bones of large horned animals with a 

preserved epiphysis (Fig. 8.8). All the harpoon heads 

uncovered are one-sided two-pronged ones, with a 

spatulous design of the haft (Fig. 8.9-10). The fishhooks 

are similar in their shapes to typical ones of the 

Kryvina region. They are U-shaped, and have a naillike 

widening for a fishing line (Fig. 8.11-12). 

The axes uncovered are made mainly of split antler 

(Fig. 8.22). Chisels are represented by an item made 

from a split tubular bone with the preserved epiphysis 

as a crash platform and tools with a broken top part. 

The shapes of the perforators from Asaviec 7 are the 

most widespread ones: made of small limb bones with 

a preserved epiphysis mainly of slate (Fig. 8.17), and 

also split tubular bones (Fig. 8.20). Pressure tools (Fig. 

8.18) and ornamentors (Fig. 8.19) are encountered 

among the artefacts too. 

Quite a large group consists of cutting-scraping artefacts 

made of split wild boar tusks, so-called ‘fish 

knives’ (Fig. 8.15-16). 

There are also fragments of beaver incisors with sharpened 

cutting surfaces. These are possibly evidence of 

the use of scraping-cutting tools from the lower halves 

of beaver jaws that are found among the artefacts of the 

neighbouring Asaviec 2 settlement (Razluckaia 1999, 

p.99). 

An abundant collection of bone and antler artefacts 

of artistic and cult items and musical instruments has 

been uncovered at the settlement: diverse beads (Fig. 

9.5-7), pendants made from animals’ teeth (Fig. 9.10- 

13), phalanges (Fig. 9.15) and patellae (Fig. 9.14) with 

perforations. The unique key-shaped pendants (Fig. 

9.1-3) should be mentioned separately, as they do not 

have direct analogues beyond the borders of the Kryvina 

peatbog (Charniauski, Charniauski, 2005). The 

zoomorphic artefacts are also interesting: a bone pendant 

(Fig. 9.17), a possible mixing spoon in the shape 

of a bird made from a wild boar tusk, and a half moon 

shaped pendant (‘lunnica’) (Fig. 9.16). 

This category can also be enlarged by an artefact made 

from a whole wild boar tusk split down its length, 

some well-processed bone fragments (Fig. 9.18), and 

possible pin (hairpin) fragments (Fig. 9.8, 9, 24). 

The find of a whole flute with three holes (Fig. 9.23) 

is unique. 

Flint artefacts at the settlement are represented by chips 

(which dominate), flakes, blades and articles, such as 

arrowheads, javelin heads, axes, strickles, scrapers, 

raspers, knives, punches, perforators, daggers, retouching 

chips and flakes. There are many combined 

articles, mainly with a scraping basis. Scrapers (123 

items) and arrowheads (98 items) dominate in number 

among the tools. Raspers and combined artefacts on a 

scraping basis total 44 items. The remaining classes of 

artefacts found do not even reach 5% (except for cutting 

ones, 37 items, at 8.7%). Sozh, Valdai and Neman 

flint can be visually distinguished at the settlement. 

Some of the articles were made of local flint mineral 

with an uneven surface of chips. 

One morphologically diverse class of artefacts found 

at the settlement is the arrowheads, represented by five 

basic forms: leaflike, rhomboid, rhomboid-like (intermediate), 

triangular and figured. 

Leaflike arrowheads are divided into four groups: leaflike 

symmetrical (shaft and shaftless) (Fig. 10.1-3); 

leaflike with the widest body part shifted to the spike 

(shaftless) (Fig. 10.5); violet willow leaflike (shaft and 

shaftless) (Fig. 10.6, 12); and drop-shaped (the widest 

part is at the bottom of the article, shaftless) (Fig. 

10.4). 

Rhomboid arrowheads are comprised of three groups: 

rhomboid symmetrical (shaft and shaftless) (Fig. 10.7- 

10); rhomboid stretched (shaft); and rhomboid asymmetrical, 

with the widest body part shifted to the spike 

(shaft and shaftless) (Fig. 10.11). 

112


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Fig. 8. Asaviec 7. Bone (1–20), antler (22) and copper (21) artefacts: 1–7, 13 arrowheads; 8 a dagger; 9, 10 harpoon heads; 

11, 12 fishhooks; 14 a triangular point; 15, 16 ‘fish knives’ made of wild boar tusks; 17, 20, 21 punches; 18 a pressure tool; 

19 a palette knife; 22 an axe (drawing by M. Charniauski). 

113

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CHARNIAUSKI, 

MAXIM 

CHARNIAUSKI 




2000 and 2009 

114 

Fig. 9. Asaviec 7. Jewellery (1–22) and musical instruments (23) made of bone (2–18, 23), antler (1) and amber (19–22): 

1–3 key-shaped pendants; 4 an oval shaped pendant; 5–7 beads; 8, 9, 24 pins; 10–13 tooth pendants; 14 a patellae pendant; 

15 a phalange pendant; 16 a half-moon shaped pendant (‘lunnica’); 17 a zoomorphic pendant; 18 a fragment of an unidentifiable 

item; 19–22 amber pendants; 23 a flute (drawing by M. Charniauski).

Rhomboid-like artefacts have one group of symmetrical 

wide arrowheads, divided into shaft and shaftless 

(Fig. 10.16-17). 

Triangular (Fig. 10.18) and figured arrowheads make 

up one group each (Fig. 10.13-15). 

The largest number of archetypes out of the five are 

leaflike and rhomboid (41 and 26 items respectively). 

At a group level, leaflike symmetrical shaftless and 

rhomboid symmetrical shaftless articles prevail. 

This class of artefacts is characterised by the absolute 

domination of traditional local Neolithic shapes. 

They are almost identical to articles of Usvyatian 

culture that prevailed in northern Belarus in the Kryvina 

region. Loans from other territories include the 

stretched rhomboid-like shaft, the triangle with an incurved 

base, the symmetrical rhomboid with a tapered 

shaft and spike, and willow-leaflike arrowheads with a 

short shaft. Their appearance must be connected to the 

Corded Ware ceramics traditions that filtered into the 

region from the Dnieper and Baltic regions. Figured 

arrowheads most likely have local origins, judging by 

the compact distribution of precise analogues and the 

small quantities of artefacts themselves. It is interesting 

that some flint arrowheads copy the shapes of one 

of the most numerous groups of bone arrowheads. 

Unbroken spearheads were not found. One artefact 

may be identified as the work-piece of such an item, 

a range of small objects can also be attributed to this 

class. Javelin heads are larger copies of leaflike symmetrical-shaft 

arrowheads. They are represented by 

one intact and four damaged specimens. 

Intact flint axes were not found at the settlement. One 

complete artefact is a reprocessed item of a larger one, 

and is a middle-sized axe with a close to lens-shaped 

cross-section and a blunt butt (Fig. 10.29). The body is 

expressively tapered in the middle. Most of the body 

up to the butt is polished. The blade was polished separately 

and more thoroughly. 

Besides the above-mentioned artefact, there are five 

more fragments in this class. The initial quantity of 

polished flint axes at the settlement was much bigger. 

This is indicated by various small tools, as well 

as chips and flakes with a surface with some polished 

areas. All of these tell us about the secondary use of 

damaged axes, which was caused by a shortage of flint 

in the region. The number of such artefacts at the settlement 

amounts to ten pieces. 

Chisels are represented by two types. Chisels of the 

first type are small and narrow, with the blade reground 

from both sides (Fig. 10.31); ones of the second type 

are made on a high massive flake, prism-like in its section, 

the sides of which are worked on with a sharp retouching, 

and the blade with a flatter one (Fig. 10.30). 

The retouching on the sides is with strong fractures: 

perhaps they were used as scrubbers. Both artefacts are 

found in a single copy. 

Flint tools used for cutting and perforation (punches, 

rollers and perforators: ten artefacts) can be divided 

into three groups: 

Group 1. Tools with a short expressed working section 

decorated with an opposite, rarely two-sided on one of 

the side walls, retouching. There are two types: sharp 

top and ‘stack’ top (Fig. 10.32). Some of the tools have 

an additional functional purpose, cutting or scraping. 

Group 2. Tools with symmetrical pointed working 

sections that are worked on from both surfaces with 

a careful sharpening retouching. The latter does not 

show any visual traces of blunting or polishing because 

of wear. 

Group 3. Tools with wide rounded working sections 

worked on the perimeter with a fine retouching (Fig. 

10.33). The latter is strongly worn-out, its strong 

grounding on the side walls can be visually distinguished. 

Some of the items have an additional functional 

purpose, mainly cutting. 

Scraping flint articles comprise the largest category of 

artefacts, of which the calculation is complicated by 

the existence of quite a large group of combined articles. 

The following groups can be identified among 

them: 

Group 1. Square-like tools. There are three types: buttend, 

butt-end one-sided, and butt-end two-sided items 

(Fig. 10.22). 

Group 2. Tiny items with a low scraping surface located 

on the butt-end and both sides. 

Group 3. Stretched square-like items with one butt-end 

scraping surface. In one case, it is high and sharp, in 

the other case fairly low with a fine retouching. 

Group 4. Trapezoid-shaped items with a narrow base, 

some of which are close to triangular-shaped items. 

There are three types: butt-end, butt-end one-sided, 

and butt-end two-sided items (Fig. 10.20-22). 

Group 5. Stretched items produced mainly on high 

flakes. There are butt-end scrapers and one side-wall 

scraper, the other side has from one to three scraping 

grooves (Fig. 10.19). 

Group 6. ‘Cape’ type items (Fig. 10.23). In two cases, 

the base also has a scraping surface, which brings these 

items closer to being trapezoid-shaped with a butt-end 

two-sided scraping surface. 


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115

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CHARNIAUSKI, 

MAXIM 

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2000 and 2009 

Fig. 10. Asaviec 7. Flint items: 1–18 arrowheads; 19–23 scrapers; 24 a rasping tool; 25–28 cutting tools; 29 an axe; 30, 31 

chisels; 32, 33 perforators (drawing by M. Charniauski). 

116

Group 7. Fine items of a square-like or trapezoid-like 

shape, with a perimeter scraping surface. 

Group 8. Items with a scraping surface along the semicircular 

side wall. There are two types: 1) a sharp retouching 

goes all along the side wall; 2) only half of 

the side wall is retouched. In one case, there is one 

more small scraping area on the opposite side wall. 

A number of various group scrapers should be mentioned 

separately. They are united by one feature, 

which is a short (stack-like) protuberance in one of the 

corners of the butt-end scraper (mainly the right corner). 

Only in one case is it located a little closer to the 

middle part. The protuberance is decorated with small 

scraping grooves. In all the cases, the scraping groovelike 

surface, as well as the stack-like protuberance, has 

strong traces of wear. 

The next group (9) of small-sized items, in which 

the scraping side-walls are tapered into a conditional 

spike, might be for the same purpose. 

Group 10. Items on slightly curved high flakes of triangular 

section of which the side-walls are thought to be 

scraping surfaces. 

Group 11. Massive scrapers on chips with high lateral 

scrapers. 

The largest group in terms of quantity is the trapezoid 

artefacts (group 4), next come the items in groups 5 

and 8. 

Rasping items, 18 pieces in total, are represented by 

the following groups: 

Group 1. Triangular-like items with one or two rasping 

grooves on the larger side. In one case, one of the 

smaller sides also has a rasping groove. 

Group 2. Artefacts on flakes and flake chips. There 

are the following types: one-sided, with one or several 

rasping notches, and two-sided items with one or several 

rasping notches on both sides (Fig. 10.22). 

Group 3. Items on chips of various shapes with one or 

two rasping notches. 

The above-mentioned rasping tools can also be grouped 

by a rasping surface work on and in the direction of 

the movement during the work: sharp raspers for rasping 

towards oneself and flatter ones for working away 

from oneself in a more shaving action. 

Cutting artefacts can be divided into six groups: 

Group 1. Pointed chipped items with two blades that 

converge into a spike. The retouch is flat and sharpened. 

In three specimens, one of the side walls has an 

additional retouch from the face. 

Group 2. Chipped items with one side or its most projected 

area retouched. The other side joining it at a 

rather sharp angle is either blunted by a sharp retouch 

or has a naturally blunt surface (Fig. 10.27-28). 

Group 3. A square-like, rather skew in plan item is perimeter-worked 

on, with sometimes a sharpening and 

sometimes a blunting retouch (Fig. 10.26). 

Group 4. A crescent-shaped curved knife on a massive 

chip worked on from both sides, with a rather sharp 

retouch tapering into a spike (Fig. 10.25). 

Group 5. Massive flake chips with a sharpening retouch 

on one of the side walls. 

Group 6. Flakes, flake breaks and flake chips with a 

sharpening retouch. 

Cutters are represented by two artefacts at the settlement. 

One of them has two cutting chips located on 

the opposite sides, the other has cutting chips tapering 

into one spike. 

Such a small quantity of cutters at the settlement with 

large amounts of bone and antler artefacts makes us 

think that the bearers of Northern Belarusian culture 

used other tools as well to work on bones, primarily 

with a scraping and cutting purpose. 

Retoucher: a hammer-stone on a polished axe fragment 

with three working sections. Two of them are located 

near the blade break. They were used solely for retouching, 

the third is located at the very top of the butt, 

and was designed for retouching and for chip or flake 

cracking off. It was found in one specimen. 

On an analysis of the Asaviec 7 flint collection, the following 

features can be distinguished: the domination 

of shapes traditional of Forest Neolithic; a large percentage 

of artefacts with a secondary processing compared 

to materials from the Dnieper, Sozh and Neman 

regions of the same age (29% at Asaviec 7); the large 

quantities of chipped articles; a huge variety of shapes 

of tools of the same purpose; various combinations of 

articles; the reuse of damaged items; the quantitative 

predominance of scraping-rasping tools in the collection; 

the large quantity of arrowheads; the minimal 

quantity of cutters; the almost total absence of cores 

(the wear up to minimal sizes). 

Among the stone artefacts uncovered at Asaviec 7, the 

polishing plates and graters should be mentioned in 

particular. 

A unique find is a copper awl (Fig. 8.21), unearthed 

from the layer before the bedrock. 

We should also mention the articles made of birch bark 

and wood. The majority of them consist of birch-bark 

floats for nets, one of which was decorated with pit 


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CHARNIAUSKI 

118 

notches. It is interesting that pine-bark floats, which 

are frequent in settlements in neighbouring regions, 

were not uncovered. 

Wooden artefacts are mainly represented by fragments 

of boards and oars, handles and unidentified fragments. 

Some of them are decorated with drawn straight lines. 

The excavation area is rich in the remains of a wooden 

construction (more than 100 vertical and inclined 

poles, with an average diameter of five to eight centimetres, 

some reaching 25 to 30cm, and many wooden 

horizontal fragments). At the moment, two construction 

edges have been unearthed, judging by which its 

orientation from south-southwest to north-northeast 

can be determined. The only expressive wall (the 

southern front wall?) consists of inclined poles, ten 

to 17 centimetres in diameter, closely driven into the 

ditch and reinforced by sand and small chips. 

The wooden construction corresponds remarkably in 

plan with the main sandy filling and the main concentration 

of finds. 

The second most common material at the settlement 

after ceramics is animal, bird and fish bones. Their 

total quantity is almost 10,000 pieces. The animals 

detected are (in descending order): moose, wild boar, 

marten, beaver, cattle, brown bear, sheep, red deer, 

swine, horse, wolf, fox, squirrel, hare, wisent, dog, 

sable, stone-marten, marten, goat, fallow deer, rodent, 

otter, lynx, roe deer, Eurasian badger and pond turtle 

(identified by A. Razluckaia). Domestic animals make 

up 16%. There are many bones of birds, including 

aquatic birds. Fishbones and scales are represented by 

more than 1,200 pieces. They belong to (in descending 

order): pike, carp, crucian carp, perch, tench, bream, 

roach, sheatfish, ide (identified by E. Liashkevich). 

There have been more than 7,000 small calcined bones 

found at the settlement, the absolute majority of which 

belonged to humans. The quantity of human overburned 

bone fragments does not exceed 200 pieces. 

Moreover, a partially intact skeleton with an aberrant 

anatomy of bone location was discovered. 

Most calcined bones uncovered are small (up to 0.5 

sq.cm), white fragments with close cross-fissures typical 

of a long high-temperature burning procedure. The 

majority were discovered in the layer up to 30 centimetres 

deep; thereafter, the quantity of them decreases 

dramatically. However, separate fragments have been 

encountered even in the pre-bedrock layer. 

Some of the calcined bones belonged to animals. 

Sheep, pig, hare, beaver, moose and marten bones, as 

well as bird bones and a fish vertebra, have been identified. 

The total quantity is more than 30 specimens. 

An anthropological study of some of the cremated 

bones showed them to be the remains of a woman of 

unidentified age and a young man (identified by L.I. 

Ciagaka). Several calcined fragments of a small-sized 

skull suggest the presence of traces of the cremation 

of a child. 

Human bones and fragments of them not touched by 

fire are encountered along the whole excavation depth, 

and do not have any correlation. 

The calcined human bones, as well as the ones untouched 

by fire, do not have any accompanying inventory: 

there are no traces of burial or other pits in the 

cultural layer. It seems as though they were just scattered 

‘underfoot’ within the borders of the construction’s 

sandy fillings. It should be mentioned that the 

discovered fragmented skeleton with the aberrant anatomy 

was found beyond this filling; however, it was not 

accompanied by an inventory burial pit either. 

The palaeobotanical collection should also be singled 

out. A total of 572 units of water nut were found at the 

settlement. There were no undamaged fruits. The majority 

are represented by cores; shells or fragments of 

them are insignificant. Water nuts are found at zero to 

50 centimetres deep in the cultural layer; lower down, 

the quantity is insignificant. In the plan, water chestnuts 

were mainly located inside the borders of the platform 

of the partially excavated dwelling, with the lowest 

quantity found in the north-south part. It is interesting 

that, unlike hazelnuts, the shells of water nuts did not 

accumulate in large quantities in the cultural layer. The 

stone graters unearthed at the settlement might be associated 

with the production of flour from water nuts. 

Numerous fragments of acorns and hazelnut shells, 

which sometimes amount to huge concentrations, were 

discovered besides the water nuts. 

At the moment, there are two 14C dates for the settlement 

of Asaviec 7: 3770±90 ВР (Le-8206, bark from 

the pit lining with the clay paste ready for making a 

pot); 3870±40 ВР (Le-8205, bark from the initial filling 

of the dwelling floor). The gauging of the dates 

given shows an average of 3,000 BC. 

A time for the extinction of the settlement cannot be 

precisely stated yet, because all of its upper layers 

were destroyed during a fire. However, it is likely to be 

similar to that of Asaviec 2, the middle of the second 

millennium BC, when there was another transgression 

which resulted in the settlements being covered by water. 

Judging by the ceramics, bone and flint complexes of 

the settlement, as well as by the position of the settlement 

on the peat palaeolake shore, it is possible to attribute 

it definitely to Northern Belarusian culture.

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KRIVINOS DURPYNINIŲ 

GYVENVIEČIŲ TYRIMAI 

(2000–2009 M.) 

ŠIAURĖS BALTARUSIJOJE 

MICHAL CHARNIAUSKI, 

MAXIM CHARNIAUSKI 

Santrauka 

Asaviec II ir Asaviec VII gyvenvietėse aptiktos radinių 

kolekcijos yra neįkainojamos vertės, lyginant su kitais 

Baltarusijos teritorijoje archeologiniuose paminkluose 

aptinkamais radiniais. Šių paminklų tyrinėjimų metu 

aptikta medžiaga atskleidžia vietinių bendruomenių 

raidą nuo IV iki II tūkst. pr. Kr. Pastarųjų gyvenviečių 

populiacijos ištakose glūdi ankstyvosios Narvos bendruomenių 

kultūra. Vidurinio neolito kultūros raida 

yra susijusi su Usviatų kultūra, kuri egzistavo vėlyvajame 

neolite ir ankstyvosios bronzos pradžioje Šiaurės 

Baltarusijoje. Šios kultūros patyrė nemažą kaimyninių 

kultūrų įtaką. Svarbų impulsą vietinėms Narvos kultūros 

bendruomenėms viduriniame neolite turėjo šukinės 

duobelinės keramikos kultūra, įgalinusi Narvos kultūrą 

transformuotis į Usviatų kultūrą. Vėliau šios bendruomenės 

vėlyvajame neolite patyrė rutulinių amforų 

ir Virvelinės keramikos kultūrų poveikį, kurios Šiaurės 

Baltarusijos regioną pasiekė joms migruojant iš 

Dniepro aukštupio. Dėl šių kultūrų įtakos susiformavo 

Šiaurės Baltarusijos kultūra. Gamtiniai pokyčiai lėmė, 

kad II tūkst. pr. Kr. viduryje, pakilus Krivinos ežero 

baseine vandens lygiui, šios bendruomenės, gyvenusios 

Asaviec II ir Asaviec VII gyvenvietėse, iš regiono 

pasitraukė ir durpyninių gyvenviečių egzistavimas šiame 

ežero regione baigėsi. 



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Michal Charniauski 

Vasniacova street 13-28 

220107, Minsk, Belarus 

E-mail: vieterany@tut.by 

Maxim Charniauski 

Larastaianavai street 3a-49 

220068, Minsk, Belarus 

E-mail: maxchar@gmail.com 

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The Žemaitiškė 2 Pile-Dwelling 

Settlement 

ALgirdAs 

girininkAs 

THE ŽEMAITIŠKĖ 2 PILE-DWELLING 

SETTLEMENT 

ALgirdAs girininkAs 

Abstract 

This article discusses issues related to pile-dwelling settlements in Lithuania. It offers a detailed study of the archaeological 

and osteological material found at the Žemaitiškė 2 pile-dwelling settlement, as well as palynological and radiocarbon research 

into the settlement’s cultural layer. The article discusses the wood anatomy of pile-dwellings, their dendrochronological 

dating, and the types of construction material. The studies show that the construction of pile-dwellings in Lithuania began 

in the Late Neolithic Age, whereas the tradition of living on pile platforms existed throughout the Bronze Age. 

Key words: Lithuania, pile-dwellings, Late Neolithic, wood anatomy, bioarchaeology, dendrochronology. 

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Introduction 

The knowledge about the existence of pile-dwellings 

in Lithuania in the Stone Age and Bronze Age is 

scarce (Girininkas 2005, pp.3-13; Menoti et al. 2005, 

pp.381-403). At present, the Žemaitiškė 1, Žemaitiškė 

2, Žemaitiškė 3, Kretuonas 1C (in the Švenčionys district), 

Šarnelė (Plungė district), Šventoji 4 and Šventoji 

6 (Palanga district) settlements might be regarded as 

pile-dwelling settlements from the Neolithic period 

in Lithuania; these settlements belonged to communities 

of Narva, Corded Ware and Globular Amphora 

cultures (Girininkas 2005, p.26). Luokesai 1 and 

Luokesai 2 settlements are known from the Bronze 

Age (Pranckėnaitė et al. 2008, p.519ff; Baubonis et.al. 

2002, p.269ff) (Fig. 1). 

All the settlements constituting objects of the study are 

located next to drainage lakes, or seaside lagoons connected 

with inflowing and outflowing rivers and the 

sea. The cultural layers of the settlements are found 

along the shore in the sandbars of now extinct and existing 

lakes, next to the beds of inflowing or outflowing 

rivulets. The majority of the pile-dwelling settlements 

were discovered under layers of peat; therefore, dwellings 

of this kind started being talked about when more 

extensive studies of peatbog shores started in Lithuania, 

as well as in Latvia, the Pskov region, Poland, 

Switzerland and Germany, especially in end moraines 

from the last Ice Age, where a large number of drainage 

lakes were formed. In all these settlements, vertically 

driven stakes, logs, poles, boards and household 

rubbish heaps have been found (Mikliaev 1977, p.10ff; 

Cherniavski 1997, pp.311-330; Hookk, Mazurkevich, 

2007, pp.40-50; Ruoff 2004, pp.9-21; Girininkas 2005, 

pp.33-45). 

Archaeological studies of the 

Žemaitiškė 2 settlement 

Among Lithuania’s pile-dwelling settlements mentioned 

above, the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement (in the 

Švenčionys district) next to the now extinct Lake 

Žemaitiškė (Fig. 2), the outlines of which are distinct 

in orthophotographs (Figs. 3, 4), has been studied in 

the greatest detail. By employing orthophotography, 

the former hydrological network in the eastern part of 

Lake Kretuonas has been reconstructed, which makes 

it possible to understand and assess the palaeogeographical 

environment of the former settlement (Fig. 

4) (Girininkas 1980, p.6ff; 1982, p.7ff; Girininkas, 

Brazaitis 2002, p.12ff). 

Studies at the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement were carried out 

from 1979 to 1981, and 2000 to 2001. 

During the excavation work, a large number of wooden 

structures were found, which at the beginning of the 

studies were interpreted as being the remnants of overground 

‘long buildings’ (Girininkas 1982, p.7ff). The 

whole inventory of the settlement was considered to 

be chronologically simultaneous and dating from the 

Late Neolithic. 

A thin layer of sapropelic peat two to 25 centimetres 

thick that formed on the bottom of the now extinct lake 

is considered to be the cultural layer of the settlement. 

Its bottom part consisted of gravel, with abundant remains 

of aquatic mollusc shells. In the western part of 

the settlement area, closer to the shore, this layer was 

much thicker. Under the cultural layer, lake argil lay 

throughout. The upper horizon of the argil was pressed 

out by the Neolithic builders during the construction of 

the settlement’s structures; here and there, it contained 

pieces of charcoal, firebrands, stones or wood chips; 

however, no archaeological artefacts were found. At a


Fig. 1. Pile-dwelling settlements of the Neolithic period in Lithuania: 1 Žemaitiškė 1; 2 Žemaitiškė 2; 3. Žemaitiškė 3; 

4 Kretuonas 1; 5 Šarnelė; 6 Šventoji 4; 7 Šventoji 6; 7 Luokesai 1; 8–9 Luokesai 2. 

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Fig. 2. The Žemaitiškė 2 pile-dwelling settlement (aerial photograph by A. Girininkas). 

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Fig. 3. Localisation of the pile-dwelling settlements: 1 Žemaitiškė 2; 2 Kretuonas 1 (orthophotograph by A. Girininkas). 

122 

Fig. 4. The palaeogeographical environment of the former Kretuonas and Žemaitiškė lakes 

(orthophotograph by A. Girininkas).

greater depth, the argil was solid, without any traces of 

human activity. 

The studies carried out in 2000 and 2001 confirmed the 

presumption that this settlement was the site of a pile 

structure, which had been erected in the water off the 

shore of the now extinct lake next to a rivulet flowing 

out of the lake. From 1979 to 1982 and 2001 to 2002, 

1,089 vertically driven stakes and pieces of wooden 

structures were found. The stakes were driven into the 

lake argil to a depth of around 1.2 metres on average, 

the longest and thickest ones to a depth of as much as 

two metres. 

Wooden structures were found throughout the area 

where the research was conducted, with the exception 

of the northwest corner. Rows of larger piles eight to 16 

centimetres in diameter were more distinct at the point 

where the bottom of the now extinct lake abruptly gets 

deeper and passes into the first underwater terrace (Fig. 

5). The largest stakes/piles, and to the greatest depth, 

were driven in within a stretch around six to seven metres 

wide along the shore of the now extinct lake, next 

to the outflowing rivulet. It has been noted that stakes 

of a larger diameter are intended for quite a different 

purpose. They are located along the former shore of 

Lake Žemaitiškė, and they formed individual structures 

of pile-dwelling buildings. 

In the course of the analysis of the wooden structures, 

it was found that some of them are not related to piledwelling 

buildings. This can be said of thin (3cm to 

4cm in thickness) poles made of different wood types. 

The upper ends of some of these poles were found 

quite deep in the argil. It is most likely that these poles 

are the remnants of fishing barriers that were installed 

before the pile-dwelling building was erected, or when 

it had already been erected. Fishing installations of 

this type are well known from ethnographic studies 

(Piškinaitė-Kazlauskienė 1998, p.56ff), and they were 

widely used in the Baltic Sea region during the Neolithic 

period (Persson 1999, p.60, Fig. 22; Rimantienė 

2005, pp.405-414), as well as in other locations in Europe 

(Brinkhuizen 1983, p.20). The mouth of a rivulet 

is an ideal place for fishing barriers. 

This data explains why so many wooden structures 

were found in the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement, and at the 

same time it makes us take a fresh look at material collected 

earlier and its interpretation. The primary task 

was to distinguish the remnants of structures from the 

remnants of fishing barriers. It is highly probable that 

some of the finds, especially those directly related to 

fishing (fishing spears, remnants of creels), are related 

to the above-mentioned barriers, and not to a pile structure 

from the Late Neolithic period. 

Nevertheless, there are few doubts that the larger deepdriven 

stakes of a larger diameter are the remnants of 

a pile structure. It has been determined that the majority 

of the piles were sharpened by using a particular 

technique. Notice was taken of the fact that the tips of 

most of the structures had long and rough sharpening 

facets which had been formed not by cutting with an 

axe along the tree bast (as would have been the case 

if working with a metal axe), but by tearing the bast 

off. People living in the Stone Age had imperfect tools; 

therefore, they would use wedges to fell trees. Hafted 

axes-wedges made from stone and horn could be used 

as wedges, some of which were found at the Žemaitiškė 

2 settlement (Girininkas 1990, p.70). Numerous finds 

of this type have been found in other settlements from 

the same period in the area around Lake Kretuonas: 

Kretuonas 1D, Pakretuonė 1. The end of a tree felled in 

this way would be further slightly squared and driven 

into the ground. 

Regrettably, the upper parts of the piles have deteriorated; 

therefore, we cannot yet make any judgments 

concerning now extinct overwater technological elements 

of the structures. During the research conducted 

between 1980 and 1983, several stakes with surviving 

upper parts were found. They looked as if they had 

shoulders on to which another structure of the building, 

most likely a platform, would be mounted (Fig. 

6). Two such stakes had shoulders in their upper parts, 

on to which thin platform-bearing logs with a hole for 

connecting the vertical stake and the thin log of the 

platform would be mounted. The tips of some of the 

stakes are sharpened in the shape of small facets by 

using axes (Fig. 7). The tips of some structures were 

slightly burnt to make them firmer; the tip of one large 

stake was slightly burnt and driven into the ground 

without any additional handling. The tips of several 

stakes that were better preserved were burnt. Numerous 

pieces of charcoal and firebrands were found in the 

cultural layer. Therefore, there are grounds to believe 

that the pile structure was destroyed by fire. 

The finds in the cultural layer were distributed unevenly. 

They were more common in places where there 

were fewer vertically driven stakes. No pottery artefacts, 

artefacts made of bone and horn, or other artefacts, 

with the exception of those made of stone, were 

found around the stakes where fragments of a wooden 

platform structure were found, that is, logs with holes 

and stakes with shoulders, on to which the platform 

would be mounted. 

Very few archaeological finds were found in the cultural 

layer next to the piles. There probably used to 

be a pile platform erected above the area investigated, 

and very little, if any, household refuse could get 


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Fig. 5. The Žemaitiškės 2 settlement, a cross-section: 1 filling ground; 2 turf; 3 black peat; 4 brownish peat; 5 sapropel (cultural layer); 6 sediment of the lake; 7 stakes (reconstructed by the author).


Fig. 6. The Žemaitiškės 2 settlement: stakes and platform-bearing logs in situ (photograph by A. Girininkas). 

under the platform. The total number of finds in the 

plans of the investigated area of the settlement shows 

that pottery artefacts are concentrated in areas with the 

smallest number of stakes used for the construction of 

the structure. It was noticed that the majority of the 

artefacts found in the cultural layer were in a vertical 

position, because there was a layer of silt around the 

pile-dwelling settlement; the layer had formed due to 

pollution by the dwellers, or by the peatifying process 

of the lake. This shows that people lived above the water, 

whereas the artefacts appeared in the layer at a time 

when the environment around the settlement was silty. 

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Fig. 7. The Žemaitiškės settlement: stakes (photograph by 

A. Girininkas). 

Another interesting phenomenon was noticed during 

research into the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement. No hearths 

were found in the area of the settlement where there 

was a large number of vertically driven stakes. This 

shows that hearths were located on the platform, most 

likely in special places inside the buildings where the 

base of the platform was covered with layers of soil 

and clay. No hearths were found in other pile-dwelling 

settlements at Šarnelė, Šventoji 4, Šventoji 6 and 

Žemaitiškė 3 either. 

The tradition of erecting pile structures on lake sandbars 

existed until the Late Bronze Age (Baubonis et 

al. 2002, p.229ff). It is interesting to note that in that 

period, too, the piles were of the same diameter. However, 

the structures from this period were much more 

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Fig. 8. The Žemaitiškės 2 settlement: ceramics of late Narva culture. 

126 

distinct in the total pile arrangement plan, because 

there were no other structures intended for household 

purposes next to them, such as fishing barriers, footbridges, 

and so on. 

Finds and their interpretation 

All the pottery artefacts found in the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement 

are of nearly the same type. The artefacts include 

tulip-shaped pots, small tapered cups and, to a 

lesser extent, profiled cutlery with S-shaped walls. The 

clay mass of the entire cutlery found there contains a 

large quantity of shell admixtures decorated with ornamental 

motifs characteristic of Late Narva culture 

(Fig. 8). This kind of pottery is characteristic of monuments 

of Late Narva culture from the Late Neolithic, 

which are undoubtedly related to the pile structures of 

the settlement. 

Items belonging to the period of pile structures are net 

floaters, sinkers, fishing rod hooks, stones intended for 

grinding bone, horn and stone artefacts, herringboneshaped 

fish-spears, flint knives, chisels, wedges, pieces 

of art, and so on (Fig. 9). Besides thick-walled pottery 

dating from the Late Neolithic, a few pieces of pottery 

fragments indicated thin-walled Narva ceramics, 

which could be chronologically earlier. A single piece 

of pottery thinned with sand and decorated with a 

comb pattern was also found. It should probably be referred 

to as Pit-Comb Ware culture. It attests to the fact 

that people visited the site of the settlement in earlier 

periods too. 

Furthermore, one-sided fish-spears that might be typologically 

referred to the earlier period of Narva culture 

were found in the cultural layer of the settlement 

(Girininkas 1994, p.170). Most of the flint artefacts 

belong to the broad-flake industry used by the people 

of Late Narva culture. Three artefacts of the ‘wood 

chisel’ type used for woodworking and most likely related 

to pile construction were found. Two artefacts do 

not fit in the general context. These are a thin regular 

retouched blade and a lancet found in the cultural layer. 

These pottery artefacts and work tools are most likely 

related not to the pile building, but to the fishing barriers, 

to which people from more distant communities 

would come during an earlier period when there were 

still no pile structures erected by the community of 

Žemaitiškė 2.


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Fig. 9. The Žemaitiškės 2 settlement: bone and antler artefacts: 1, 2 gaffs; 3 arrowhead; 4 deer figurine; 6–8 pendants; 

9 spreader of ornament; 13 fishing hook; 14 spearhead; 15–16 axes; 8, 9, 11 amber ornament; earthenware: 5 spinningwheel; 

10 bird figure (photograph by A. Girininkas). 

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128 

Animal bones were found, too, which attests 

to the fact that the people of the pile-dwelling 

settlement hunted beaver, deer, elk, bear, wild 

boar, duck and geese. When living next to the 

fishing installation, they would catch large pike, 

sheatfish and other kinds of fish (Daugnora, 

Girininkas 2004, p.256ff). 

Research data shows that there were already 

horses among the bred livestock (Girininkas et 

al. 2009, p.24). 

The general conclusion can be drawn that a 

typological analysis of the finds supports the 

earlier conclusion that in the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement, 

along with the dominating material of 

the Late Neolithic relating to pile structures, 

there is a small quantity of chronologically 

earlier finds. They should be related to fishing 

barriers, which might have been used in the 

area around Lake Kretuonas from very early 

times. Barriers intended for fishing used to be 

built there from the Mesolithic (for instance, 

stake Že-88 was dated 8380±60 BP VDU-167) 

and existed until the Bronze Age. Fish barriers 

next to the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement used to be 

repaired and rebuilt. 

Research into the wood of the pile 

structures of the Žemaitiškė 2 

settlement 

Research into the wood of the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement 

was conducted by Dr R. Pukienė. The tree species used 

for piles in the Late Neolithic settlement were determined 

on the basis of macro-features. The archaeological 

material, with the exception of cases when the 

wood was badly disintegrated, was divided into three 

wood groups: conifers, hard deciduous trees and soft 

deciduous trees. In the group of hard deciduous trees, 

the wood was identified to the tree species on the basis 

of macro-features. The wood type was determined on 

the basis of wood diagnostic features in three sections: 

cross-section, tangential section and radial section. In 

the course of the analysis of wood in these three sections, 

microscoping at 56 to 250 times magnification 

was used for the identification of the species. 

Due to the fact that quite a few wood samples from 

the pile-dwelling settlement, especially those of soft 

deciduous trees, such as birch and alder, were very 

soft due to chemical and biogenic destruction, all the 

samples were frozen before preparation. This set of 

methods made it possible to analyse the cell structure 

even in samples which had totally lost their strength 

and become soft. 

Fig.10. The range of wood types of the piles of the Žemaitiškė 2 

settlement (compiled by R. Pukienė). 

The identification of wood types was carried out by 

analysing more than 300 pile samples obtained during 

the investigations in 2000 and 2001. The majority of 

the structures consisted of European ash (Fraxinus excelsior 

L.) piles (57.1%) (Fig. 10). Ash piles and stakes 

were distributed almost evenly throughout the area of 

the 2000 to 2001 excavations (Fig. 11). Structural elements 

of various dimensions were made from ash: 

from poles three centimetres in diameter to split piles 

14 centimetres in diameter. 

With the exception of a pine sample and a few birch 

(Betula pendula Roth) samples representing coniferous 

forests, the majority of the remaining samples were 

typical of the broad-leaved forests that prevailed in the 

Atlantic period. The second tree species usually used 

for the structures was alder (Alnus sp.) (11.3%). 

Hazel (Coryllus avellana L.) (10.0%) piles were 

grouped in indistinct lines crossing the area under 

investigation in different directions. This wood type 

was probably used for building fishing barriers. Other 

more common tree species are typical species of 

broad-leaved forests, such as elm (Ulmus sp.) (5.3%) 

and maple (Acer platanoides L.) (4.3%). However, oak 

(Quercus robur L.), the most typical wood of broadleaved 

forests, was not used for the construction of the 

structures. Only one oak stake was found among all the 

structures of the area of the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement 

investigated in 2000 and 2001. This fact distinguishes 

the settlement from pile-dwelling settlements in Switzerland 

and southern Germany, where oak is one of the


Fig. 11. The Žemaitiškės 2 settlement: the spectrum of wood sorts in the 2000–2001 investigated settlement area. 

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most widely tree species used in Neolithic structures 

and comprises up to 75% of samples (Tercier et al. 

1996, pp.567-582). 

In terms of the entire collection, pine (Pinus sylvestris 

L.) makes up 6%. In the excavation area, structural elements 

made of pine are distributed in islets; the largest 

accumulation can be found in the excavation area excavated 

in 2000. The rest of the structural elements of 

the pile-dwelling settlement, that is, individual stakes 

and piles, are from small trees and bushes: buckthorn 

(Rhamnus frangula L.), trembling aspen (Populus 

tremula L.), red dogwood (Cornus sanguinea L.), willow 

(Salix sp.), and the Rosaceae family (mountain 

ash). Since these stakes make up a small part of the 

structural elements, they do not form a visible spatial 

structure in the area of excavation. They were probably 

used in the structures together with piles made from 

other tree species. 

The Late Neolithic people of the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement 

would not debark the wood used for construction: 

they would use round timber or timber split lengthwise 

in two, and sometimes wood slightly burnt in a bonfire. 

This circumstance is especially favourable, since due 

to the preserved rings of the last years, their anatomical 

structure makes it possible to restore the seasonal 

prevalence of the felling of the tree. 

More often than not, the wood samples taken at the 

Žemaitiškė 2 settlement are intact until the bark or the 

outermost ring. During archaeological investigation, 

the outer layers were preserved. This made it possible 

to carry out an anatomical analysis of the outer ring 

formed by the tree during the last year of growth on 

most samples. 

The formation of rings of every individual tree species 

during a season is different and depends on the 

climatic conditions. The formation of a tree ring starts 

at the beginning of the vegetation season, when cambium 

cells begin to divide. Under the conditions existing 

in Lithuania, this normally takes place in May. As the 

leaves of hard deciduous trees (oak, ash, elm) appear 

and grow, the early part of the ring forms; it consists 

of large wood vessels, tracheae (pores). Later on, before 

the end of the vegetation season, the late part of 

the wood, consisting of smaller cells, forms. There is 

a clear difference between the early and the late wood 

in the rings of coniferous trees, too. At the end of the 

season (in Lithuania, approximately in September) 

the ring formation stops, and the division of cambium 

starts anew only the next year. When the tree dies, the 

division of cambium and the formation of cells are disrupted. 

The season of the tree’s death is recorded in the 

structure of the ring. 

Fig. 12. The piles according to the type of the last ring and 

the felling season (data from R. Pukienė). 

An analysis of the last ring (Fig. 12) shows that the majority 

of the piles were prepared in the spring, at the beginning 

of the vegetation season (Type A, 36%), or in 

the summer (Type B, 23%). In as many as 36% of the 

samples, the last ring contains only early wood. Under 

present-day climatic conditions, ash, elm and pine 

begin forming early wood in May. Our studies show 

that in approximately mid-June, the formation of late 

wood in some ash has not yet started. Therefore, we 

can claim that the most extensive construction work in 

the Žemaitiškė 2 pile-dwelling settlement happened in 

May and June. Some of the piles referred to as Type C 

(29%) might also have been prepared in the spring, in 

April or May, just before the beginning of the vegetation 

season (Pukienė 2004, p.103). 

A characteristic peculiarity of the wood samples is the 

structure of the annual rings. The number of annual 

rings indicates the age of the tree. On the basis of the 

annual ring width dynamics, we can distinguish the 

dendrotypological groups of the trees, and synchronise 

the sequences of rings of individual trees, that is, determine 

the simultaneity of the structural elements and 

the spatial structures of these structures. The annual 

rings of the wood were mostly analysed in the samples 

of hard deciduous (ash, elm, oak) and coniferous (pine, 

spruce) trees. 

Although thin trees were used in the structures of the 

Žemaitiškė 2 settlement, the annual ring sequences of 

some of them are quite long, because the growth of 

most of the trees was slow. Trees up to 40 years old 

were mostly used for the construction. However, quite 

a large number of ash trees 50 to 70 years old were 

also felled. Trees older than 70 years are seldom found 

in the structures. It goes without saying that the use of 

young and maturing trees reflected the technical possibilities 

of the people of that time. Young trees were 

usually used in the construction of Stone Age piledwelling 

settlements in other European regions, too. 

For example, in Swiss pile-dwelling settlements, trees

up to 40 years old make up 62% to 83% of the pile collection 

(Tercier at al. 1996, p.570). 

The dating and construction of pile 

structures 

On an anatomical analysis of the pile wood, it was 

found that the piles which had remained in the settlement 

were made of different trees, mostly ash. Despite 

the tendency to arrange piles made from certain tree in 

groups, for instance, hazel piles in lines going in different 

directions, and piles arranged in quite a compact 

group, in general, the piles do not form a visible 

spatial structure in the investigated area. In terms of 

annual growth (tree rings) type, the trees of which the 

piles were made are different. A few dendrotypological 

groups that show the heterogeneity of the material 

were identified. This leads us to the idea that there are 

structures in the settlement dating from different times. 

Along with piles used for dwelling structures, there 

could be the remains of fishing barriers, because thin 

and long pine billets used for creels were found. 

For the purpose of obtaining as accurate information 

as possible on the likely time of construction of the 

structures, wood samples of ten different species and 

dendrotypological groups were dated by radiocarbon 

dating. The dating was carried out at the radioisotope 

laboratory of the Dendroclimatology and Radiometry 

Group of Vytautas Magnus University. 

The radiocarbon dates obtained support the earlier hypothesis 

that the wooden structures of the settlement 

date from different times. The latest wood is alder, 

from the peat layer that formed over the bottom of the 

lake. The dating of this sample (3310+/-50 BP, VDU- 

165) indicates that in the second half of the second millennium 

BC, the peatifying process at Lake Žemaitiškė 

had already started. The earliest date (8380 +/- 60 m. 

BP, Boreal Period, VDU-187) refers to pine pile No 88. 

Due to the fact that pine is not typical of broad-leaved 

forests, we can suppose that other structural elements 

made from pine, as well as from birch, another Boreal 

species, which were found in the excavation area, also 

date from a much earlier Mesolithic period. 

The dates of other piles are within the range from 

3670+/-80 (alder pile No 172, calibrated date 2140– 

1930 BC) to 5970+/-60 (ash pile No 145, calibrated 

date 4970–4790 BC). The majority of the dates are 

grouped in the range of 3000 BC. All the dates of the 

piles made from broad-leaved trees correspond to the 

end of the Atlantic and the beginning of the Subboreal 

periods, when broad-leaved tree species still prevailed 

in the forests. 

Upon confirmation of the presumption that the wooden 

structures found in the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement are not 

of the same date, it is important to single out structures 

dating from different periods. The dendrochronological 

synchronisation of pile ring sequences is 

used for this purpose. Despite the very narrow rings, 

individual growth dynamics and comparatively short 

annual ring sequences, the ring sequences of certain 

ash and elm piles can be synchronised. The results of 

the dendrochronological synchronisation of some pile 

ring sequences show that ring sequences which contain 

the last underbark ring end the same year, that is, the 

piles were felled the same year. It was determined that 

in certain cases there is a felling time difference of a 

few years among piles situated at a short distance from 

each other. This might indicate repairs to a building 

structure, or different stages in the construction of the 

structures. 

In the course of studies of the piles, an attempt was 

made to reconstruct a piece of simultaneous structures. 

Here a simultaneous structure is understood as a spatial 

structure consisting of piles felled the same year, and 

identified by the dendrochronological synchronisation 

of the ring sequences. It is evident that the excavated 

area (12x4m) investigated in detail by applying the 

dendrological method between 2000 and 2002 is not 

large enough for the identification of the structures of 

the entire settlement, because the area contains only 

individual parts of the structures. Some parts of the 

structures have the features of a rectangular spatial 

structure. 

A reconstruction of the spatial structure of the structures, 

just like the radiocarbon dating, indicates that the 

settlement contains several overlapping wooden pile 

structures dating from different periods. A more thorough 

study and identification of the spatial structure of 

the structures would be possible on expanding detailed 

studies of the wooden structures, so that the studies 

cover a larger part of the settlement. Due to the fact 

that the length of the ring series of wooden elements 

does not exceed a hundred years, at longer intervals 

between the construction of the structures (according 

to radiocarbon dating, this interval can be hundreds, 

and even thousands, of years), the overlapping of pile 

ring sequences and the relative dating of the structures 

by the dendrochronological method is not possible. 

In order to resolve the issue of the evolution of 

the construction of the structures, a larger number of 

radiocarbon dates is required, as is done in reconstructions 

of Swiss or German pile-dwelling settlements. As 

complex studies are continued, piles from individual 

reconstructed structures should be radiocarbon dated 

in the future. These dates would make it possible to 

make judgments on the sequence of the construction 


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of the structures and their correspondence to other archaeological 

finds. The studies have shown that the 

structures are not simultaneous, and the precise determination 

of their simultaneity requires similar studies 

in the areas investigated between 1979 and 1982. 

Among the structures of the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement, 

the largest sequence consists of ash piles, which indicates 

that around the lake which existed at Žemaitiškė 

there was sufficient humidity and fertile, humus-rich 

soils. 

In the course of an analysis of the annual rings of ash 

trees, it was found out that mostly trees up to 40 years 

old were used for the construction; however, quite 

a large number of ash trees 50 to 70 years old were 

also felled. Trees older than 70 years old are found in 

the structures, but rarely. Very slow growth is typical 

of most trees; their annual ring sequences are quite 

long. A different type of tree growth indicates different 

growth conditions: different habitats or a different 

composition of species and density of standing timber, 

which determine the competition among the trees for 

light and other resources. 

Discussion of the results 

of the studies of the Žemaitiškė 2 

settlement 

On the basis of archaeological and dendrological studies 

of the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement, it was possible to 

determine that people lived in the settlement the longest 

in the Late Neolithic. This fact is confirmed by the 

radiological dates and archaeological material from the 

settlement. The piles which supported the platform are 

larger, and from six to eight to 14 to 16 centimetres in 

diameter. Other vertically driven poles were used for 

catching fish, that is, for supporting fishing barriers and 

creels. This shows that there were both dwellings and 

installations for fishing in the settlement. Dendrological 

studies carried out on part of the area of the settlement 

indicate that people lived there at different times, 

because radiological analyses of the piles and poles 

cover quite a broad chronological spectrum. However, 

the archaeological material from the Late Neolithic period 

is compact. It shows that people lived and caught 

fish there constantly in the Late Neolithic only, while 

they caught fish there from the Mesolithic to the end of 

the Bronze Age. 

The settlement’s platforms, on which structures were 

erected, were arranged along the shore of the now 

disappeared Lake Žemaitiškė, at the point where a 

rivulet flowed out of it and into Lake Kretuonas. The 

structures reached the rim of the lake’s sandbar, which 

passed into the first underwater terrace. This makes it 

possible to claim that both the buildings and the fishing 

installations were next to each other. People living next 

to the channel could get fish regularly. The osteological 

material from the settlement shows that not only 

fish but also hunted fauna was used for food. The latter 

data, and the archaeological material (devices for 

making tools, pieces of art, the abundant pottery, the 

rubbish heap in the water next to the buildings), might 

indicate that people lived there not only during an individual 

fishing period but also permanently. 

In the course of dendrological studies, it was found 

that, more often than not, pile structures were built or 

repaired in May and June, when the spawning season 

of the fish that were most commonly used for food was 

nearly over, and the water level had stabilised after the 

spring thaw. There was a pile platform placed on poles 

eight to 14 centimetres in diameter which were driven 

into the lake argil. There were buildings erected on the 

platform. The platform was made of thin logs ten to 15 

centimetres in diameter, in which holes would be cut; 

the holes would be placed on vertically driven piles 

with shouldered tops. The piles were replaced just like 

individual structures of the platforms. Therefore, dendrological 

studies make it possible to determine that 

the structures of the buildings covered each other a 

number of times. 

The latest archaeological and dendrological studies 

make it possible to claim that from the Late Neolithic, 

people lived and engaged in economic activities in 

buildings placed on piles in Lithuania without interruption: 

they caught fish, hunted and started breeding 

livestock. 

This tradition of pile construction still existed in the 

Bronze Age. Pile structures erected in a similar manner 

in Lithuania have been found in Lake Luokesai (in the 

Molėtai district). 

What circumstances made people build pile structures? 

There is no clear answer to this question. Pile structures 

were built by dwellers of various archaeological 

cultures; therefore, an ethnocultural interpretation of 

pile structures is not adequate. Most likely, the main 

reasons were economic, defensive and natural factors. 

Fishing was very important as a source of food. The 

regular consumption of fish for food is reflected in the 

conclusions of the stable isotope analysis (Daugnora, 

Girininkas 2004, p.32). Furthermore, as mutual relations 

between individual communities deteriorated because 

of food resources, territory, and so on, which can 

be seen in studies of the ideological dimension to society 

at that time (Daugnora, Girininkas 2004, p.149), it 

was safer to dwell surrounded by water.

Fluctuations in the water level at the time when pile 

structures were used would be far more noticeable than 

they are today, because this fact is reflected in material 

from a number of Stone Age settlements in Lithuania, 

which was related to the transgression and regression 

of the Baltic Sea in the Subboreal period. 


Abbreviation 

ATL – Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje / Archaeological 

investigations in Lithuania. Vilnius, from 1967. 

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2002. Luokesų ežero (Molėtų r.) senovės gyvenviečių 2 

ir 3 povandeniniai archeologiniai žvalgymai. ATL 2001 



M., 2002. Luokesų ežero senovės gyvenvietės povandeniniai 

archeologiniai tyrinėjimai. ATL 2000 metais. Vilnius, 

229-231. 

BRINKHUIZEN, D.C., 1983. Some notes on recent and protohistoric 

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CHERNIAVSKI, М.М., 1997. Pavnochnabelaruskaia 

kul’tura. Аrkhealogia Belarusii. Мinsk: Belaruskaia navuka, 

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GIRININKAS, A., 1990. Kretuonas. Vidurinis ir vėlyvasis 

neolitas. Lietuvos archeologija, 7. 

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ATL 1980 ir 1981 metais. Vilnius, 7-9. 

GIRININKAS, A., 1994. Baltų kultūros ištakos. Vilnius: 

Savastis. 

GIRININKAS, A., BRAZAITIS, D., 2002. Žemaitiškės 2-oji 

gyvenvietė. ATL 2000 metais. Vilnius, 8-10. 

GIRININKAS, A., 2004. Žemaitiškės 2-oji polinė 

gyvenvietė. Istorija, LXII, 26-32. 

GIRININKAS, A., 2005. Ar buvo polinių gyvenviečių akmens 

amžiuje Lietuvoje? Lituanistica, 62.2, 33-45. 

GIRININKAS, A., DAUGNORA, L., ANTANAITIS- 

JACOBS, I., 2009. When did Domesticated Horses Appear 

in Lithuania? Archaeologia Baltica, 11, 22-31. 

HOOKK, D., MAZURKEVICH, A., 2007. Fuzzy logic and 

Neolithic wood. Small samples Big objects. Proceedings 

of the Eu-ARTECH Seminar in May 2007. München, 40- 

50. 

RUOFF, U., 2004. Lake-dwelling studies in Switzerland 

since‚ Meilen 1854. In: F.А.М. 

MENOTTI, ed. Living on the lake in prehistoric Europe. 

London and New York: Routledge, 9-21. 

MENOTTI, F., BAUBONIS, Z., BRAZAITIS, D., HIGH- 

AM, T., KVEDARAVIČIUS, M., LEWIS, H., MO- 

TUZAITE, G., PRANCKENAITE, E., 2005. The First 

Lake-Dwellers of Lithuania: Late Bronze and Pile Settlements 

on Lake Luokesas. Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 

24 (4), 381-403. 

MIKLIAEV, A.M., 1977. О svainykh poseleniiakh tret‘egovtorogo 

tysiacheletia do nashei ery v baseine Zapadnoi 

Dviny. Arkheologicheskii sbornik. Leningrad: Sovetskii 

khudozhnik, 18, 10-14. 

PERSSON, P., 1999. Neolitikums början: Undersökningar 

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PIŠKINAITĖ-KAZLAUSKIENĖ, L., 1998. Žvejybos istorijos 

apybraižos. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla. 

PRANCKĖNAITĖ, E., BAUBONIS, Z., KVEDARAVIČIUS, 

M., 2008. Luokesų ežero polinė gyvenvietė. ATL 2007. 

Vilnius, 526-528. 

PUKIENĖ, R., 2004. Žemaitiškės 2-osios polinės gyvenvietės 

medinių konstrukcijų anatominė analizė. Lietuvos archeologija, 

26, 99-104. 

RIMANTIENĖ, R., 2005. Akmens amžiaus žvejai prie 

Pajūrio lagūnos. Vilnius: Lietuvos nacionalinis muziejus. 

TERCIER, J., ORCEL, A., ORCEL, C., 1996. Dendrochronological 

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Switzerland. The Rings, Environment and Humanity. Radiocarbon, 

The University of Arizona, 567-582. 



Algirdas Girininkas 



Herkaus Manto street 84 

LT-92294, Klaipėda 

Lithuania 

sakaliske@gmail.com 

ŽEMAITIŠKĖS 2-OJI POLINĖ 

GYVENVIETĖ 

ALgirdAs girininkAs 

Santrauka 

Lietuvos teritorijoje apie polinių statinių egzistavimą 

akmens ir bronzos amžiais žinoma gana nedaug. Šiuo 

metu Lietuvos teritorijoje neolito laikotarpio polinėmis 

gyvenvietėmis galima būtų laikyti Žemaitiškės 

1-ąją, Žemaitiškės 2-ąją, Žemaitiškės 3-iąją, Kretuono 

1C (Švenčionių r.), Šarnelės (Plungės r.), Šventosios 

4-ąją, Šventosios 6-ąją (Palangos m.) gyvenvietes, 

kurios priklausė Narvos, virvelinės keramikos ir rutulinių 

amforų kultūrų bendruomenėms. Iš bronzos amžiaus 

laikotarpio žinomos Luokesos 1-oji, Luokesos 

2-oji gyvenvietės. Visos tyrinėtos gyvenvietės yra prie 

protakinių ežerų ar pajūrio lagūnų, kurios jungėsi su 

įtekančiomis ar ištekančiomis upėmis ir jūra. Gyven- 


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viečių kultūrinių sluoksnių aptinkama išilgai kranto 

buvusių ir esančių ežerų atabraduose prie pat įtekančių 

ar ištekančių upelių vagų. Didžioji dalis polinių 

gyvenviečių aptikta po durpių sluoksniais, todėl apie 

šio tipo gyvenamuosius būstus prabilta pradėjus intensyviau 

tyrinėti durpynų pakrantes ne tik Lietuvos, bet 

ir Latvijos, Pskovo srities, Lenkijos, Šveicarijos bei 

Vokietijos teritorijose, ypač paskutinio Skandinavijos 

ir Alpių apledėjimo galinių morenų ruože, kur susidarė 

daug protakinių ežerų. 

Iš minėtų polinių gyvenviečių Lietuvoje detaliausiai 

tyrinėta Žemaitiškės 2-oji gyvenvietė (Švenčionių r.). 

Žemaitiškės 2-oji gyvenvietė buvo tyrinėta 1979–1981 

ir 2000–2001 metais. Kasinėjimų metu buvo rasta 

daug medinių konstrukcijų, kurios tyrinėjimų pradžioje 

buvo interpretuotos kaip antžeminių „ilgųjų pastatų“ 

liekanos. Visas gyvenvietės inventorius laikytas chronologiškai 

vienalaikiu, priklausiusiu vėlyvajam neolitui. 

Tik vėlesni tyrimai patvirtino, kad ši gyvenvietė 

yra buvusi polinė. 

Gyvenvietės kultūrinis sluoksnis yra 2–25 cm storio 

sapropelinių durpių sluoksnelis, susiformavęs buvusio 

ežero dugne. Jo apatinėje dalyje buvo žvyras su 

gausiomis vandens moliuskų kiautų liekanomis. Po 

kultūriniu sluoksniu visur slūgsojo ežerinis šlynas. Viršutinis 

šlyno horizontas neolito statytojų buvo išmaigytas 

statant gyvenvietės statinius, jame pasitaikydavo 

medžio anglių, nuodėgulių, akmenų, medienos skiedrų, 

tačiau archeologinių dirbinių nebuvo rasta. Giliau 

šlynas buvo vientisas, be jokių žmogaus veiklos pėdsakų. 

2000–2001 m. tyrimai patvirtino spėjimus, kad ši 

gyvenvietė yra polinio statinio, kuris buvo pastatytas 

vandenyje, buvusio ežero pakrantėje, prie iš ežero ištekančio 

upelio, vieta. 1979–1982 ir 2001–2002 m. rasta 

1089 statmenai įkalti kuolai ir medinių konstrukcijų 

fragmentai. Kuolai į ežerinį šlyną buvo įkalti vidutiniškai 

apie 1,2 m, o ilgiausi ir stambiausi kuolai – net 

2 metrus. 

Deja, viršutinės polių dalys yra nunykusios, todėl 

spręsti apie virš vandens buvusius konstrukcijų technologinius 

elementus kol kas negalime. 1980–1983 m. 

tyrimų metu buvo aptikti keli kuolai, kurių viršutinės 

dalys buvo išlikusios. Jos atrodė tarsi turinčios petelius, 

ant kurių buvo užmaunama kita statinio, tikriausiai 

platformos, konstrukcija. Dalies kuolų smaigaliai 

smailinti smulkiomis facetėmis kirveliais. Kai kurių 

konstrukcijų smaigaliai dėl tvirtumo buvo apdeginti, 

vieno stambaus kuolo galas buvo nudegintas ir be 

jokio papildomo apdorojimo įsmeigtas į gruntą. Kelių 

geriau išlikusių kuolų viršūnės buvo apdegusios. Kultūriniame 

sluoksnyje rasta daug anglių ir nuodėgulių, 

todėl galima manyti, kad polinis statinys buvo sunaikintas 

gaisro. 

Analizuojant medines konstrukcijas nustatyta, kad dalis 

jų yra nesusijusios su poliniu pastatu. Tai pasakytina 

apie plonas, 3–4 cm storio, įvairiausių medienos rūšių 

kartis. Dalies tokių karčių viršutiniai galai buvo aptinkami 

gana giliai šlyne. Greičiausiai šios kartys yra 

žvejybos užtvarų, įrengtų dar prieš statant ar jau esant 

pastatytam poliniam pastatui, liekanos. Tokio tipo žvejybos 

įrenginiai yra gerai žinomi iš etnografinių tyrinėjimų 

ir buvo plačiai naudoti Baltijos jūros regione 

neolito laikotarpiu ir kitose Europos vietose. 

Tyrinėjant Žemaitiškės 2-ąją gyvenvietę pastebėtas dar 

vienas įdomus reiškinys. Gyvenvietės teritorijoje, kur 

būta daug statmenai sukaltų kuolų, židinių nerasta. Tai 

rodo, kad židiniai yra buvę ant platformos, tikriausiai 

pastatų viduje, specialiai tam įrengtose vietose, kur 

platformos pagrindą dengė žemių ir molio sluoksniai. 

Židinių neaptikta ir kitose polinėse gyvenvietėse: Šarnelėje, 

Šventosios 4-ojoje, Šventosios 6-ojoje, Žemaitiškės 

3-iojoje. 

Polinių statinių laikotarpiui priklauso tinklo plūdės, 

pasvarai, meškerių kabliukai, kaulinių, raginių ir 

akmeninių dirbinių šlifavimui skirti akmenys, eglutės 

formos žeberklai, titnaginiai peiliai, kaltai, pleištai ir 

kt. Kultūriniame sluoksnyje, be vėlyvajam neolitui priklausančios 

storasienės keramikos, rasta ir plonasienės 

narviškos keramikos, kuri chronologiškai turėtų būti 

ankstyvesnė. Taip pat rasta viena puodo šukė, liesinta 

smėliu ir puošta šukiniu ornamentu. Greičiausiai ji 

sietina su šukinės duobelinės keramikos kultūra. Tai 

rodo, kad gyvenvietės teritorijoje trumpą laiką gyventa 

ir ankstesniu laikotarpiu. 

Aptikta ir gyvūnų kaulų. Iš jų matyti, kad polinės gyvenvietės 

žmonės medžiojo bebrus, elnius, briedžius, 

lokius, šernus, antis, žąsis. Pasistatę žvejybos įrenginius 

gaudė stambias lydekas ir šamus bei kitas žuvis. 

Tyrimų duomenys rodo, kad iš auginamų gyvulių didelę 

reikšmę turėjo arkliai, o to paties Kretuono apyežerio 

aplinkoje, vienalaikėje Kretuono 1D gyvenvietėje, 

gyvenę žmonės augino kiaules. 

Vėlyvojo neolito gyvenvietėje poliams naudotų medžių 

rūšys buvo nustatomos pagal makropožymius. 

Archeologinė medžiaga, išskyrus atvejus, kai mediena 

labai suirusi, buvo skirstoma į tris medienos grupes: 

spygliuočiai, kietieji lapuočiai, minkštieji lapuočiai. 

Kietųjų lapuočių grupės mediena pagal makropožymius 

buvo identifikuota iki medžio rūšies. Medienos 

rūšis buvo nustatoma remiantis medienos diagnostiniais 

požymiais trijuose pjūviuose: skersiniame, 

tangentiniame ir radialiniame. Medienos rūšys buvo 

identifikuojamos šiuose trijuose pjūviuose mikroskopu 

taikant 56–250 kartų padidinimą.

Medienos rūšims identifikuoti buvo pasirinkta daugiau 

kaip 300 polių pavyzdžių, kurie rasti 2000–2001 m. tyrinėjimų 

metu. Didžiausią dalį konstrukcijų sudarė paprastojo 

uosio (Fraxinus excelsior L.) poliai (57,1 %) 

(1 il.). Uosiniai poliai ir kuolai išsidėstę beveik tolygiai 

po visą 2000–2001 m. kasinėjimų plotą. Uosiniai buvo 

įvairių matmenų konstrukciniai elementai: pradedant 

3 cm skersmens kartimis, baigiant 14 cm skersmens 

skeltais poliais. 

Išskyrus pušies ir kelis beržo (Betula pendula Roth) 

pavyzdžius, atstovaujančius spygliuočių miškų tipui, 

dauguma kitų pavyzdžių yra būdingi plačialapių 

miškų, vyravusių atlančio ir ankstyvojo subborealio 

laikotarpiu, atstovai. Antra dažniausiai konstrukcijoms 

naudota medžių rūšis buvo alksnis (Alnus sp.) 

(11,3 %). Lazdyno (Corylus avellana L.) (10,0 %) 

poliai grupavosi neryškiomis linijomis, skirtingomis 

kryptimis kertančiomis tyrimų plotą. Šios rūšies mediena, 

matyt, buvo naudojama žuvų užtvaroms statyti. 

Kitos gausesnės medžių rūšys yra tipiškos plačialapių 

miškų atstovės, pvz., guoba (Ulmus sp.) (5,3 %) 

ir klevas (Acer platanoides L.) (4,3 %). Tačiau vienas 

iš tipiškiausių plačialapių miškų atstovų – ąžuolas 

(Quercus robur L.) – konstrukcijoms statyti praktiškai 

nebuvo naudotas. Visose 2000–2001 m. tirto Žemaitiškės 

2-osios gyvenvietės ploto konstrukcijose rastas 

tik vienas ąžuolinis kuolas. Tai ryškiai skiria tiriamąją 

gyvenvietę nuo polinių gyvenviečių Šveicarijoje ir 

Pietų Vokietijoje, kur ąžuolas yra viena iš dažniausiai 

naudojamų neolito konstrukcijose medžių rūšių, ir sudaro 

iki 75 % pavyzdžių. Pušies (Pinus sylvestris L.) 

pavyzdžiai visoje kolekcijoje sudaro 6,0 %. Kasinėjimų 

plote pušiniai konstrukciniai elementai išsidėstę 

salelėmis, gausiausia sankaupa yra 2000 m. kasinėjimų 

plote. Likusieji polinės gyvenvietės konstrukciniai elementai 

– pavieniai kuolai ir poliai iš smulkių medžių 

bei krūmų: šaltekšnio (Rhamnus frangula L.), drebulės 

(Populus tremula L.), sedulos (Cornus sanguinea L.), 

gluosnio (Salix sp.). 

Paskutinės medžių rievės analizė rodo, kad didžioji 

dauguma polių buvo ruošti pavasarį, vegetacijos sezono 

pradžioje (36 %), arba vasarą (23 %). Net 36 % 

pavyzdžių paskutinėje rievėje yra tik ankstyvoji mediena. 

Dabartinio klimato sąlygomis uosių, guobų ir 

pušų ankstyvoji mediena pradeda formuotis gegužės 

mėnesį. Mūsų tyrimai rodo, kad birželio viduryje kai 

kurių uosių vėlyvoji mediena dar nebūna pradėjusi 

formuotis. Todėl galima teigti, kad intensyviausiai 

statybos ir pastatų rekonstrukcijos darbai Žemaitiškės 

2-ojoje polinėje gyvenvietėje vykdavo gegužės–birželio 

mėnesiais. 

Medžių polių datos (14C ) išsidėsčiusios intervale 

nuo 3670+/-80 (alksnio polius Nr. 172, kalibruota 

data 2140–1930 m. pr. Kr.) iki 5970+/-60 (uosio polius 

Nr. 145, kalibruota data 4970–4790 m. pr. Kr.). 

Remiantis archeologiniais ir dendrologiniais tyrimais 

nustatyta, kad Žemaitiškės 2-ojoje gyvenvietėje ilgiausią 

laiką nuolat buvo gyvenama vėlyvojo neolito 

laikotarpiu. Tai patvirtina gyvenvietės radiologinės 

datos ir archeologinė medžiaga. Poliai, kurie laikė 

platformą, yra stambesni, jų skersmuo yra nuo 6–8 cm 

iki 14–16 cm. Kitos statmenai įkaltos kartys buvo naudojamos 

žvejybai: užtvarams, bučiams prilaikyti. Tai 

rodo, kad gyvenvietėje buvo ir gyvenamųjų statinių, 

ir žvejybos įrenginių. Dalyje gyvenvietės ploto atlikti 

dendrologiniai tyrimai rodo, kad gyventojų čia buvota 

įvairiais laikais, nes polių ir karčių radiologinių tyrimų 

chronologinis spektras yra gana platus. Tačiau vėlyvojo 

neolito archeologinė medžiaga yra kompaktiška. Ji 

rodo, kad šioje vietoje nuolat gyventa ir žvejota tik vėlyvajame 

neolite, o žvejota – nuo mezolito iki bronzos 

amžiaus pabaigos. Naujausi archeologiniai ir dendrologiniai 

tyrimai įgalina teigti, kad Lietuvos teritorijoje 

nuo vėlyvojo neolito ant polių stovėjusiuose pastatuose 

buvo nuolat gyvenama ir ūkininkaujama: žvejojama, 

medžiojama, pradedama auginti gyvulius. 

Ši polių statymo tradicija išliko ir bronzos amžiuje. 

Lietuvoje analogiškai suręstų polinių statinių aptikta 

Luokesų ežere (Molėtų r.). 


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The Bog Offerings of the Balts: 

‘I Give in Order to Get Back’ 

AUDRONĖ 

BLIUJIENĖ 

THE BOG OFFERINGS OF THE BALTS: 

‘I GIVE IN ORDER TO GET BACK’ 

AUDRONĖ BLIUJIENĖ 

Abstract 

The bog offerings of the Balts dating back to the period from the first century to the first half of the eighth century, and found 

in the Nemunas-Daugava interfluvia, are studied as part of the panhuman experience, and as a result of the influence of the 

Germanic culture of a period covering the Roman Iron Age and the Migration Period. In the lands of the Balts, however, offerings 

in water turned into a self-contained phenomenon known until historic times. This article discusses the links between bog 

offering sites and sacred waters. It discusses the position of bog offerings in the archaeological complex, the composition of 

offerings and changes in them, and the main intentions of the offerings, which can be characterised as offerings of war booty 

(to the god of war, as proof of a warrior’s honour), the transfer of valuables into the transcendental space (give to get back), 

and communication with the gods and with ancestors (requests and tokens of gratitude). 

Key words: Balts, wetlands, sacrifices, war booty/triumph, communication, transfer of valuables. 

136 

Offerings into water: from the very 

outset 

It is quite difficult, and sometimes even impossible, 

to conclude whether offering sites at a time of sacrifice 

were valleys of rivers or shores of lakes, ponds or 

meadows, or if the sites were rather overgrown or not. 

In one way or another, offerings were related to water, 

and, by their essence, they were offerings into water as 

a universal mediator in the journey to the afterworld or 

the eventual realm of the dead. Without doubt, a portion 

of these votive offerings were intended for the gods. 

Water is one of the principal components of the world’s 

structure, from which, according to myths about the 

creation of the world, the Earth was created (Greimas 

1990, p.133). Slack water, water flowing westwards or 

eastwards, a spring gushing from the ground, or the 

source of a river, or water falling from the sky: all these 

were given the role of a mediator in various situations 

(Vaitkevičius 2008a, p.77). Therefore, water in all its 

states could act as a mediator with gods and ancestors. 

Water was also an ideal medium for the transfer of desired 

valuables into the transcendental space; through 

this substance, as time went on, the owner would follow 

the valuables he had sacrificed. Water not only 

gives an opportunity to transfer desired objects into the 

afterworld, it also gives the person who performed the 

rites the right to use the objects after his death. More 

than one author has noticed this phenomenon, on the 

basis of written sources and archaeological material 

(Larsson 1998, p.70ff, Fig. 7; Žulkus 1989, p.110; 

1993, p.33). On the other hand, hoards deposited in the 

ground also carry a similar meaning (Riekstiņš 1930, 

p.477; Quast 2009). Consequently, in principle, the 

ground, too, could serve as a mediator between different 

spaces of the world. 

In Lithuania, the formation of bogs occurred predominantly 

in the Holocene, during the Allerød climatic 

warming period. As lakes became clogged up, the process 

became more rapid in the Pre-Boreal period, i.e. 

the Mesolithic (Kabailienė 2006, pp.416, 422ff, Table 

12). Although the majority of bogs formed through 

the silting-up of lakes, dry land can become boggy in 

the springy slopes along river banks and in river valleys; 

and due to excessive moisture, bogs and wetlands 

can form in forests and fields. Although the information 

on the present-day marshiness of Lithuania that 

is contained in scientific literature is contradictory, the 

usual claim is that the level of marshiness of Lithuania 

in Prehistoric times ranged from 9% to 6.5% 

(Sakalauskas, Zelionka 1966, p.5; Bareika 2010, p.7ff; 

Barakauskas 2008, p.18). In the first millennium, bogs 

and wetlands might have covered approximately two 

thirds of present-day Lithuania. 1 The number of boggy 

areas decreased considerably, due to extensive land 

reclamation, which was still going on in the late 20th 

century, because in some small river basins one third to 

two thirds of streams were straightened, drained or otherwise 

anthropogenically modified beds of small rivers 

(Žikulinas, Česnulevičius 2009, p.62ff). 

Similar bog formation processes were taking place in 

Scandinavia, too, where some lakes underwent a process 

of transformation into bogs in the Pre-Boreal and 

during Atlantic times (Larsson 1998, p.65ff). As the 

experience of studies of Germanic water offering sites 

1 

Dr Julius Taminskas’ and Jevgenijus Žikulinas’ 

communication to the author (Nature Research Centre, 

Institute of Geology and Geography)..


Fig. 1. The distribution of offerings in bogs and wetlands between the River Nemunas and the River Daugava. For a list 

of sites, see the appendix and table. Booty sacrifices in Scandinavia during the Roman Period and Migration Period, after 

Ilkjær 2007, p.17; Estonian sites after T. Tamla 1995, p.103ff, Fig. 1. 

shows, offerings were made into lakes, the bog formation 

process of which had already started; whereas in 

the case of Illerup, offerings were made in the Illerup 

Ådal river valley (Ilkjær 2007, p.25). In the Nemunas- 

Daugava interfluvia, however, it was river banks or 

boggy river valleys that were predominantly chosen as 

water offering sites (Fig. 1; Appendix 1). 

In Europe, offerings of various compositions into water, 

bogs or marshlands have been known since the 

Late Palaeolithic (Meiendorf-pond near Hamburg; 

Burdukiewicz 1999, p.102ff, Fig. 4). It is self-evident 

that with the passage of time the composition and intentions 

of the offerings changed; however, a bog, river 

bank or lake shore, a spring or just a marshy place, 

always remained an important offering site. According 

to Richard Bradley, mankind’s offerings into water 

were ‘a mirage but permanent’; in other words, it was 

a long-running tradition (1990, pp.9-16). This ‘permanent 

mirage’ as a particular phenomenon characteristic 

of a specific time and space has been ascribed by 

many authors who divide bog finds into different categories: 

familial and tribal sacrifices of a village, great 

tribal sacrifices at central sites, boat sacrifices as an 

act of cult-worship in order to obtain a greater esprit 

de corps, and special sacrifices and human sacrifices 

(Hagberg 1967b, p.67ff, with further literature). 

Consequently, water was always important as a transcendental 

space and a contact zone intended for 

communication with the gods and with ancestors in 

prehistoric times. In the Neolithic, offerings into water 

became extremely widespread. Furthermore, the attitude 

towards offerings in bogs changed. Offerings into 

water became a site of contact with the spiritual world, 

whereas a votive offering became the basis of community 

rites (Larsson 1998, p.68ff, Fig. 6). In the Jutland 

Peninsula, and in some Baltic Sea coastal areas rich 

in amber, offerings of raw amber and amber artefacts 

became extremely widespread in the Neolithic and 

the Bronze Age (Jensen 2000, pp.37-38; Griesa 1999, 

pp.128-129, Pl. 81; Bukowski 2002, Fig. 86). Apparently, 

it was not by chance that Juodkrantė (formerly 

Schwarzort) became the main Neolithic sacred place 

(alkas) of the entire spit and the surrounding region, 

where amber artefacts were sacrificed (Rimantienė 

1989, p.85; Bliujienė 2007, pp.85-86, 171), and possibly 

food or other artefacts. Judging by the composition 

of the ‘Juodkrantė Hoard’, offerings might have been 

made there in the Early Bronze Age too. 

In the Bronze Age, the number of offerings in the 

bogs of Central and northern Europe increased again; 

however, the composition, and apparently the main 

intentions of the offerings, changed. At that time, the 

ambition of people who enjoyed a high social status 

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138 

to become divine tribal chiefs or ancestors worshipped 

by future generations attributed more importance to the 

rites of offerings in water, and revealed the principal 

wish of those making the offerings: ‘I give in order 

to get back’ (Hänsel 1997, p.13ff). Therefore, exclusive 

regalia, weapons, work tools, ornaments and other 

valuables 2 became a component of such offerings. 

Bronze Age offerings into water became widespread 

in the east Baltic region (V. Urtāns 1977, p.129; Grigalavichene 

1980, pp.66-88; Čivilytė 2004, p.227ff; 

Bliujienė 2007, p.252ff). 

Some water offering sites were long-term ones, because 

at certain intervals of time offerings were made 

at the same site for several hundred years (such as the 

village of Šernai in the Minija valley). People would 

come to make an offering at a certain lake shore or 

river bank for several hundred or even a thousand years 

or more (at Gdynia-Wielki Kack in the Bay of Gdansk, 

amber was offered in a coastal bog in the Neolithic 

and the Late Roman Period) (La Baume 1920, Plate 

I; Reszczyńska 1998, p.93, map 21; Bliujienė 2007, 

Fig. 91.3.). Generally, offerings of amber were made 

into water until the beginning of the Migration Period 

(Eogan 1999, p.75ff; Bliujienė 2007, p.253ff, Fig. 154; 

Negroni Catacchio 2009, Plate I.1). Offerings of amber 

into water are attested to by the Basonia beads treasure, 

which was found, albeit in unclear circumstances, undoubtedly 

in a boggy valley of the Vistula (Wielowiejski 

1990, p.101ff). 

Mythological data from many nations indicates that 

the realm of the dead is imagined as being located 

beyond water, or in water; or water was the sphere 

through which one could arrive in the world of the 

dead (Žulkus 1989, p.110; 1993, p.29ff; Beresnevičius 

2004, p.245; Larsson 1998, p.68). Therefore, there is 

nothing strange about the fact that most of Lithuania’s 

burial sites are separated from their settlement by at 

least a small nameless rivulet or a ravine, whereas burial 

sites, more often than not, are on river banks or lake 

shores. However, boggy offering sites are known only 

in small areas surrounding dwelling sites and burial 

grounds, the most prominent archaeological objects. 

There is no doubt about the fact that during the Roman 

Period and at the beginning of the Migration Period, 

the Balts, as well as the Finno-Ugric people, adopted a 

custom of making offerings in bogs and wetlands from 

Germanic peoples; therefore, the intentions of the offering 

must have been very similar (V. Urtāns 1977; 

2 

The famous Trundholm sun chariot that was made in the 

Early Bronze Age around 1400 BC and was found in the 

Trundholm bog at Sjælland (Denmark). The second most 

famous object of antiquity, the Gundestrup Cauldron, 

which was produced around the second to the first century 

BC, was also found in a peat bog in Denmark. 

Tamla 1995, p.103ff, Figs. 1-5; Lang 2007, p.257; Kazanski 

2010, p.59). In the east Baltic region, we know 

all aspects of sacrifices in the wetlands used by Germans 

(Hagberg 1967b; Geisslinger 1967, pp.98-107, 

maps 8, 9, 16), except boat sacrifices to be a part of 

cult-worship. The importance of local customs which 

create the essential conditions for originating votive 

offerings in wetlands and bogs should be stressed. 

Most east Baltic region votive offerings in water, especially 

during the Migration Period, should be ascribed 

to war booty sacrifices. However, the question arises 

whether offerings were the booty from attacking or defending 

armies? And this is not an issue that is easily 

solved. In other words, the question of the intentions 

of these offerings arises. It has been suggested that war 

booty might have been brought home from victories 

abroad to be sacrificed, perhaps copying the Roman 

Triumph, and that these sacrifices would be psychologically 

bizarre to risk for life, honour and property 

(Ilkjær 2003, pp.44-65). One more suggestion has 

begun to circulate in archaeological literature that the 

sacrifices represented warriors returning from battles 

around the limes, where they might have fought on either 

side, or that war booty offerings bear witness to 

migrations from the continent to Scandinavia. Seeking 

land as they returned, they engaged in fighting with the 

local tribes of southern Scandinavia (Hagberg 1967b, 

p.65; Lund Hansen 2003, p.84ff). Of course, it is possible 

that a votive offering is performed in the area of 

a battle between two or more tribes, and the defeated 

tribe would lose its treasury to the victor (Grane 2007, 

pp.242-259, for an overview). At the same time, it is 

possible that votive offerings were made by the inhabitants 

of surrounding regions to their dead during a certain 

period as great tribal sacrifices. 

In the Lithuanian historiographical tradition, it is also 

claimed that these are bog offerings dedicated to warriors 

killed in foreign lands (Zabiela, Ribokas 1994, 

p.28). Or, it is assumed that ‘the real meaning of offerings 

might have been slightly different: through offerings, 

the deities of the underworld were asked to show 

benevolence and patronage to a killed person who 

never returned home, i.e. to a person whose relatives 

could not prepare him for the journey to the world of 

the deceased’ (Vaitkevičius 1994, p.107; literature pertaining 

to this issue is given). 

However, artefacts in the bog offerings of the Balts are 

not of Scandinavian origin. This fact has been noticed 

by all researchers who have analysed the offerings of 

the Early Migration Period (Tamla 1995, p.105, with 

literature). On the other hand, offered ornaments bear 

some features typical of the Baltic Sea region of the 

Early Migration Period, and some artefacts, such as

Fig. 2. Details of discoveries of 11th to 14th-century hoards 

of silver ornaments (according to J. Bliujūtė, Fig. 12). 

oval belt buckles with a thicker fore part (Group H), 

were widespread in most of Europe (Madyda-Legutko 

1986, Plates 19-20). The collected material indicates 

(see Appendix 1) that the Balts and the entire east Baltic 

region during the Late Roman Period and the Early 

Migration Period did not lag behind Germanic lands, 

where war booty was offered in especially large quantities. 

However, the east Baltic region differs, in that 

offerings into water continued during the Late Migration 

Period too; these offerings continued during Viking 

times and in the Early Middle Ages. On Gotland, 

offerings in bogs and wetlands survived even into the 

Viking Age, while in other parts of Sweden and Scandinavia 

such offerings were abandoned and forgotten 

(Hagberg 1967b, pp.70, 72-73; Thumark-Nyleń 2006, 

pp.462, 466-467). Bearing in mind the particular longlasting 

Gotlandic tradition in the design and wearing of 

bracteats, fashionable sets of beads, fibulae and so on, 

it is no wonder that offerings in bogs were still practised. 

Furthermore, we can retrace active communication 

between communities of the east Baltic region and 

Gotland, and argue that the common lifestyle and view 

of the world support the general custom of offerings on 

both sides of the Baltic Sea. 

Hoards from the Early Middle Ages consisting of exclusively 

silver ornaments were typical of the Balts; 

they would bear not only an economic, but also a symbolic 

and possibly a cult meaning. Such hoards are 

usually found in boggy areas (Bogucki 2003, pp.184, 

201). Undoubtedly, approximately a quarter (26%) of 

11th to 14th-century hoards of silver ornaments are 

related to water (Bliujūtė 2004, p.38) (Fig. 2). Nevertheless, 

at least some of the late ornaments, such as 

ones that did not match the new ideological and artistic 

realities, became offerings entrusted to the eternal 

custody of the ancestors. Consequently, the ancient 

offering into water might have acquired a different 

meaning, a kind of reverent farewell by aristocratic 

ladies of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to ornaments 

that were old-fashioned and represented old culture. 

Silver ornaments with rare decoration and a substantial 

weight had a high material value; therefore, such 

an offering was valuable. Single offerings into water 

might be known from as late as the early 18th century 

(at Oniūnai in the Kupiškis district, in 1986, during 

the excavation of a land reclamation ditch, 23 coins 

from different countries dating back to the early 18th 

century were found; Ivanauskas 1995, p.257ff). However, 

we should bear in mind all kinds of everyday life 

situations, accidents, and other factors due to which a 

deposit might have ended up in water. 

Sacrifices by the Balts in bogs 

and wetlands on the basis of 

the archaeological and mythological 

context, and data from written sources 

In Lithuania and Latvia, just as in other lands of the 

Balts 3 and the Finno-Ugric part of the Baltic region, 

weapons, work tools, household objects, ornaments, 

Roman coins, parts of a warrior’s accoutrements and 

other artefacts dating back to the period from the first 

century to the first half of the 13th century are found 

during the reclamation of boggy areas, peat cutting and 

ploughing of drained swamps, as well as on swampy 

river banks or lake shores and in wet meadows (Figs. 

1; 3; 4; Appendix 1). 4 Regarding the entire period being 

discussed, which covers nearly 1,300 years, 33 bog 

offering sites have been registered in western Lithuania 

and southwest Latvia, in western Samogitia, western 

Semigalia, and central and northeast Lithuania 

(Appendix 1), although, according to the archives of 

the State Board of Archaeology, there might be more 

offering sites. The largest number of offerings have 

3 

This article discusses only bog offerings found between the 

River Nemunas (Memel, Neman) and the River Daugava 

(Western Dvina). 

4 

It should be pointed out that in far from all instances are 

the circumstances of the finding of the offerings into water 

discussed in this article absolutely clear. The list of offerings 

into water has been compiled by including in it only those 

sites which present no doubt as to the circumstances of 

their finding, or where the circumstances of their finding 

indicate that the deposit found was in one way or another 

related to water (e.g. Dandāle Vecsvirlaukas and the hoard 

in the vicinities of Daugavpils). The list of the findspots of 

bog offerings does not include single artefacts or groups 

of artefacts where the circumstances of the finding cannot 

be verified by any other sources (a silver neck-ring was 

found in Lyduvėnai on the bank of the River Dubysa; cf. 

LLM 1958, p. 330, Fig. 293). Latvian deposits intended 

for various purposes have been studied in great detail 

by Vladislavs Urtāns; however, the circumstances of the 

finding of some deposits given in the publications of 1964 

and 1977 differ. 


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Fig. 3. 1930, Kokmuiža II (Līgotņu, Vītiņi parish, Auce district, Latvia): excavations of the edges of a land reclamation 

ditch in the boggy valley of the River Avīkne (LNVM photograph No. 30785) (photograph by Jānis Jaunzems). 

140 

Fig. 4. An excavation plot during archaeological investigations 

in 1930 at Kokmuiža II (Līgotņu, Vītiņi parish, Auce 

district, Latvia) (LNVM photograph No. 30768) (photograph 

by Jānis Jaunzems). 

been found in western Lithuania, southwest Latvia 

and western Semigalia, and in central and northeastern 

parts of Estonia, that is, in regions, where communication 

by sea and the main rivers used to predetermine 

the evolution of the mode of life of individual communities, 

which manifested itself not only through the 

rapid development of economic and social models, but 

also through dynamic changes in cultural ideas, ideology 

and world outlook. All the bog offering finds were 

found during the reclamation of boggy areas, peat cutting, 

the ploughing of drained swamps, the straightening 

of clogged-up river beds, or other agricultural 

activities. Therefore, quite often the exact findspot and 

the stratigraphy of the arrangement of such finds is unclear. 

More often than not, weapons (spear points) and 

some ornaments (penannular brooches, bracelets with 

tapered terminals, cylindrical mountings of drinking 

horns) found in the offering deposits do not provide 

data for a more accurate dating of the offering, due to 

wear over a long period of time. However, on the basis 

of the chronology of crossbow brooches with a bent 

or star-like foot, neck-rings (with a box-shaped clasp, 

with faceted terminals, with saddle-shaped terminals, 

with profoundly faceted terminals, with a widened 

frontal part and tapered terminals) and other ornaments, 

we can presume that it was only in a small part 

of the water offering sites that offerings were made intermittently 

or for a longer period of time (Barstyčiai, 

Bernsteinbruch and Užpelkiai and the Late Migration 

Period and even earliest Estonian bog war booty sacrifices 

at Kunda, Rikassaare, Alulinna and Igavere; for

this, see Tamla 1995, p.103ff, Fig. 1). More often than 

not, this uncertainty is exacerbated by the fact that no 

offering sites were found during archaeological excavations. 

Normally, archaeologists learn of offering 

sites, visit them, and, in the best cases, study them after 

some time has passed. Usually, only some of the finds 

are taken to museums, or, in general, only stories about 

such offerings are known (Riekstiņš 1930, pp.473-478, 

Plates I-II; V. Urtāns 1964, p.41ff; 1977, Figs. 16, 17; 

Tautavičius 1971; 1975, pp.84-85). In the region under 

discussion, only the Kokmuiža II and Šliktinė 5 offerings 

sites were studied by archaeologists, albeit after 

some time had passed (Figs. 3-4). Consequently, in 

most cases we possess no knowledge of the detailed 

arrangement and stratigraphy of the deposit. In view 

of the lack of data of the arrangement of the deposit in 

situ and links between artefacts or groups of them, it 

is difficult to conjecture not only the chronological aspects 

and rites of the offering(s), but also to extrapolate 

how many people made contributions to the offering, 

if the offering was simultaneous. Nevertheless, in spite 

of the wide chronological framework of most bog offerings, 

an analysis of the very deposits would make it 

possible to claim that a larger or smaller offering for 

exceptionally important intentions was made simultaneously, 

or within a definite period of time covering 

100 years or more. People would come back to make 

offerings only to some sites (Appendix 1; Table 1). 

The situation is similar in Germanic bog offering 

sites, too (at Illerup Ådal, large offerings were made 

in approximately the years 200, 230 and 375, whereas 

small offerings were made from the early third century 

to the late fourth century; offerings were made at the 

Porskjærs offering site within several periods) (Ilkjær 

2007, pp.34-35; Nøgård Jørgensen 2008, p.204). 

It is not clear why only a certain section of a river, 

lake shore or part of a wetland was chosen as a site 

for offering into water, over areas located nearby and 

also seemingly suitable for offerings in many ways 

(Tautavičius 1971, pp.1-9; 1972, p.84ff). The common 

speculation concerning the choice of actual sites for 

offerings into water is as follows: if finds have been 

found in a boggy area, it indicates that the site is sacred 

as such (Pretorijus 2006, p.133; Tautavičius 1972, 

p.84ff; Zabiela, Ribokas 1994, p.28; J. Urtāns 2004, 

p.95; 2008, p.84). 

Sacred sites of the Balts are known under a common 

name, alka,-s (elk, olk), which means a sacred offering 

site. There is quite a large number of bogs called alka 

(os)/aukos (cf. Vaitkevičius 1998, p.338ff, Figs. 11-22; 

2003a, pp.21, 155). Therefore, it would seem self-explanatory 

that offering sites should coincide with sa- 

5 No finds were found during the excavations of the Šliktinė 

offering site (Tautavičius 1971). 

cred waters: sacred offering sites (alkos), sacred rivers 

(alkupiai), sacred islets (alkos salos) and meadows, as 

well as holy rivers and springs considered to be sacred, 

in other words, with former sacred sites. However, on 

one hand, there are far fewer known offering sites into 

water than there are locations considered to be sacred 

waters. On the other hand, there is no clear-cut connection 

between offerings found on the banks and shores 

of clogged-up rivers, lakes, marshy meadows or quagmires, 

and sites that were considered to be sacred waters 

and are known from stories or which exist as mere 

place names (Vaitkevičius 1998a, p.338ff, Figs. 11-22; 

1998b, pp.16-23; 2003a, pp.154-175, maps 23-28; 

2006; J. Urtāns 2004, p.94; 2008, pp.76-90, 179-207). 

Nearly 200 names of bogs, marshes or swamps known 

in Lithuania and Semigalia (11 out of 15) contain the 

roots vel, pikt-; therefore, it is believed that the name 

indicates that the bog used to be the abode of a devil 

(velinas or velnias); we cannot deny the possibility 

that offerings might have been made to him there (Presents 

from witches/Laumių dovanos, 1979, pp.70-71; 

Vėlius 1987; Vaitkevičius 1994, p.107; J. Urtāns 2004, 

p.94). However, neither the well-known offerings from 

Kokmuiža I and II nor the offerings from Šliktinė are 

directly related to the sacred waters of bogs bearing a 

sacred name. There is no data that attests to the fact 

that some place names, such as Auksūdys (in the Kretinga 

district), the name of which consists of the word 

auka (offering) or aukoti (to make an offering) and the 

component sūd (sūduva, a quagmire in a marsh; the 

opening of a quagmire; Vaitkevičius 2003a, p.153), are 

related to offerings into water. Even the Well of Prayers 

or Offerings located on the east slope of Mikytai Offering 

Hill (aukos kalnas, in the Skuodas district), just 

like the Devil’s Boulder found on the north slope of 

this offering hill, are not directly related to Šliktinė I 

and II offerings into water. However, in this particular 

case, other opinions exist in Lithuanian historiography 

too (Vaitkevičius 1994, p.104ff). 

In southern Scandinavia, almost 50 war booty sacrifices 

have been located at more than 20 sites ranging 

from the fourth century BC to the fifth century AD 

(Grane 2007, p.220, Fig. 87) (Fig. 1). An indirect link 

between Germanic war booty and trophy offerings 

and offerings by the Balts is Thor, whose functions 

and importance in the Germanic mythological system 

were similar to that of the Balts’ Perkūnas. One 

of the most famous bog offering sites is Thorsberg (in 

the vicinity of Schleswig), where offerings were made 

between the years 220 and 240, and in circa 300 (von 

Carnap-Bornheim, Ilkjær 1997; Ilkjær 2007, p.68ff). 

However, in Lithuanian archaeological material, there 

are no convincing links between place names related 

to Perkūnas (such as Perkūnkiemiai) and offerings into 


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water, or burying in water. 6 Certainly in Scandinavia, it 

is possible to associate valuable militaria with the cult 

of Odin, connecting offerings with gifts for the dead 

warrior and with their property in Valhalla (Hagberg 

1967b, p.65). This means that, in general, water was 

a space through which own property went to Valhalla. 

In the 13th century, Romuva is localised in the confluence 

of the River Auksinė/Austkė/Aukštė 7 and the 

River Pregolia; the main religious centre and the main 

sacred site of the Balts were situated not far from Mezhdureche 

8 (Pėteraitis 1992, p.69; Vaitkevičius 2003b, 

pp.16-17, Figs. 11, 12). The fact that a stretch of the 

River Auksinė was considered sacred, and that no one 

but Vaidevutis was allowed to approach it, was mentioned 

by Jonas Bretkūnas (1536–1602) at the end of 

the 16th century, and, following Bretkūnas, by Matas 

Pretorijus (Matthäus Prätorius, 1635–1707) (Pretorijus 

2006, p.131ff; Beresnevičius 2004, p.241). However, 

Bretkūnas does not mention any offerings. Pretorijus 

mentions that in the River Auksinė, not far from 

Narkyčiai, naturally washed-out amber is now and 

then found (Pretorijus 2006, p.131ff). Nevertheless, 

it is quite possible that some kind of offerings might 

have been made in the stretch of the River Auksinė that 

ran past Romuva and was considered to be sacred. The 

amber that Pretorijus mentions might have been abundant 

washed-out offerings made by amber gatherers a 

long time ago. There is no doubt that war booty and 

thanksgiving offerings were made at the main shrine of 

the Balts at Romuva. Peter of Dusburg mentions that 

a third of the war booty would be offered at Romuva 

(Dusburgietis III.5). Written sources mention that the 

Celts (Gauls) and the Germanic tribes would make war 

booty offerings into water (Caesar, II book, § 17, VI 

book; Hagberg 1967b, p.65ff, with a detailed overview 

of antique sources). 

6 

On the basis of historical and folkloric data, and, to some 

extent, the archaeological context, Vaitkevičius assumes 

that there is a possible connection between the barrows 

of Alinka (Raistinė) and artefacts found by fishermen in 

a presumed offering site in Lake Puikinas, as well as at 

Perkūnkiemis a few kilometres away, and allegedly the 

sacred forest of Gojus (Vaitkevičius 2008b, pp.54-61). 

However, a dam was built on the River Strėva in 1961, 

during the construction of the Elektrėnai Thermal Power 

Plant. For this reason, the contours of the shores of Lake 

Puikinas changed considerably, and the ancient islets 

were flooded. Around the lake, other islets formed on the 

basis of former hills. Due to the elevated level, the water 

apparently flooded some of the barrows or former burial 

grounds; this is why archaeological finds are found in the 

lake. 

7 The right tributary of the Pregolia, now the River Golubaya 

in the Kaliningrad region, meaning: shining. 

8 Norkitten; in Lithuanian, Narkyčiai; Kaliningrad region 

(Russia). 

Offerings by the Balts into water are in some respects 

similar to burying in water and offerings made by 

sinking various artefacts in water basins or seasonally 

wet areas around burial grounds. Certain stretches of 

lake shores or river banks were selected for burying 

in water (Obeliai, in the Anykščiai district; Bajorai, in 

the Kaišiadorys district; Lake Vilkmuiža, not far from 

Talsi hill-fort; in the 14th and 15th centuries people 

were buried in Lake Laizde Kalni [in the Talsi district]; 

during the drainage of the River Mazroja, artefacts 

from cremation graves were found; finds dating back to 

the 12th and 13th centuries were found in Lake Kaķīši 

next to Ēdole) (Urbanavičius, Urbanavičienė 1988, 

pp.35-46; Asaris et al. 2008, p.64ff; Grinkevičiūtė, 

Vaitkevičius 2006; Vaitkevičius, Grinkevičiūtė 2008; 

Vaitkevičius 2009). 9 It is difficult to tell whether there 

might have been water in natural terrain depressions 

located in Marvelė burial ground, or if the water appeared 

there periodically. It is not clear whether the 

layer of cremated bones and abundant fragments of 

artefacts formed at this point in Marvelė burial ground 

during Viking times due to a unique manner of burying 

the deceased, or whether the layer formed due to offerings 

made (Bertašius 1994, p.56; 2009, pp.108ff). 10 

However, the very fact of burying in water does not 

eliminate the possibility that offerings were made in 

the same place, too, for the simple reason that no cremated 

bones are found in water (Lake Vilkumuiža) 

(Šturms 1936, pp.85-86). 11 On the other hand, a certain 

amount of cremated bones and charcoal does not eliminate 

the fact that sacrificial offerings were made into 

the water (Kokmuiža II; for this see: Riekstiņš 1930, 

p.437ff, Figs. 1-2). Herewith, it will be observed that 

none of the Balt communities in the surrounding regions 

used cremation as a burial custom. In the case of 

Obeliai, the connection between cremated bones found 

in the water and artefacts originating from cremation 

graves, as well as weapons and ornaments, is not sufficiently 

clear (Urbanavičius, Urbanavičienė 1988, 

pp.35-46). Also, due to the fixation of earlier excavations, 

it is difficult to find a connection between accumulations 

of cremated human bones found in water 

and definite artefacts, or to determine the exact number 

of buried people. However, the example of the Ba- 

9 

Signs of burying in water were found in the Pajauta valley 

at Kernavė in 2010. 

10 

In the southwest part of Marvelė burial ground, among 

cremation graves dating from the tenth to 12th centuries, a 

pit of 11 by three metres and up to 0.7 metres in depth was 

found, in which more than 1,500 artefacts, fragments of 

artefacts, and cremated bones were found. 

11 

At the eastern end of the lake, in a stretch of the shore 

around 12 to 15 metres in length and at a depth of three to 

five metres, around 3,500 artefacts dating from the 12th to 

14th centuries were found: they were mostly ornaments, 

weapons, parts of belts, sickles and parts of horse armour.

jorai burial ground, at least at the initial stage of the 

excavations, might indicate that the intended purpose 

of this islet in Lake Briaunas underwent changes, and 

offerings were made there before a burial ground was 

established (Grinkevičiūtė, Vaitkevičius 2006, pp.151- 

152; Vaitkevičius, Grinkevičiūtė 2008, pp.195-197; 

Vaitkevičius 2009, p.139). 

It is not clear today how many natural water basins 

there were near burial grounds, or how they were used 

or might have been used for making offerings. So far, 

water offering sites near burial grounds can be related 

to the Palanga and possibly Siraičiai burial grounds 

(Tautavičius 1977, p.132). However, in Siraičiai, not 

far from the bog situated between the hill-fort and the 

burial ground, scrap metal was hidden in a wet area, 

judging by the composition of the finds and other peculiarities; 

among the scrap metal, there are even artefacts 

dating from the late second and early third centuries 

(Brensztejn 1903, p.44ff; Bliujienė 2009, p.173). The 

site was marked with a sword driven into the ground, 

and this circumstance might indicate a wish to entrust 

ancestors with the protection of wealth, temporarily or 

for a long period of time. On the other hand, neither 

the composition of the Siraičiai deposit nor the site 

eliminates the possibility of the wish to transfer the accumulated 

wealth to the afterworld by using water as a 

medium between different spaces. Finally, this deposit 

might have been an offering to the gods (Kazakevičius, 

Malonaitis 2006, p.75, Table 1; Bliujienė 2008, p.173; 

and see Appendix 1). 12 

Authors who have studied the boundaries of different 

lands indicate wastelands that separated tribes, 

and point out that, more often than not, cult sites are 

concentrated in land boundary areas. It is believed that 

these areas were considered to be places where the 

gods lived, and where the abodes of ancestors were; or 

that the land boundary areas were sacred, because they 

denoted a boundary between one’s own people and 

strangers, the boundary between sacrum and profanum 

(Žulkus 1989, p.108ff, Fig. 2; 1993, p.30ff; Fabech 

1996, p.135; Altenberg 2001; J. Urtāns 2008, p.86). It 

is probable that when crossing the boundary of an alien 

territory (such as a river) or an important crossroads, or 

at an important intersection of different terrains, people 

would make offerings. In Latvia, this assumption is 

based on the fact that six findspots are known to be situated 

in the boundary areas of rivers separating lands 

where tenth to 13th-century brooches have been found 

(J. Urtāns 2008, p.86). To some extent, these conclu- 

12 

The hiding of hoards in the areas of burial grounds and 

settlements as a phenomenon characteristic of the areas of 

the Baltic Sea region and areas located further east, was 

noticed by Laima Vaitkunskienė as early as 1981 (1981, 

p.28ff). 

sions are also supported by the arrangement of bog offerings. 

It is evident that some of the bog offering sites 

were situated in land boundary areas. In the 12th and 

13th centuries, Šluostikiai was situated in a boundary 

wasteland area separating Semigalian Sidabrė and the 

lands of Žagarė (Vasiliauskas 2009, p.255ff). Šliktinė 

and Barstyčiai (the distance between the monuments 

is about five kilometres; the exact location of the 

Barstyčiai findspot is not clear) were situated not only 

on the northeast edge of the Curonian land of Ceklis, 

on the boundary with Semigalian land, but also on the 

watershed of the upper reaches of the rivers Bartuva, 

Šata and Varduva. Some people envisage that the land 

of the dead was situated in the upper reaches of rivers, 

or was related to water in general (Žulkus 1989, p.110). 

Visitation reports dating back to the 16th century mention 

that ‘there is a large number of worshippers of 

nature’ by the River Varduva (cf. Vaitkevičius 1994, 

p.109), although it is difficult to explain more precisely 

what exactly that means. From our knowledge of the 

fact that most bog offering sites between the River Nemunas 

and the River Daugava were situated in river 

valleys, it is highly probable that the Barstyčiai offering 

site originates from the Varduva running nearby. 

On the other hand, there are boulders and hills that are 

considered sacred in the vicinity of Barstyčiai in the 

boundary area of the lands of former Balt tribes and in 

the natural watershed (Vaitkevičius 1994, pp.102-109; 

1998b, p.113ff, p.222ff). It is difficult to tell whether 

the Barstyčiai boulder, the largest boulder in Lithuania, 

situated in a boggy area in the village of Pukiai at a 

distance of a mere four kilometres from Barstyčiai, is 

related to sacred sites in the vicinity of Barstyčiai. In 

recent years, however, stories have appeared telling 

us that Perkūnas rolled the boulder on to the sacred 

site in order to punish the priestess (Karklelienė 2010). 

Nevertheless, it seems that the Barstyčiai bog offering 

was an integral part of the former system of sacred 

sites. 

The large offerings of Šliktinė (Mikytai) I–II were 

found at a distance of a mere 300 metres north of 

Mikytai hill-fort, on the boggy bank of the Šata rivulet. 

The above-mentioned sacred site of Mikytai also belongs 

to this archaeological complex; it is apparently 

not by chance that this complex has no burial monuments. 

A similar situation can be observed in Užpelkiai, 

situated at the northern end of bogged-up Lake Plateliai, 

in the Tyreliai bog, at a distance of a mere few 

hundred metres north of the Užpelkiai hill-fort called 

Pilalė. Consequently, there is little doubt about the 

fact that the chronologically different offering sites 

of Šliktinė, Barstyčiai, Užpelkiai and Dargiškiai must 

have been interrelated, and make up a certain system, 

which seems to form a circle around a small wasteland 


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Fig. 5. The offering site of Kokmuiža (Vītiņi parish, Auce district, Latvia) in the valley of the River Avīkne. On the left, 

Incēni hill-fort; on the right Forest Hillock hill-fort; 2010 (photograph by A. Bliujienė). 

144 

area, a sacred space, and one of the main sacred sites of 

the coastal region. In a sense, Siraičiai belongs to this 

space, which is sacred for the coastal region. 

Between two hill-forts, Incēni and Forest Hillock, in 

the bogged-up bed of the Avīkne, Kokmuiža I and 

II, the largest war booty offerings of the region were 

found, along with a separate offering of a smith’s tools 

(including tools used for making jewellery) and raw 

material more than seven kilograms in weight (Fig. 

5). No other smith’s tools have been found in bog offering 

sites in the east Baltic region. On the Jutland 

Peninsula, jeweller’s tools have been found at Illerup 

(von Carnap-Bornheim 2001, p.265, Fig. 1). The offering 

sites of Kokmuiža I and II are a part of a huge 

archaeological complex, consisting of two hill-forts, a 

hill-fort settlement and the burial grounds of Grīnerti 

situated nearby (J. Urtāns 2008, p.55ff, Figs. 18–21). 

Consequently, at least some of the most important bog 

offering sites of the Balt area under discussion are integral 

parts of archaeological complexes. 

In Germanic lands, the number of bog offering sites 

dating back to the Roman and the Migration periods 

is much larger. On the Jutland Peninsula, bog offering 

sites form an uninterrupted chain along the east 

coast of Jutland, starting with Schleswig (Thorsberg) 

and nearly reaching the northern part of the peninsula 

(Trinnemose), and then further, to the islands of Sjæelland, 

Fyn, the Baltic Sea and southern Scandinavia. On 

the island of Öland, Skedemosse, the largest bog offering 

site, is situated in the middle of the island (Hagberg 

1967a; 1967b; Ilkjær 2007, p.17). Although the bog offerings 

in the land of the Balts differ from Germanic 

ones in their size and the variety of offerings, nevertheless 

the offering intentions and the very notion of 

an offering were identical throughout the entire Baltic 

Sea region (Fig. 1). 

Bog offerings of the Balts: 

communications with gods 

and ancestors 

With reference to the Roman Period, seven sites (for 

this, see footnote 4) can be attributed to bog and wetland 

offering sites in the interfluvia of the River Nemunas 

and the River Daugava; five of them are situated 

in Lithuania. The findspots of offerings into water dating 

back to the Roman Period are distributed in a wide 

area between Klaipėda (Bernsteinbruch) and the middle 

reaches of the River Lielupe in the west, and the


Fig. 6. The distribution of first to 13th-century bog offerings of the Balts between the Nemunas and the Daugava in terms of 

intentions. 

vicinity of Daugavpils in the east. The distribution of 

bog offerings reflects the directions of the main trade 

routes, because the main offerings in the east Baltic 

region at that time were coins. 13 Among the offerings 

related to water, there are single ornaments, or exotic 

imported items, such as a figurine of a naked man 

found in Dandāle Vecsvirlauka, similar to items known 

from the islands of Gotland and Fyn. It is believed that 

these figurines of humans were made according to Roman 

prototypes (Roman Reflections 1996, catalogues 

Nos. 621, 624, 627). 

There are 17 hoards dating back to the Roman Period 

known in Lithuania (Michelbertas 2007, p.12). Consequently, 

bog offerings account for 35% of the total 

deposits found dating from the period. Among the bog 

offerings from the period, the prevailing offerings are 

ones which were intended as offerings to gods and the 

deceased; in other words, communication between 

the living and the gods, and between the living and 

the ancestors. In essence, such offerings were signs of 

thanksgiving and requests. It is evident that this communication 

was also a means of transferring accumulated 

wealth to the afterworld (Fig. 6; Table 1). 

There are mentions dating back to the 16th and 17th 

centuries of a large fishing village on the shore of the 

Curonian Lagoon bearing the rare name Bernsteinbruch, 

or Amber Bay (Demerckas 2005, p.95ff). Vast 

bogs extended right behind the village. Part of the bog, 

just like the village, was called Bernsteinbruch. In the 

13 

Several places with Roman coins found in wetlands are 

mentioned by W. Gaerte (1929, pp.254, 256). In recent 

years, offerings into water consisting of Roman coins 

have been found on the Semba Peninsula (personal 

communication from K. Skvortsov). 

early 18th century, three Roman coins, along with ornaments 

dating from later times, the tenth and 11th 

centuries, were found in this village ‘by the water’ (see 

Appendix 1). It is believed that a burial ground existed 

there (Žulkus 1972, pp.2, 10-11, Fig. 2). In 1979, archaeological 

survey excavations were carried out in 

the site of the village of Bernsteinbruch; however, neither 

the remains of a burial ground nor any cultural layer 

or finds were found (Genys 1979, p.9ff). Therefore, 

it is probable that the name of the bog and the village 

originate from alluvial amber or offerings made. We 

know little of bog offerings by the Balts consisting of 

amber or artefacts made from it. The northern boundary 

of bog offerings among which offerings of amber 

prevail coincides with the River Pasłęka/Passarge, that 

is, with the traditional boundary between the cultures 

of the Germanic tribes and the Balts. Closest to this 

boundary is the findspot of Dünhöfen (Kr. Elbing, now 

Przybyłowo, Warmińsko-Mazurskie voivodship in 

Poland), where pieces of amber were found in a bog 

(Gaerte 1929, p.254). Therefore, the amber bog offerings 

found in the coastal area near Klaipėda might constitute 

a significant link between the Aestii and amber. 

On the other hand, bog offerings containing Roman 

coins and other artefacts, as well as beads made from 

amber and glass, might link the cultures of the Aestii 

area to the Germanic Central European barbaricum 

part, southern Scandinavia, and islands in the Baltic 

Sea (Kokowski 1993, pp.87-95; Raddatz 1994, p.279 

and 280; Reszczyńska 1998, p.93, map 21; Hagberg 

1967, p.63; 1967a, p.64ff, 102ff; Ilkjær 2007, p.17). 

Germanic deposits of gold in land and bog offerings 

disappear between the years 536 and 600 (Axboe 2001, 

p.129ff; Ilkjær 2008, p.151). Only on Gotland did vo- 

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Table 1. Bog offerings of the Balts in the first to the 13th centuries 

discovered in the interfluvia of the River Nemunas and the River Daugava 

Site name 1-4 th c. 5-6 th c. 6-7/8 th c. 9-12/13 th c. Intention of the Purpose of the offering 

offering 

1*Alsungas Almāle C 3 

–D 1 

Communication/ Own property, gods 

transfer 

2●Barstyčiai 7th-8thc. 10th-11th c. War booty/triumph Gods 

3*Baubliai-Indriūnai 7th-8th c. Communication/ Own property, gods 

transfer 

4*Bernsteinbruch A 3 

–C 1a 

Communication/ Gods, ancestors, property 

transfer 

4a♦Bernsteinbruch 10th-11th c. Bridal offerings (?) Gods 

5*Brendiķu Bog 10th-11th c. Communication Message to gods and 

ancestors 

6♦ Celmiņi 10th-11th c. Bridal offerings Gods 

7* Dandāle C 2 

–C 3 


transfer 

8* Dargiškė C 2 

–C 3 


transfer 

9♦Daugalaičiai 10th-11th c. Bridal offerings Gods, ancestors 

10* Draustiniai 6th-7th c. Communication/ Own property, gods 

transfer 

11♦ Dumblynė 11th-12th c. Bridal offerings Gods, ancestors 

12● Gudėniškės D 2 

–E 1 

War booty/triumph Gods 

13♦ Jucaičiai 10th-11th c. Bridal offerings Gods, ancestors 

14♦Kaupi 12th c. Bride offerings Gods, ancestors 

15● Kalnamuiža D 1 

/ 

D 2 

–E 2 

16● Kokmuiža I D 1 

–D 2 

/ 

E 1 

17● Kokmuiža II D 1 

–D 2 

/ 

E 1 

18* Lileikiai B 2 

/C 1 

– 


C 1b 

transfer 

19* Palanga 7th-9th c. 8th-9th c. Communication Ancestors 

20* Minija valey C 1b 

–C 2 


transfer 

21* Padievaitis C 1b 

Communication/ Communication/transfer 

transfer 

22● Palipšė 12th-13th c. War booty/triumph Gods 

23* Piltene D 2 

–E 1 


transfer 

24♦ Pudžas 10/11th c. Bridal offerings Gods, ancestors 

25* Salacas Bog 11-12 th Communication/ Own property, gods 

transfer 

26* Saulītes 7th c. Communication/ Own property, gods 

transfer 

27* Siraičiai 10th-11th c.; 

B 2 

/C 1 

–C 2 

Communication/ 

transfer 

Own property, ancestors, 

votive sacrifice 

28● Šliktinė I 9th-12th c. War booty/triumph Gods 

29● Šliktinė II 9-12 th c. War booty/triumph Gods 

30● Šluostikiai 6th-9th c. War booty/triumph Gods 

31* Tīras Bog mid 9th c. Communication Gods 

32● Užpelkiai C 1b 

–C 2 

D 2 

–D 3 


transfer 

33♦ Vaineikiai 8th-12th c. Bridal offerings Gods, ancestors 

Total 8 6 6 17 

146


Fig. 7. Spear points from the Kokmuiža I (Vītiņi parish, Auce district, Latvia) bog offering. The finds are kept 

at the Courland Provincial Museum (Kurzemes provinces muzejs) in Jelgava (LNVM photograph No. 6538) 

(photograph by Raul Šnore). 

tive offerings in water or wetlands last during the Viking 

Age, as has been mentioned above. Germanic weapons 

and the equipment of the defeated (war booty offerings) 

were sacrificed by the victors in sacred lakes and 

bogs, in thanks to a helpful deity (von Carnap-Bornheim, 

Ilkjær 1997; von Carnap-Bornheim, Mateśić 2007, 

p.133ff). During the Roman Period, Germanic peoples 

sometimes sacrificed humans (the victims were both 

men and women, young and old, some of them might 

have been prisoners of war), horses (quite often only 

their heads, legs or tail vertebrae) and armour in wetlands 

(Nydam, Skedemosse, Illerup Ådal et al.) (Hagberg 

1967b, pp.58, 64, 79-84, p.102ff; Fabech 1996, 

p.135ff; Ilkjær 1997, p.56ff; Bemmann and Bemmann 

1998, p.210ff; Monikander 2006, p.143ff). 14 Sometimes 

there were boar among other sacrificed animals 

(cattle, sheep, birds, dogs, etc). Boar, like horse, 

was one of the most important sacrificial animals to 

Celtic and Germanic peoples (Hagberg 1967, pp.64, 

70, 102ff; Birkhan, 1999, pp.88, 192, 222, 274, 385). 

As far as the interfluvia of the River Nemunas and the 

River Daugava is concerned, we do not yet have reliable 

data pertaining to sacrifices of animals (horses) and 

humans into water during that period. In deposits in 

14 

In 2009, in Illerup Ådal, a large number of human remains 

were found, which were associated with a defeated 

army that was sacrificed to the lake (for this, see http:// 

adrianmurdoch.typepad.com/my_weblog/2009/07/newfinds-at-illerup-%C3%A5dal.html 

[accessed 18 July 

2010]). At Illerup, the horses were sacrificed together with 

their saddles; this might indicate that they were horses that 

took part in combat (Ilkjær 2007, p.107ff). 

burial grounds of the Migration Period, such as Rubas 

Rūsīši-Debeši (in the Saldus district), 33 ornaments (a 

brooch, a ring and bracelets), weapons (spear points 

and combat knives), warriors’ accoutrements (spurs) 

and horse armour (a bit), as well as several sickles 

and knives, and slag were found in a fire pit (V. Urtāns 

1977, p.148, Fig. 52.13–17). Bog offerings of later 

times also contain spurs, stirrups, bridle mountings and 

spirals used to adorn a horse’s tail and mane (Zabiela, 

Ribokas 1994, p.26; Vaitkevičius 2009, p.198). 

In the interfluvia of the River Nemunas and the River 

Daugava, there are more hoards of silver ornaments 

found in land and bog offerings that date from the Migration 

Period. Besides, far more silver artefacts are 

found in burials (Latvijas 1974, p.151; V. Urtāns 1977; 

Vaitkunskienė 1981, p.28ff, Table 1). It is clear that this 

dynamic period of 300 years saw dramatic changes that 

affected the way of life of the region, and the regional 

centres of power and authority, and ideology. Therefore, 

processes that took place during the initial stages 

of the Migration Period, which in the east Baltic Sea 

region coincided with the late fourth to the mid-fifth 

centuries (phases D 1 

–D 3 

/E 1 

), were marked with offerings 

of war booty, weapons taken from defeated enemies, 

that is, triumphal offerings (Annex 1; Table 1). 

Of course, it might be that not only the weapons of the 

defeated were sacrificed. There are few known bog offerings, 

only six, dating from the first half of the fifth 

century to the first half of the sixth century; however, 

among them are the largest offerings ever found in a 

bog in the east Baltic region, Kokmuiža I and II war 

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Fig. 8. Stone strike-a-lights found at the Kokmuiža I and Kokmuiža II offering sites (photograph by Jānis Ciglis). 

148


Fig. 9. A bronze crossbow brooch with a star-like foot and a bronze crossbow brooch with a bent foot from the bog offering 

at Kokmuiža I (Vītiņi parish, Auce district, Latvia). The finds are kept at the Courland Provincial Museum (Kurzemes provinces 

muzejs) in Jelgava (LNVM photograph No. 6544) (photograph by Raul Šnore). 

booty and triumphal offerings; as has been mentioned 

earlier, the offering of a smith’s tools apparently dates 

from the same time (V. Urtāns 1977; see also Appendix 

1 and Figs. 1; 3-5; 7-9). In the region under discussion, 

there are also smaller offerings that consist of only a 

few, but exclusive, silver or bronze ornaments, such 

as a crossbow brooch decorated with notched rings 

and golden plates 15 found in Užpelkiai (Fig. 10.1, see 

Plate V). The brooch of the Užpelkiai offering closely 

resembles the brooch of Pļavniekkalns, burial No. 1 

(Griciuvienė 2005, p.81). This brooch is similar to the 

annular brooch from the first half of the fifth century 

found in one of the richest burials of the Plinkaigalis 

(in the Kėdainiai district) burial ground, burial No. 50. 

In this burial of a warrior belonging to the community’s 

elite, two brooches were found along with weapons (a 

combat knife, an axe), a drinking horn, a warrior’s accoutrements 

(two spurs with straps), a shoulder-belt, 

a belt with a Leibgurt-type belt-tongue, a silver neckring 

and a bronze bracelet; one of the brooches was 

a silver crossbow annular brooch (Kazakevičius 1993, 

p.82ff, Fig. 137; Madyda-Legutko 2006, p.144ff, Figs. 

1-2). Silver annular brooches, including brooches decorated 

with golden plates, apparently made in Semigalia, 

along with silver neck-rings and bracelets from the 

fifth to sixth centuries, have been found in deposits in 

Estonian burial grounds (Kardla, Paali I and Paali II) 

and hoards hidden in land (Villvere) (Aun 1992, p.138, 

Fig. 3; 5; Tamla, Kiudsoo 2005, p.20ff). 

15 

The plate has not been studied. 

However, the absolute majority of bog offerings from 

the Migration Period found in the interfluvia of the Nemunas 

and the Daugava are weapons. The Kokmuiža 

I deposit contains 1,263 16 artefacts 120 kilograms in 

weight; the prevailing artefacts are spear points (as 

many as 472 items) and spearheads 17 , 186 broken spear 

point sockets, 131 socketed axes, 40 blunt-ended axes 

with narrow blades, six fragments of sword blades, 

and 49 strike-a-lights and whetstones (Figs. 7-8; for a 

description of the sacrifice, see Appendix 1.16). Orna- 

16 

The most detailed description of the hoards was published 

by V. Urtāns (1977). However, the number of artefacts 

and the composition of the deposit are given differently in 

various publications. 

17 

Spearheads are mentioned in the Kalnamuiža and 

Kokmuiža I and II offerings. They are rare finds in the 

east Baltic region; therefore, the author of this article, 

together with Jānis Ciglis, the head of the Archaeological 

Department at LNVM, reviewed the material from 

Kokmuiža once again. In our opinion, there is no 100% 

probability that spearheads were found, because the 

artefacts were conserved in the late 19th and early 20th 

century; due to this circumstance, and due to the fact that, 

according to the custom of Germanic peoples, weapons 

were intentionally damaged during an offering, there is a 

large number of barely identifiable fragments. However, 

there is no doubt that spearheads were missing in these 

offerings. Spearheads are known in later Latvian hoards, 

such as ninth-century Sauleskalna II (in the Krāslava 

district), where 20 hafted spearheads were found (V. 

Urtāns 1977, p. 164, Fig. 73). As is known, the material 

from burials of the Balts contains no spears or bows (with 

the exception of the well-known burials of deceased who 

died a violent death, in the Plinkaigalis burial ground, 

collective burial 162, and hill-fort material; for this, see 

Kazakevičius 2004, p.31ff, Figs. 14-18). 

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ments account for a small part of this offering: the only 

items found were a piece of a neck-ring, nine crossbow 

brooches (brooches belonging to the Schönwarling/ 

Skowarcz type, a Dollkeim/Kovrovo type intermediate 

variant, a star-footed brooch, and a brooch of A162 

type), 14 bronze, silver and iron bracelets with thickened 

terminals, a spiral ring, and pieces of other small 

ornaments (Riekstiņš 1930, p.473ff, Plates I-II; V. 

Urtāns 1977, pp.138-142, Figs. 16; 29; 45-47) (Fig. 9). 

In 1929, at a distance of 50 metres from the first site, and 

next to the excavated Zvardes Grīnerti (in the Dobele 

district) burial grounds, the bog offering of Kokmuiža 

II was found. The second offering was smaller; it numbered 

a total of around 138 burnt or broken objects, 

16 kilograms in weight (V. Urtāns, 1977, pp.142-145, 

Figs. 16; 48; 49). There were fewer weapons in it; 

nevertheless, they prevail (41 spear points). Other objects 

found were nine oval stone strike-a-lights, 18 nine 

whetstones, 19 bronze and iron brooches (25 pieces) and 

other artefacts (for a description, see Appendix 1.18). 

The Kokmuiža II offering contains few ornaments; 

however, there is a piece of a silver neck-ring with a 

box-shaped clasp, and a bronze bracelet with thickened 

terminals among them. 

The large number of weapons (mainly socketed and 

hafted spear points) and the small total number of ornaments, 

and especially the very rare women’s ornaments, 

as well as occasional work tools, might link 

the offerings of the east Baltic region to Germanic war 

booty and triumphal offerings, such as Nydam, Thorsberg, 

Illerup Ådal, and others. If we could claim without 

any doubt that the bog offerings of the Balts of the 

Migration Period contained spears (for this, see Footnote 

17), this fact would bring close together both the 

offerings of the Balts and the Germanic peoples, and 

the intentions of making offerings. In Germanic bog 

offerings, spears, bows and quivers are found (Hagberg 

1967a, p.71; 1967b, p.49; Rau 2007, p.143ff). 

In the east Baltic region, the ornaments contained in 

bog offerings, like the weapons, are intentionally broken, 

and often only half or less of a strike-a-light or 

an ornament is sacrificed. At the same time, in terms 

of numbers, shield bosses constitute the second largest 

group of weaponry sacrificed abundantly by the 

Germanic peoples (Ilkjær 2001a; 2001b). However, 

contrary to the Germanic world, shields or only metal 

parts of them, shield bosses, are found exceptionally 

rarely in the western part of the interfluvia of the 

Nemunas and the Daugava (with the exception of the 

18 

One iron strike-a-light might date from the tenth to the 

12th century (V. Urtāns 1977, Fig. 49.22). 

19 

Strike-a-lights, as quite a large group of artefacts sacrificed 

into water, continued to exist in the tenth to 12th century, 

too (Zabiela, Ribokas 1994, p.27). 

Kalnamuiža 20 and Tīras Bog offerings). During the 

Migration Period, the main concentration of shield 

boss findspots is in the area of East Lithuanian Barrow 

culture (Tautavičius 1996, p.148ff). Therefore, it is 

possible to assume that the burial custom of enclosing 

shield bosses in graves only in particular areas fits the 

distribution of offerings in bogs and wetlands (Fig. 1). 

Therefore, the Kalnamuiža offering, dating from the 

fifth to the first half of the sixth century, which might 

also be linked to a bog offering, is a unique deposit in 

the interfluvia of the Nemunas and the Daugava, and 

certainly reflects military activities, and is attributed 

to the class of war-booty offerings. It is claimed that 

ten shield bosses (hemispherical and cone-shaped), 54 

socketed spear points, one sword blade fragment, eight 

socketed spearheads, four knives and nine buckles 

were found at Kalnamuiža (Riekstiņš 1930, p.477; V. 

Urtāns, 1977, p.149, Fig. 37). The hemispherical shield 

bosses of Kalnamuiža have parallels in the Germanic 

material. Consequently, the war offerings of the Balts 

of the Migration Period and later times might in principle 

correspond to the main elements of their weaponry, 

that is, javelins and spears used for close combat. We 

have such an image of the weaponry of the Balts from 

the burial material, too. 

Bog offerings of the Balts of the Migration Period contain 

very few ornaments or work tools typical exclusively 

of women (Kokmuiža II: a bone bead, a small 

clay spindle-whorl). There are very few women’s 

ornaments from the sixth to the seventh century, too. 

It should be pointed out that in the interfluvia of the 

River Mūša and the River Lielupe, crossbow brooches 

and bracelets with thickened terminals from the first 

half of the fifth century are found in male burials only 

(Griciuvienė 2005, p.30ff, 80ff). Consequently, bog offerings 

are typically men’s offerings, and this phenomenon 

links the Balts to their neighbours, the Germanic 

peoples. 

There are quite a few important similarities between 

the bog offerings of the east Baltic Sea region and 

those found in Germany, Denmark, southern Scandinavia 

and the islands of the Baltic Sea. One similarity 

is the signs attesting to the higher or lower rank of the 

warriors making the offerings, swords and spears. In 

both areas, there are shield bosses and parts of a warrior’s 

accoutrements, that is, belts, among the parts of 

the weaponry being sacrificed. An important part of the 

Kokmuiža I and II bog offerings were belts (only the 

buckles have survived), and stone strike-a-lights and 

whetstones carried on the belt. When comparing the 

material in burials and offerings of the Roman and Migration 

periods, it is evident that stone strike-a-lights 

20 

This offering has not been preserved; only photographs of 

two shield bosses are known to exist.

are found more often in bog offerings. Furthermore, 

stone strike-a-lights are found in sacrificial deposits inside 

burial grounds (for example, in the Pļavniekkalnā 

burial ground, in a pit filled up with charred logs, 

three strike-a-lights and a whetstone were found; cf. 

Jākobsons 1999, p.24, Fig. 5). Judging by the buckles, 

the Balts’ belts were not very decorated. However, a 

belt as a sacrificial element with a stone strike-a-light 

or a whetstone attached to it once again clearly links 

the war booty or war trophy offerings of the Balts and 

the Germanic people. Germanic bog offerings indicate 

clearly that one very decorative belt used to be worn 

on the outer clothing, with a knife and the sharpening 

steel part of a set of strike-a-light equipment attached 

to the belt. There used to be another belt with a leather 

bag attached to it, and intended for carrying personal 

belongings: a stone strike-a-light, toothpicks or 

wound-sticks, a horn comb, sometimes Roman coins, 

hackmetal, awls, razors, small household knives, and 

metal pendants, glass beads and single amber beads or 

gaming pieces and dice (Ørsnes, Ilkjær 1993, p.216;; 

Ilkjær 1993, pp.15-115, 254ff; 2007, pp.54-67; Fabech 

1996, p.136; Grane 2007, pp.217, 229ff, Fig. 90; Iversen 

2008, pp.188-189). At the same time, on the basis of 

the bog offerings of the Balts, we can claim that a belt 

with a metal buckle and a stone strike-a-light would be 

sacrificed. In the offerings of the Balts, just as in the 

burials, the second part of a strike-a-light, the metal 

part that helps to strike fire (the sharpening steel), is 

missing. The stone strike-a-lights of the Balts have 

close parallels across the Baltic Sea (Hagberg 1967b, 

p.62ff, Plate 7; Ilkjær 1993, p.236ff, Figs. 89, 92, 92). 

It should be underlined that most of the stone strike-alights 

found among the Kokmuižas offerings did not 

have grooves, which appear after making fire (Fig. 8). 

It should be pointed out that among the objects of the 

Kokmuiža II offering, four fragments of a horn comb 

were found (V. Urtāns 1964, p.55ff, Fig. 28). A comb is 

another artefact that links the bog offerings of the Balts 

and the Germanic peoples of the Migration Period. 

Most of the objects sacrificed in bogs in the lands of 

the Balts lacked spear sockets, which had been broken 

off intentionally, or had broken spearheads, broken-off 

butts or blades; strike-a-lights and whetstones 

had been broken off intentionally, and ornaments 

(neck-rings, brooches and bracelets) had been broken 

or damaged intentionally (Figs. 7-10, for Fig. 10 see 

Plate V). Some of the artefacts of the Kokmuiža II deposit 

were burnt; this leads us to the assumption that 

the sacrificial rite included ceremonies with fire. In the 

east Baltic region, ritual damage to weapons sacrificed 

in water continued to exist in later times, too. Among 

the weapons of the Kokmuiža I and II offerings, only 

spear point sockets were found (186 pieces) (V. Urtāns 

1977, Table). The assumption that axes were damaged 

for ritual purposes is supported by the fact that many of 

the axes kept in museums are damaged in one way or 

another (the butt and part of the body are broken off, or 

the blade is broken). The circumstances of the finding 

of some of these axes are not known, or are not clear 

(Malonaitis 2010, p.78ff). The intentional breaking of 

part of a stone strike-a-light and the absence of a metal 

sharpening steel among the offerings might indicate 

that there was no need to make fire on the way to the 

afterworld. On the other hand, the intentional breaking 

of strike-a-lights also indicates indirectly that water is 

not a threat, and that it is not the final destination, but a 

mere means of reaching a goal. 

Intentional damage to weapons links the sacrificial rites 

of the Balts to known Germanic rites, where weapons, 

parts of weaponry (belts) and horse armour taken from 

enemies were broken and cut with axes during the rites 

(Ørsnes, Ilkjær 1993, p.217; Ilkjær 2007, pp.33, 38ff; 

Lau 2008, p.210ff; Radtke 2001, p.10). Even the skulls 

of sacrificed horses would be smashed, and cut marks 

are found on the bones (Bemmann, Bemmann 1998, 

p.201ff; Monikander 2006, pp.143-156). However, 

it is probable that weapons would be repaired after a 

battle by joining broken-off parts of a weapon with a 

weak lead/tin solder; 21 it is probable that spears damaged 

in battle would be remade into lighter javelins, 

and only the spear sockets would be sacrificed (Radtke 

2001, p.10; Ilkjær 2007, p.46ff). However, weapons 

repaired this way would break again in a while, and 

would be sacrificed. Consequently, instances of damage 

to weapons might not only have had a ritual meaning, 

but could also serve as evidence of practical life 

experience: lower-quality objects would be consigned 

as offerings. However, it is most likely that weapons, 

weaponry and horse armour were intentionally ‘put to 

death’. Similar rites of offering into water after a battle 

at Arausio in 105 BC, in the early fifth century are 

described by Paulius Orosius in his Historiarum adversus 

paganos libri septem (Seven Books of History 

against the Pagans). Orosius describes the victory of 

the Cimbri and the Teutons over the Romans: ‘The enemy, 

who had seized both camps and a huge amount of 

war booty, destroyed all that had fallen into their hands 

in an unheard-of and hitherto unknown maledictory ritual; 

clothing was torn apart and thrown away, gold and 

silver were thrown in the river, the men’s armour was 

cut to pieces, the breastplates of the horses were destroyed, 

the horses themselves were sunk in the water, 

the people were hanged from trees with rope around 

their necks, such that there was neither any booty for 

the visitors, nor mercy for the vanquished’ (Orosius 

21 

For more about the soldering process, see Volkaitė- 

Kulikauskienė, R., Jankauskas, K., 1992, p.139ff. 


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V, 16.5-6). This and other passages from Greek and 

Roman writers like Caesar, Strabo and Tacitus, cover 

similar religious or battle-related rituals of Celtic or 

Germanic origin (Hagberg 1967b, p.65ff; Grane 2007, 

pp.215-249). 

The site and the surroundings of the Kokmuiža offerings 

were studied by archaeologists only some time 

after the discovery; therefore, no links between individual 

groups of finds were traced (Figs. 3, 4). However, 

when characterising the weaponry of Kokmuiža, 

we can assume that if the combined offering was made 

simultaneously, it might belong to around 150 to 200 

defeated warriors. There might have been around 40 

to 50 more senior military commanders among them, 

who, on the basis of material from Lithuania’s burial 

grounds, might have had three spears, and some of 

them might have had a sword and a combat knife; 

probably stone strike-a-light equipment and small siltstone 

whetstones belonged to them too. 

Researchers are trying to find mutual links between 

the number of warriors who made offerings in northern 

Germany, Denmark, southern Scandinavia and the 

islands of the Baltic Sea, the weapons and weaponry 

discovered, and the number of warriors in the troops. 

As far as this issue is concerned, different opinions 

and examples of calculation can be found in literature 

(cf. Radtke 2001, p.23; Iversen 2008, pp.189-190). On 

the other hand, we can only date the Kokmuiža offerings 

to the period D 1 

–D 3 

/E 1 

; therefore, we can neither 

confirm nor deny whether the offering was simultaneous, 

or whether it reflects generally several victims 

of regional conflicts of the turbulent times of the first 

half of the fifth century to the first quarter of the sixth 

century. While attempting to estimate the number of 

warriors making offerings, yet another question arises: 

was it only enemies’ weapons and weaponry that was 

sacrificed? The available data allows us to assume that 

bog offerings are typical war booty offerings, just as in 

the Germanic world, put together to mark an important 

victory. However, due to the fact that the composition 

of bog offerings is typical of the east Baltic region, 

it is evident that some of the offerings might be the 

very victors’ thanks to the gods. However, if regional 

groups were involved in the conflicts, it might be 

that offerings included booty from the defeated in the 

clash. Vladislavs Urtāns, a Latvian archaeologist, was 

of a similar opinion. He considered that these offerings 

were sacral, and reflected the complicated situation of 

that period, that is, frequent internal wars, whereas the 

forms of artefacts typical of the region made the author 

assume that it was the Semigalians’ thanks to the gods 

for their victory against aggressors from eastern Latvia 

(V. Urtāns 1977, pp.79-80). Francis Balodis was of the 

opinion that the military offerings of Kokmuiža were 

a consequence of a military conflict between Balts and 

Gotlanders (Balodis 1938, pp.116-117). However, the 

finds of offerings are typical of the Balts. Therefore, 

in an attempt to identify the participants in conflicts, 

we have to bear in mind the axe, a typical weapon and 

tool of the Balts. Some axes of the Kokmuiža offering 

are socketed (131 pieces; besides Semigalia, such axes 

were widespread in Samogitia, western and central 

Lithuania), others were blunt-ended axes with a narrow 

blade (40 pieces; besides Semigalia, they were widespread 

in central eastern Lithuania and Užnemunė (the 

Trans-Nemunas region). It should be pointed out that 

the interfluvia of the River Mūša and the River Lielupe 

is a contact zone, in which both groups of axes were 

used (Mulevičienė, Tautavičius 1978, p.109ff, Maps 

62-63). The types of axes used allow us to assume that 

people from the neighbouring regions might have taken 

part in the conflicts. Furthermore, the composition 

of the offering and its size make it possible not only 

to guess the number of warriors, but also the internal 

structure of the forces. However, bearing in mind that a 

third of the offering was offered, the number of people 

making the offering might only be very approximate. 

Conflicts might have broken out because of the control 

over trade routes, that is, the Mūša–Lielupe water route 

and access to the Baltic Sea in the Gulf of Riga and 

the lower reaches of the River Daugava. Consequently, 

the region was solving an important geopolitical issue, 

fighting for control over a crossroads of regional importance. 

The concentration of bog offering findspots 

in the interfluvia of the Mūša and the Lielupe is a reflection 

of this struggle for leadership. Consequently, 

large-scale intertribal conflicts once again demonstrate 

that the leaders of Semigalian communities were trying 

to gain control over this important crossroads, which 

ensured power. It was necessary to form wider interregional 

alliances in order to amass larger detachments 

of armed men. The abundance of silver ornaments in 

bog offering findspots, and deposits in land and in burials, 

indicates the consolidation of power and authority 

in the hands of a small group of people, whereas the alliances 

that were formed to maintain power were most 

likely not long-lasting; again, this is attested to by the 

large number of bog offerings. 

Consequently, the Balts took from Germanic peoples 

the custom of making war booty or triumphal offerings 

in bogs. On the other hand, wetland offerings comprise 

universal, panhuman aspects. Therefore, this custom, 

as a cultural influence of the Baltic region, spread in 

the Early Migration Period, especially in the east Baltic 

region. However, such acts of offering were not practised 

to an equal extent in all parts of the east Baltic 

region. It should also be pointed out that the custom

of bog offerings developed locally, and gradually acquired 

features typical of the Balts. 

The Lithuanian historiographical tradition characterises 

the custom of making war offerings and intentions 

in several ways, first and foremost as offerings to the 

gods after a victory in a battle (Tautavičius 1972, p.85). 

Indeed, the concentration of power in the hands of the 

nobility, and the rise of military power, created conditions 

for the rise of chieftains of one level or another 

(simple chiefdom and complex chiefdom of different 

levels) (Kurila 2009, pp.137-153). The development 

of a strong leader required a religious basis; therefore, 

Perkūnas, the main god, rises to the level of the official 

ideology and religion, with an ever-increasing invasion 

into the sphere of the protection of the deceased 

(warriors), until finally he becomes ‘the guide to the 

beyond’, whereas his links to war cause no doubts 

whatsoever (Vėlius 1983, p.231; Beresnevičius 2004, 

p.257ff; Vaitkevičius 2008b, p.55ff). At the level of the 

mythological mentality, an offering into water could be 

said to belong to the sphere of the god of the underworld, 

Patulas, Velas, Velinas. However, although this 

space was often related to Velinas, it performs solely 

the function of a mediator transfering the offering in 

the required direction and to the desired space, that is, 

to its guardian, Perkūnas. As analogies in the Baltic 

Sea region indicate, the message carried by a victory 

offering must have been individual, and reflected the 

merits of every individual warrior in the battle and the 

wish to make a good show of himself in advance in the 

domain of the future guardian. 

Both the Kokmuiža bog offerings have chronological, 

regional (brooches of Schönwarling/Skowarcz 

type, brooches of Dolkeim/Kovrovo type intermediate 

variant, variants of A162 type brooches and belt 

buckles with thickened frame), and associative links 

with the Frombork Hoard (formerly Frauenburg, in 

the Braniewo district, in Poland) (Peiser, Kemke 1914, 

p.58ff). This hoard was found during the construction 

of a road. Links between the above-mentioned bog offerings 

and the Frombork Hoard might be supported 

by intentionally broken brooches and the fact that intentionally 

damaged, cut and burnt objects were found 

in both the offering and the hoard. The latter circumstances 

link the Frombork find with a deposit of scrap 

metal which belonged to a silversmith of Wielbark culture 

and was hidden in land in the traditional boundary 

area between the Aestii and the Germanic people; as 

is mentioned above, the River Pasłęka/Passargė served 

as the boundary (Ciołek, 2001, p.50ff, map; Bitner- 

Wróblewska 2001, p.38). 

Not for wear: only for property 

and glory 

In the sixth and seventh centuries, in the interfluvia of 

the Nemunas and the Daugava, the amounts of silver 

in burials, hoards and bog offerings increased rapidly, 

as a manifestation of ideology and power, due to the 

fact that the regional and local nobility were getting 

stronger thanks to the support of standardised soldiery, 

as well as the concentration of power in the hands 

of people enjoying the highest status, and their competitive 

struggle. Six bog offering findspots should be 

attributed to this period (Table 1). In the sixth and seventh 

centuries, the composition and the value of offerings, 

and the distribution of the offerings, underwent 

essential changes. In the first quarter of the sixth century, 

before bog offerings were discontinued in southern 

Scandinavia, their composition changed, as the symbols 

of personal power and authority (a sword with 

a highly decorated scabbard) became more and more 

emphasised, and more significance was attributed to 

the rites; on the other hand, making offerings into land 

began (Fabech 1996, p.136; Nøgård Jørgensen 2008, 

pp.204-205). In the east Baltic region, the change in 

the composition of offerings took place at a slightly 

later time, but it is evident that during this change, a 

silver neck-ring of a substantial weight and a new form 

typical solely of the interfluvia of the Nemunas and the 

Daugava, which was a symbol of authority and power, 

was given more emphasis and more significance (Fig. 

11). It is evident that the people making offerings had 

various purposes: to secure the benevolence of the gods 

and perhaps the ancestors, and to serve as mediators 

between the gods, the ancestors and the community, 

and thus secure the legitimacy of their rule (Kristiansen 

1991, p.31ff). Consequently, offerings from the 

Late Migration Period (the sixth to seventh centuries) 

might be characterised as offerings of massive silver 

ornaments (Annex 1; Table 1). These are offerings of 

accumulated wealth, which were both communicative 

(between the gods and the ancestors of the people making 

the offerings) and manifestational, that is, offerings 

to the gods and the ancestors with the aim of securing 

their assistance in this world and in the next. However, 

the principal intention of such offerings was a belief in 

the power of water as a mediator in the process of the 

transfer of accumulated wealth to the afterworld. 

Sixth and seventh-century bog offerings are concentrated 

in central Lithuania, the interfluvia of the Lielupe 

and the Mūša, and in northeast Lithuania. Most likely, 

the main flows of silver would reach present-day Lithuania 

by the River Daugava, because silver ornaments 

from the Daugava just spread in the direction of southern 

Semigalia and Samogitia. Such an advancement of 


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Fig. 11. Distributions of fifth to seventh-century silver neck-rings found in bog offerings and hidden in hoards in land 

(*interfitted ends; ●facetted ends; ■saddle-shaped terminals; ▲other types): 1–12 in Latvia; 13–18 in Lithuania; 19–21 in 

Estonia. 

1▲ Piltene (Ventspils district); 2▲ Miškiņeva (Ludza district); 3● Lejaslepju (Madona district); 4▲ Ķīšukalns (Ludza 

district); 5▲ Podžu (Bauska district); 6* Lejaslepji (Madona district); 7*■ Ikšķiles apkārtne (Ogre district); 8▲ Dumpji 

(and a fragment of crossbow fibula; Bauska district); 9*■ Mūrnieki (Stučka district); 10*▲ Saulīte (Jēkabpils district); 11▲ 

Baltinava (Balvi district); 12*▲ Sauleskalna I (Krāslava district); 13■ Baubliai (Indriūnai, Rokiškis district); 14* Draustiniai 

(Kėdainiai district); 15■ Migoniai (Pasvalys district); 16▲Užpelkiai (and crossbow fibula embellished with ringlets; 

Plungė district); 17* Velžiai (Radviliškis district); 18* near Rokiškis; 19●▲ Kardla (and two crossbow fibulae embellished 

with ringlets; six bracelets; Tartu district); 20▲ Viira (Tartu district); 21●▲ Villevere (Tartu district) and crossbow fibula 

embellished with ringlets, and bracelet (after V. Urtāns 1977, Fig. 124; LAA 1977, Map 5; Tamla, Kiudsoo 2005 with 

author’s additions). 

154


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Fig. 12. Jauneikiai (Joniškis district, Lithuania); grave-goods from male burial No. 422: 1 bronze, silver plates, 

blue glass inlays; 2–4 bronze; 5 silver. The arrow shows a crack in the neck-ring (LNM AR 537 card catalogue; 

drawing by A. Ruzienė). 

hoards consisting of silver ornaments is reflected not 

only by bog offerings, but also by hoards hidden in 

land, and especially in Semigalian male burials rich in 

silver neck-rings (Jākobsons 1999, p.23, Fig. 1; Graudonis 

2003, p.54). In the sixth and seventh-centuries, 

massive offerings of silver ornaments (neck-rings with 

profoundly faceted or saddle-shaped terminals) started 

to prevail (V. Urtāns 1977, p.81; Vaitkunskienė 1981, 

p.28ff; for this, see Appendix 1). The weight of these 

neck-rings ranges between 250 grams and 860 grams 

(V. Urtāns 1977, p.19; Tautavičius 1996, p.181). It is 

evident that huge wealth was accumulated in these 

hoards; it is difficult, however, to assess the value of 

this wealth. 22 It should be pointed out that these mas- 

22 

The 11th-century hoard from Rijnieki, in the Jelgava 

district, was found while ploughing a field; the total 

weight of this silver hoard is 5,749 grams (four forged 

sive silver neck-rings are of local forms found solely in 

central and northeastern parts of the region under discussion. 

Unlike the ornaments of the Early Migration 

Period, these neck-rings were not broken. Furthermore, 

the sacrificed neck-rings had not even been worn. Consequently, 

judging by the burial material of the region 

and by Scandinavian mythology, the neck-ring became 

an insignia of the highest social status (Vaitkunskienė 

1996, p.10ff; Fabech 2001, p.190; Bogucki 2003, 

p.201ff). These neck-rings might have been intended 

solely for various ceremonies. As a wealth of known 

ingots, 20 long ingots, a silver neck-ring with saddleshaped 

terminals and several spiral bracelets). On the basis 

of written sources and the weight of the Russian grivna 

(51.19 grams of silver), this hoard could buy 56 horses or 

141 cows, or 2,246 sheep, or the same number of pigs (V. 

Urtāns 1977, p.248). 

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AUDRONĖ 

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156 

value, they might have been exchanged as presents 

among the elite of the region. Heavy silver neck-rings, 

or parts of them, might have served as the equivalent 

of various payments (a tribute, payment for support 

while forming alliances, or a means of payment between 

a military chief and his retinue). Accumulated 

wealth would be sacrificed into water with the intention 

of transferring it to the afterworld. In the early fifth 

century, only Germans in the province of Gelderland 

in the Netherlands would behave in a similar manner, 

where fashionable heavy neck-rings of the Velp type, 

produced of gold, are known exclusively from some 

hoards (hidden in land) from the Lower Rhine area. 

From the Late Roman Iron Age to the Early Migration 

Period, gold neck-rings, as insignia of the highest 

social status, are quite often known from north Germanic 

male burials, or are found as single finds, or as 

sacrificial votive offerings in the case of Thorsberg 

(cf. Abegg-Wigg 2008, pp.31-37, Figs. 3-5). It should 

be pointed out that the said Germanic neck-rings are 

of a certain weight, and correspond to one or another 

system of units of weight. The weights of the golden 

neck-rings from Młoteczno (Warminsko-Mazurskie 

voivodship, in Poland, formerly Hammersdorf) that 

are widely known in historiography correspond to a 

certain quantity of solidii (Kulakov 2007, p.368). The 

metrology of gold chain rings and ingots from the Vittene 

and Trinboholm hoards in southern Scandinavia at 

first indicates that these objects originated in southeast 

Europe, and were perhaps related to the Roman uncia 

and Scandinavian mark, whereas the weight of the 

golden neck-rings in the hoard from Velp in the Netherlands 

corresponds to the Roman ounce (Herschend 

2001, pp.103-115; Quast 2009, p.215, Figs. 10-11). 

The reasons for the deposition of these hoards cannot 

be ascertained with certainty, but hoards with neckrings 

of the Velp type are only known from areas without 

contemporary richly furnished male burials from 

the Migration Period. Members of the male elite apparently 

displayed their wealth by votive offerings during 

their lifetime (Quast 2009, pp.207-217, Figs. 5, 7). 

Neck-rings with profoundly faceted terminals from the 

sixth and seventh centuries are known nearly exclusively 

from wetland offerings, or hoards hidden in land 

(Fig. 11), with the exception of the partly destroyed 

Jauneikiai (Joniškis district) male burial No. 422 (half 

a neck-ring found) and Kakužēni (Jelgava district) female 

burial No. 6 and male burial No. 54, in which 

silver neck-rings of this type were found (Vaškevičiūtė 

1978, p.45, Fig. 10.14; Graudonis 2001, p.56ff, Figs. 

5, 13; 2003, pp.28-29, Figs. 19-20, 43-44, Figs. 36-37) 

(Fig. 12). Both the Kakužēni burials might date from 

the first half of the sixth century, and Jauneikiai burial 

No. 422 might date from the first half of the seventh 

century. It is probable that the neck-ring found in the 

Jauneikiai burial ground was broken when the burial 

was being destroyed. The front part of the neck-rings, 

with profoundly faceted terminals, is divided into 

rhombs; therefore, this made it easy to know the weight 

of a rhomb, as well as the weight of whole neck-ring or 

part of it. Therefore, it might not be by chance that one 

half of a neck-ring was put into the grave intentionally. 

Consequently, we can assume that it was a person who 

had received remuneration from his tribal or military 

chief who was buried in grave No. 422 in the Jauneikiai 

burial ground. 

Novelties of the times: 

bridal offerings 

In the ninth to the first half of the 13th century, in the 

region under discussion in this article, the number of 

bog offerings increased to 17 (Fig. 6; Appendix 1, Table 

1). The range of sacrificial intentions also became 

wider. First appeared offerings of women’s ornaments, 

bridal offerings, a phenomenon that was not encountered 

before. These offerings consist of ornaments that 

can undoubtedly be attributed to women (diadems, pins 

and beads), or ornaments worn by women: neck-rings, 

penannular brooches and bracelets (Appendix 1). The 

intentions of these women’s offerings must have been 

related to symbolic rites, such as the washing of the 

bride and further communication with the gods and the 

ancestors. ‘Bridal offerings’ might have been related to 

requests of various kinds. Such offerings account for 

less than 45% of the total offerings dating from this 

period. 

Communicative offerings account for nearly a third of 

bog offerings; their composition, however, is far more 

varied compared to those dating from the sixth and 

seventh centuries (Fig. 6, Appendix 1). As the number 

of silver artefacts became smaller among burial finds 

and hoards (Vaitkunskienė 1981, Table 1), no silver artefacts 

are found in bog offerings either (Appendix 1). 

Although the number of war booty offerings and single 

weapon offerings became smaller, the offerings from 

Šliktinė I and II, Barstyčiai and Palipšė indicate that 

weapons (spear points), axes, swords, belt parts and 

iron strike-a-lights were still being sacrificed in large 

numbers. Individual parts of horse armour and a warrior’s 

accoutrements (spurs) have also been discovered. 

In terms of the diversity of the composition and apparent 

intentions, the offering from Tīras Bog in Rucava, 

dating from the mid-ninth century, is unique. The offering 

was recovered accidentally in 1936 during peat cutting 

(for the composition of the offering, see catalogue,

Pos. 32). The chronology of this offering is very close 

to the events mentioned in the chronicle Vita Sancti 

Anschari’ by Rimber, the Archbishop of Bremen, dating 

from 853/54, that is, the burning of Seeburg and the 

siege of Apuolė (LIŠ 1955, p.31). Therefore, we can 

assume that this single and exclusive offering, perhaps 

put together by only one person, was in some way related 

to the Swedes’ march on Kurzeme. This offering 

and exclusive rite might have served as gratitude to the 

gods and the ancestors, or as a request for assistance. 

The fact that the bog offerings of the time might have 

been single ones is supported by the Palipšė deposit; it 

is believed that 50 warriors made an offering there at 

the same time (Zabiela, Ribokas 1994, p.28). 

Conclusions 

Offerings made into water are a panhuman experience 

known from the Late Palaeolithic. In the region between 

the River Nemunas and the River Daugava, the 

number of bog offerings increased during the Roman 

Period, due to intensive cooperation around the Baltic 

Sea. The offerings of those times were a form of communication 

with the gods and ancestors, as well as a 

form of transfer of wealth to the afterworld. During the 

Early Migration Period, war booty or triumphal offerings 

in wetlands spread on the Germanic model. The 

importance of local customs, which create essential 

conditions for originating votive offerings in wetlands 

and bogs, should be stressed. In the region under discussion, 

the intentions of bog offerings changed during 

the Late Migration Period. Bog offerings became 

dualistic, and can best be characterised by the principle 

‘I give in order to get back.’ On the other hand, the bog 

offerings of that period are dedicated to the gods. During 

Viking times, a new form of bog offering emerged, 

that is, ‘bridal offerings’, which account for as many 

as 22% of the total late offerings. During that period, 

the percentages of war booty offerings and offerings 

intended for communication with the gods and ancestors, 

as well as for the transfer of wealth, were more or 

less equal. 


Annex 1: Artefacts from the first 

to the 12th/13th centuries discovered 

on boggy river banks and in bogs 

(the interfluvia of the River Nemunas 

and the River Daugava) 

1. Alsungas Almāle (Kuldiga district, Latvia) 

Half a bronze neck-ring with wire wound terminals 

and a small loop discovered in 1885/1886 in a bog during 

peat-cutting. 

Chronology: C 3 

–D 1 

. 

Lit. V. Urtāns 1964, p.48, Fig. 14. 

Kept in the Doma Cathedral Museum in Riga. 

2. Barstyčiai, Skuodas district, Lithuania. 

The circumstances of the discovery are not clear. The 

offering might have been discovered in a bog situated 

at the northern end of Barstyčiai forest; there is a small 

lake in Barstyčiai, as well as Lake Laumės to the northwest 

of the village. Objects discovered: six socketed 

spear points, four hafted spear points, a blunt-ended 

axe with a broken-off blunt end, a piece of the blade of 

a combat knife (?) or a single-edged sword and a brass 

mounting of the scabbard top, and a bronze quadrangular 

belt buckle with a mounting. 

Chronology: seventh to eighth centuries and tenth to 

11th centuries. 

ŠAM 

3. Baubliai-Indriūnai, Rokiškis district, Lithuania. 

three silver saddle-shaped brooches discovered in 1935 

when ploughing a peat-bog; the total weight of two of 

them was 400 grams. 

Chronology: seventh to eighth centuries. 

Lit. Michelbertas, 2007, p.13. 

VDKM 1090: 1–2; RK170. 

4. Bernsteinbruch (Amber bog), Klaipėda 23 city, Lithuania. 

A hoard of Roman coins discovered in the early 17th 

century (the number of coins is not clear). Three coins 

are known: of emperors Augustus (27 BC–14 AD) and 

Hadrian (117–138), and one unidentified Roman coin. 

Unidentified artefacts dating back to the tenth and 11th 

centuries were discovered. 

Chronology: A 3 

–C 1a 

; tenth and 11th centuries. 

Lit. Michelbertas 2001, p. 39. 

The fate is not clear, until 1945 it was kept at PM. 

5. Brendiķu Bog, Valmiera district, Latvia. 24 

Two miniature wooden boats (length 630mm, width 

158mm, depth 95mm). 

23 

It is probable that the hoard of Roman coins (one denarius 

of Galba (68–69) and two coins of Traianus (98–117) of an 

unknown denomination discovered near Klaipėda in 1906 

originates from this bog, which had been bogged up by the 

time of discovery. The details of the finding of the hoard 

are not quite reliable. 

24 

The details of the finding of the hoard are not quite reliable. 

A hoard of a similar composition was discovered on the 

left bank of the River Lielupe in the locality of Īslīces 

Bornsminde. 


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Chronology: tenth to 11th centuries. 


LVNM A 8088. 

6. Celmiņi Kuldīga districy, Latvia. 

Discovered in 1936 when ploughing a peat-bog, at a 

depth of 20 to 30 centimetres. The deposit consists 

solely of ornaments: three neck-rings, a pin with a cruciform 

head, a pin with a triangular head, two horseshoe 

fibulae, seven bracelets (massive ribbon-like 

bracelets with tapered-off terminals and animal-shaped 

terminals), four amber beads. 


Lit. V. Urtāns 1977, p.196ff, Fig. 101. 

LVNM. 

7. Dandāle Vecsvirlauka, Jelgava district, Latvia. 25 

Roman coins discovered in 1914 and 1918 on the left 

bank of the River Lielupe: two coins of Galien (253– 

268) and 42 coins of Claudius II (268–270), and a 

bronze 7.5-centimetre-high figurine of a naked human. 

Chronology C 2 

–C 3 

. 

Lit. Kropotkin 1961, p.101; V. Urtāns 1977, p.134ff, 

Fig. 41. 

LVNM 120193: 1–27, A 8172. 

8. Dargiškė, Telšiai district, Viešvėnai parish, Lithuania. 

Discovered in 1934 in a field north of the former village 

cemetery, on a hill next to a peat-bog. Two kilograms 

of Roman coins are mentioned; a bullion Antoninian 

of Gordian III (238–244) minted in Nikea (Asia Minor) 

and two third to fourth-century bronze ribbon-like 

bracelets have survived. 

Chronology: C 2 

–C 3 

. 

Lit. LAA 1977, p.31; Michelbertas 2001, p.56. 

ŽAM 518, 519. 

9. Daugalaičiai, Joniškis district, Stupurai parish, Lithuania. 

Discovered in 1959, when a former marshland was put 

under the plough. A birch bark bag (?) contained six 

bronze spiral bracelets and 11 neck-rings. 


Lit. Tautavičius 1977, p.31; Banytė-Rowell, Buža 

2005, p.172. 

ŠAM 1-A 220: 1–17. 

25 

The details of the finding of the hoard are not quite clear. 

10. Draustiniai, Kėdainiai district, Gudžiūnai parish, 

Lithuania. 

Discovered in 1935 when ploughing a peat-bog; items 

that reached the museum: three neck-rings with profoundly 

faceted terminals, a neck-ring with a small loop 

and a hooklet (the weight of the neck-rings is 838.7g) 

and a bronze bracelet with thickened terminals. 

Chronology: sixth to seventh centuries. 

Lit. Tautavičius 1977, p.131; LLM 1958, Fig. 284. 

VDKM 721: 1–3, 5–6. 

11. Dumblynė, on the shore of an island in Lake Sartai, 

Rokiškis district, Lithuania. 

Contains bronze parts of a female temple ornament, 

bells, twisted wires and bronze, glass and amber beads 

(about 90 artefacts). A typical bride’s hoard, also interpreted 

as a craftsman’s hoard. 

Chronology: 11th to 12th centuries. 

Lit. Grižas 1998, p.194ff; 2000, p.24ff. 

LNM AR: 590: 1–53. 

12. Gudėniškės, Utena district, Lithuania. 

A quagmire, a pond; specialists in land reclamation 

drained water and installed a water collector there in 

1977. Finds were discovered from time to time at the 

southern end of the quagmire. A blunt-ended axe with 

a narrow blade (the blade was broken off) reached 

UKM. We cannot eliminate the possibility that the 

finds belong to the tumuli of Gudėniškiai situated 0.2 

kilometres away. 

Chronology: D 2 

–Ea. 

Lit. Vaitkevičius 2006, p.402, Fig. 672. 

UKM. 

13. Jucaičiai, Šilalė district, Lithuania. 

A clay pot containing ornaments (?) was discovered in 

1910; the deposit has not survived. In 1972, at a distance 

of about 200 metres from the Ilgotis rivulet, three 

bronze neck-rings with loop-shaped terminals, three 

pins with cruciform heads, and three spiral bracelets 

were discovered during bog draining works. 

Chronology: tenth to 11th century. 

Lit. Tautavičius 1977, p.131. 

LNM. 

14. Ķaupi, Liepāja district, Latvia. 

Ten ribbon-like bracelets and a twisted neck-ring with 

a loop were discovered in 1920. 

Chronology: 12th century.


LVNM 7019: 1–12. 

15. Kalnamuiža, Dobele district, Latvia. 

Discovered in 1888 on the bank of the Tervete rivulet 

at a distance of one mile from a hill-fort, under a 

large granite boulder; studied by R. Hausmanis and 

A. Bīlenšteins in 1892. Ten shield bosses, 54 socketed 

spear points, one fragment of a sword blade, eight 

socketed spearheads, four knives, nine buckles, one 

stirrup (?) (apparently dating from later times) were 

discovered. 


–E 2 

. 

Lit. Riekstiņš 1930, p.477; V. Urtāns, 1977, p.149, Fig. 

37. 

Has not survived. 

16. Kokmuiža I, Vītiņi parish, Auce district, Latvia. 

Discovered in 1869 between two hill-forts, Incēni and 

Forest Hillock, during the drainage of the boggy bed 

of the Avīkne. The finds were discovered in an area 

of 120 square centimetres, in a pit 0.45 metres deep. 

In 1869, the findspot of the hoard was studied by A. 

Bīlenšteins. According to the inventory of 1870, a total 

of 1,263 artefacts were found; their weight is 120 kilograms: 

472 spear points, 186 broken spear point sockets, 

131 hafted axes, 40 blunt-ended axes with narrow 

blades, six fragments of sword blades, 40 oval stone 

strike-a-lights, pieces of nine stone strike-a-lights, two 

whetstones, two hammers, eight chisels, 13 picks, a 

sickle, three knives, nine bronze crossbow brooches, 

one brooch with a star-like foot, a bronze neck-ring, 

bronze and iron bracelets, a silver bracelet, a spiral 

ring, a piece of silver wire and other small artefacts. 

Smith’s tools discovered: three anvils, two hammers, 

files, chisels, five pieces of raw iron, and an iron spade. 

Their weight is around seven kilograms. 


–D 2 

/ E 1 

. 

Lit. Riekstiņš 1930, p.477; V. Urtāns 1977, p.138ff, 

Figs. 45–47; J. Urtāns 2008, p.55ff and p.84, Figs. 18- 

51. 

The artefacts reached LVNM and museums in Jelgava, 

Tallinn, Copenhagen and Moscow. 

17. Kokmuiža (Līgotņu) II, Vītiņi parish, Auce district, 

Latvia. 

Found in 1929 at the foot of Forest Hillock hill-fort, 

in the boggy valley of the River Avīkne, at a depth of 

45 to 60 centimetres, at a distance of 50 metres from 

offering site I; the site was studied in 1930 and 1931. 

Objects discovered: 138 artefacts, most of them intentionally 

broken off and burnt (a piece of a silver neckring, 

a bronze bracelet with thickened terminals, a 

drinking horn mounting, two bronze and 23 iron buckles, 

two iron rings, a nail, a strike-a-light, nine knives, 

41 socketed spear points, a socketed axe, iron and bone 

artefacts that have not been identified more precisely, 

a small iron chain link, nine oval stone strike-a-lights, 

nine whetstones, a small sandstone spindle, four bone 

beads, pieces of four combs, a piece of a bone weaving 

die, a small plate, and 12 annealed dice). The total 

weight of the finds was about 16 kilograms. Cremated 

bones and charcoal are mentioned in this deposit. 


–D 2 

/ E 1 

. 

Lit. Riekstiņš 1930, p.473ff, Fig. 1-2, Plates I-II; V. 

Urtāns 1977, p.142ff, Figs. 48-49; J. Urtāns 2008, 

p.55ff, p.84, Figs. 18-51; Banytė-Rowell et al. 2003, 

pp.72-73. 

LVNM 7027: 1–138. 

18. Lileikiai, Šilutė district, Lithuania. 

In around 1912, some coins were discovered on the 

bank of the River Jūra not far from Lileikiai hill-fort: 

five or six Roman coins, two bronze coins, the rest 

were silver coins. One copper coin of Antoninus Pius 

(138–161). The hoard did not reach museums. 

Chronology: B 2 

/C 1 

–C 1b 

. 

Lit. Michelbertas 1972, p.115. 

19. Palanga, in the town of Palanga, Lithuania. 

In 1936, when ploughing a drained bog, bronze ornaments 

were discovered to the east of the town. A neckring 

with a tongued bow, a small loop and a hooklet, 

and a pin with a cruciform head were found. The bog 

where the ornaments were found might have been situated 

near Palanga burial grounds where there were two 

small and nearly bogged-up lakes. 

Chronology: seventh to ninth centuries. 

Lit. Tautavičius 1977, p.131; Žulkus 2004, Fig. 29. 

VDKM 784: 1-2. 

20. The valley of the River Minija, Klaipėda district, 

Lithuania. 

In 1866, a copper Gordian III (238–244) was discovered 

in the valley of the River Minija next to the village 

of Šernai. 26 

26 

A bronze foundry mould for moulding hafted axes (1600– 

1400 BC) was discovered on the bank of the River Minija 

in the village of Dovilai (in the Klaipėda district) not far 

from the village of Šernai, whereas on the other bank of 

the river, in the village of Gedminai, a hoard of bronze 

artefacts (1400–1200 BC) was discovered (Čivilytė 2004, 

p.226, Figs. 5, 6; Bliujienė 2007, p.51). It seems that this 

stretch of the middle reaches of the River Minija might 

have served as an offering site from the Bronze Age. 


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160 

Chronology: C 1b 

–C 2 

. 


21. Padievaitis, 27 Šilalė district, Lithuania. 

In around 1894, a sestertius of Commodus (180–192) 

was discovered on the shore of Lake Dievytis. 


. 


22. Palipšė (formerly Černiai, Černaučyzna), Anykščiai 

district, Debeikiai parish, Lithuania. 

Discovered in 1928 in a marshy field called ‘Gudės 

field’; 43 burnt artefacts discovered under a boulder 

are known: five socketed and hafted spear points, four 

knives, three awls, two razors, ten strike-a-lights, a 

belt buckle and mountings, four blunt-ended axes with 

wide blades, one spur, two stirrups, a two-edged sword 

with an inscription, the key of a cylindrical lock, four 

fragments of pottery and several artefacts, the intended 

purpose of which has not been determined. Only some 

of the finds reached a museum; the fate of the rest is not 

known. The tip of one hafted spear point was broken 

off. 

Chronology: middle to the second half of the 13th century. 

Lit. Ribokas, Zabiela 1994, p.24ff, Figs. 1-2. 

UKM A71–77, F-1663. 

23. Piltene, Ventspils district, Latvia. 

In 1870, a silver gilded neck-ring with a widening bow 

and profiled overlapping terminals (593.64g in weight) 

was discovered in a boggy area at a depth of 1.2 metres. 


–E 1 

. 

Lit. V. Urtāns 1977, p.137ff, Fig. 44. 

LVNM 58201. 

24. Pudžas (Salgales Pudžas), Jelgava district, Latvia. 

Found in 1882 on the right bank of the River Lielupe, 

not far from the bank at a depth of 0.2 metres. The 

Vecpudzes cemetery is close to the find site. The present 

weight of the hoard is 1,781.325 grams. It consists 

of two neck-rings and two pieces of neck-rings, one 

crossbow brooch, three spiral bracelets and two forged 

ingots. 

Chronology: turn of the tenth to the 11th century. 

Lit. V. Urtāns 1977, pp.20ff, 37ff, p. 180, Fig. 87. 

27 

The archaeological complex of Padievaitis consists of 

a hill-fort, a lower ward, a burial ground and a boulder, 

which on the basis of its form is regarded as a chair or the 

Devil’s throne (Vaitkevičius 2003, p.73ff, p.205). 

LNVM KPM 799-803, 869, 1002, 2054. 

25. Salacas Bog, Limbaži district, Latvia. 

Six silver elongated bar ingots (965.35g in weight) 

were bought from a collector in 1923; a deposit. 

Chronology: 11th to 12th century. 


LNVM 93098: 1–6. 

26. S26. aulītes, Jēkabpils district, Latvia. 

Found in 1882. A silver neck-ring with a small loop 

and a hooklet (305.95g in weight) and two silver neckrings 

with profoundly faceted terminals (702.65g and 

430.2g in weight). The total weight of the silver artefacts 

is 1,438.8 grams. 

Chronology: around 700 AD. 

Lit. V. Urtāns 1977, p.157ff, Fig. 66.1-3. 

LNVM 58211–58213. 

27. Siraičiai, Telšiai district, Lithuania. 

In 1901, when ploughing a field, a hoard of metal scrap 

was discovered between the hill-fort and the burial 

ground, not far from a bog; the hoard consisted of 44 

chronologically different archaeological artefacts. The 

place of the hoard was marked with a sword driven into 

the ground. 

Chronology: B 2 

/C 1 

– C 2 

; tenth to 12th century. 

Lit. Brensztej 1903, p.44ff, Plates XV–XVII. 

LNM AR 17: 1–44. 

28. Šliktinė (Mikytai) I, Skuodas district, Notėnai parish, 

Lithuania. 

Discovered in 1936 or 1938 in the boggy valley of the 

River Šata at a distance of 0.3 kilometres from Mikytai 

hill-fort, at a depth of 0.6 metres. A total of 192 artefacts 

were found: 113 hafted and harpoon spear points, 

some ten to 20 knives, four axes with wide blades, several 

bronze mountings of combat knives, a brass spur, 

and two bronze horseshoe fibulae. These artefacts were 

found in a single spot pressed down with an oak log. 

Chronology: ninth to 12th century. 

Lit. Tautavičius 1972, p.84; Tautavičius 1977, p.132; 

Vaitkevičius 2003, p.154. 

VDKM: 1523: 1–192, 2021. 

29. Šliktinė (Mikytai) II, Skuodas district, Notėnai parish, 

Lithuania. 

In 1970, at a distance of 50 metres north of the first 

findspot, not far from Mikytai hill-fort, approximately 

two kilograms of objects were discovered, which

are now missing. In 1971, another approximately 47 

horseshoe fibulae, nine bracelets, two spurs, 15 socketed 

and hafted spear points, an axe, five fragments of 

combat axes, seven belt buckles and belt mountings 

nevertheless reached KM. These objects were collected 

within a radius of 30 to 40 metres in the ground cast 

out when digging a canal in a boggy area, at a depth of 

50 to 60 centimetres. The available data makes it possible 

to claim that 200 to 300 objects might have been 

sunk at this spot. The bog covers a stretch of land 50 to 

60 metres in width. In 1971, ten survey pits were dug 

at the findspot in the bog; two horseshoe fibulae were 

discovered. However, no finds were found in most of 

the survey pits. 

Chronology: tenth to 11th century. 

KM A 50: 184. 

Lit. Tautavičius 1971, pp.1-9; Tautavičius 1972, p.84ff. 

30. Šluostikiai, Joniškis district, Lithuania. 

Since 1956 and 1958, several finds from Šluostikiai 

have been kept at ŽMA: a small cylinder-shaped 

stone spindle, three badly deteriorated iron socketed 

spear points (one of them has a long socket and 

a short rhomb-shaped blade). They were found in the 

Vešėtinis rivulet during ditch-deepening works, under 

a flat boulder. 

Chronology: sixth to ninth century. 

Lit. Vasiliauskas, 2009, p.255ff. 

ŽMA. 

31. Tīras Bog in Rucava, Latvia. 

The offering was recovered in 1936, accidentally during 

peat cutting. Objects discovered: two wooden 

shields and a shield boss, a bow (fragment), 31 small 

sticks, ten buckles, nine rings, textiles of various kinds 

(a cape, leg bindings and different textile fragments, 

a yarn ball), a horseshoe fibula with cylindrical terminals, 

a massive bracelet, two spirals, a chisel, two 

mountings, the mounting of the mouth of a drinking 

horn, and an awl with a wooden handle (?). The offering 

was probably wrapped in a cloak and pressed 

down with a pole, and the offering site might have been 

marked: there were a number of stakes with burnt tips 

driven into the ground around the site. 

Chronology: around 800 to 850 AD. 

Lit. V. Urtāns 1964, p.71, Figs. 17-18; 1977, p.76, 

p.124ff, 163ff, Fig.71; Žeire 2008, p.129ff. 

LVNM A 9170: 1–28. 

32. Užpelkiai, Plungė district, Plateliai parish, Lithuania. 

Around 1909–1910 in the Tyreliai peat-bog, at a depth 

of 1.5 metres, pieces of two bronze neck-rings with a 

box-shaped clasp, a silver crossbow brooch decorated 

with notched rings (the clearances between the ringlets 

are decorated with gold [?] plates), and a bronze 

brooch with a star-like foot but without the spiral part 

and the bow were discovered. 


–C 2 

; D 2 

–D 3 

. 

Lit. Tautavičius 1977, p.133; Vaitkunskienė 1981, 

p.29, Fig. XV. 

VDKM 662: 1–4. 

33. Vaineikiai, Rokiškis district, Kamajai parish, Lithuania. 

In 1943, when ploughing a drained peat-bog, three 

corded neck-rings were found. They reached a private 

collection, and their further fate is not known. 

Chronology: eighth to 12th century. 

Lit. Tautavičius 1977, p.133. 

Abbreviations 

AB – Archaeologia Baltica 

Aktuelle Forschungen – Aktuelle Forschungen zu 

Kriegsbeuteopfern und Fürstengräbern im Barbaricum. 

A. Abegg-Wigg, A. Rau, eds, Schriften Archäologischen 

Landesmuseums, 4, Neumünster, 2008 

ATL – Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvos. Vilnius (from 

1967) 

CSA – Current Swedish Archaeology. Stockholm, a publication 

of the Swedish Archaeological Society 

LA – Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius (from 1975). 

LLM – R. Kulikauskienė, R. Rimantienė. Senovės lietuvių 

papuošalai, Vol. I. Vilnius, 1958. 

Roman Gold and the Development of the Early Germanic 

Kingdoms – B. Magnus, ed. Roman Gold and the Development 

of the Early Germanic Kingdoms: Aspects of 

technical, socio-political, socio-economic, artistic and 

intellectual development, AD 1–550. Symposium held 

in Stockholm, 14–16 November 1997. Konferenser, 51. 

Stockholm. 

Museums 

KKM – Kaišiadoriai Land Museum 

KM – Kretinga Museum 

LNM – Lithuanian National Museum, Vilnius 

LVNM – Latvian National Historical Museum, Rīga 

RK – Rokiškis Land Museum 

ŠAM – Aušra Museum, Šiauliai 

UKM – Utena Museum 

VDKM – Vytautas the Great War Museum, Kaunas 

ŽMA – Alka Samogitian Museum, Telšiai 


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References 

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studijų baigiamasis darbas. Lietuvos žemės ūkio universitetas. 

BLIUJŪTĖ, J., XIII–XIV a. papuošalų lobiai Lietuvoje. 

Magistro darbas: Vilniaus universitetas Archeologijos katedra. 

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URTĀNS, J., 2008. Ancient Cult Sites of Semigallia. In: CCC 

Papers: 11. Gotland University. 

URTĀNS, V., 1964. Latvijas 5. – 9. gs. depozīti. Arheoloģija 

un etnogrāfija, 6, 39-74. 

URTĀNS, V., 1977. Senākie depozīti Latvijā (līdz 1200. g.). 

Rīga: Zinātne. 

VAITKEVIČIUS, V., 1994. Barstyčių alkai – senųjų kuršių 

tikėjimo ir apeigų atspindys. Žemaičių praeitis, 3, 102- 

109. 

VAITKEVIČIUS, V., 1998a. Alkas: lietuviškas paminklų 

kontekstas. LA, 15, 333-350. 

VAITKEVIČIUS, V., 1998b. Senosios Lietuvos šventvietės: 

Žemaitija. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla. 

VAITKEVIČIUS, V., 2003a. Alkai baltų šventviečių studija. 

Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla. 

VAITKEVIČIUS, V., 2003b. Raktas Romuvai. Liaudies 

kultūra, 6, 14-33. 

VAITKEVIČIUS, V., 2006. Senosios Lietuvos šventvietės: 

Aukštaitija. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla. 

VAITKEVIČIUS, V., 2008a. Baltų mitologijos paveldas. 

In: V. VAITKEVIČIUS, A. ŽIČKUTĖ, eds. Neris tarp 

Vilniaus ir Kernavės. Vilnius: Lututė, 55-77. 

VAITKEVIČIUS, V., 2008b. Perkūnakiemio mitų pėdsakais. 

Tautosakos darbai, 36, 51–63. 

VAITKEVIČIUS, V., Bajorų kapinynas. In: ATL 2008 metais. 

Vilnius, 134-140. 

VAITKEVIČIUS, V., GRINKEVIČIŪTĖ, A., 2008. Bajorų 

kapinynas. In: ATL 2007 metais. Vilnius, 192-198. 

VAITKUNSKIENĖ, L., 1981. Sidabras senovės Lietuvoje. 

Vilnius: Mokslas. 

VAITKUNSKIENĖ, L., 1996. Senovės žemaičių papuošalai: 

simbolinis aspektas. Lituanistika, 2(26), 3-15. 

VASILIAUSKAS, E., 2009. Senovės gyvenvietės ir 

kaimavietės Joniškio rajone. In: Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai 

Lietuvoje 2008 metais. Vilnius, 250-259. 

VAŠKEVIČIŪTĖ, I., 1987. Jauneikių (Joniškio raj.) V–XI 

a. kapinynas (3. Galvos ir kaklo papuošalai). Lietuvos TSR 

mokslų akademijos darbai, serija, A 1(98), 20-30. 

VĖLIUS, N., 1987. Chtoniškasis lietuvių mitologijos pasaulis. 

Folklorinio velnio analizė. Vilnius: Vaga 

VĖLIUS, N., 1983. Senovės baltų pasaulėžiūra. Struktūros 

bruožai. Vilnius: Mintis. 

VOLKAITĖ-KULIKAUSKIENĖ, R., JANKAUSKAS, K., 

1992. Iš senosios lietuvių amatininkystės istorijos (alavas 

senuosiuose lietuvių papuošaluose). LA, 8, 135-170. 

WIELOWIEJSKI, P., 1990. Skarb bursztynu z pozniego 

okresu rzymskiego odkryty w miejscowości Basonia, woj. 

lubelskie. Prace muzeum ziemi, 41, 101-133. 

ŽIKULINAS, J., ČESNULEVIČIUS, A., 2009. Hidrografinio 

tinklo pokyčiai Lietuvos mažųjų upių baseinuose. 

Geografija, 45.1, 62-68. 

ŽULKUS, V., 1989. Tarpgentinės dykros ir mirusiųjų pasaulis 

baltų pasaulėžiūroje. In: V. ŽULKUS, ed. Vakarų baltų 

archeologija ir istorija. Klaipėda, 107-115. 

ŽULKUS, V., 1993. Mirusiųjų pasaulus baltų pasaulėžiūroje 

(archeologijos duomenimis). In: A. BUTRIMAS, ed, 

Žemaičių praeitis, 2. Vilnius, 23-34. 

ŽULKUS, V., 2004. Kuršiai Baltijos jūros erdvėje. Vilnius: 


Received: 22 September 2010; Revised: 19 November 

2010; Accepted: 28 December 2010. 

Audronė Bliujienė 



Herkaus Manto street, LT-92294 Klaipėda, Lithuania 

E-mail: audrone.bliujiene@gmail.com 

BALTŲ PELKIŲ AUKOS – 

DUODU, KAD ATGAUČIAU 

AUDRONĖ BLIUJIENĖ 

Santrauka 

Aukojimas vandenyje yra žinoma nuo vėlyvojo paleolito. 

Regione aplink Baltijos jūrą, tarp Nemuno ir 

Dauguvos, romėniškuoju laikotarpiu pagausėjo pelkių 

aukų (4 pav.; 1 lentelė). To priežastis – intensyvus regiono 

gyventojų bendravimas tarpusavyje, siekis dievų ir 

protėvių paramos bei užtarimo, noras anapilin perkelti 

ir turtą. Ankstyvaisiais tautų kraustymosi laikais, įgaudami 

lokalių bruožų, germanų pavyzdžiu išplinta karo 

grobio ar triumfo aukojimai šlapiose vietose. Nagrinėjamame 

regione vėlyvaisiais tautų kraustymosi laikais 

vėl keičiasi pelkių aukų motyvacija. Tokios aukos tampa 

dvejopo pobūdžio, išreikšto pagrindiniu principu: 

duodu, kad atgaučiau. Vikingų laikais atsiranda nauja 

aukojimo vandenyje forma – „jaunamarčių aukos“, kurios 

sudaro net 22 procentus visų vėlyvųjų aukų. Karo 

grobio ir bendravimo su dievais ir protėviais bei turto 

perkėlimo aukos procentiškai sudaro apylyges dalis 

(2–12 pav., V įklija). 


III 

WETLAND 

ARCHAEOLOGY 

165

IV. PREHISTORIC 

LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 


167

Trade, War and the Diversity 

of Rituals at Late Prehistoric 

Harbour Sites on Saaremaa 

TRADE, WAR AND THE DIVERSITY 

OF RITUALS AT LATE PREHISTORIC 

HARBOUR SITES ON SAAREMAA 

MARIKA MÄGI 

MARIKA 

MÄGI 

Abstract 

The article deals with Viking Age and Late Iron Age (800–1200 AD) maritime cultural landscapes on Saaremaa, the biggest 

Estonian island. In the course of an extensive study there since 2003, a number of Late Prehistoric and Early Medieval harbour 

sites have been identified. The archaeological evidence from these places suggests different uses of the sites. In the article, 

three harbour sites have been chosen for closer analysis. These sites represent different kinds of harbours at a local or regional 

level, as can probably be found in many areas around the Baltic Sea. 

Key words: Viking Age, maritime landscapes, harbour sites, landing places. 

168 

Introduction 

In Scandinavian countries, the United Kingdom, the 

Netherlands, Germany, Finland and Poland maritime 

landscapes have been the subject of archaeological research 

for decades. One of the pioneers at this field is 

Christer Westerdahl, whose research covers maritime 

cultural history in a broader sense, starting from historic 

sea routes and coastal landscapes and going up to 

sea-borne toponymics (Westerdahl 1989). He and the 

Gotlandic archaeologist and human geographer Dan 

Carlsson have formulated the main principles for defining 

a coastal cultural landscape and locating ancient 

harbour sites (Carlsson 1991; 1998). These principles 

have been successfully tested in neighbouring countries, 

including on Saaremaa (Mägi 2004; 2009). 

Several investigations of the same kind can be pointed 

to in Denmark. An interdisciplinary project treating 

coastal areas on the island of Fyn should first of all be 

mentioned (Crumlin-Pedersen et al. 1996), which resulted 

in the demonstration not only of interlacing connections 

between the coastline, maritime activities and 

arable lands, but also sea routes and neighbouring areas 

on the other side of the surrounding straits. Similar 

research on the island of Zealand was carried out and 

published by Jens Ulriksen, who associated the different 

types and the development of the landing places 

primarily with political changes that took place in Danish 

society (Ulriksen 1998). All these aspects were also 

involved in similar research dealing with the use of 

coastal areas and archipelagos in Sweden and Finland, 

within the framework of historical habitation on coasts 

or islands, treated with interdisciplinary approaches, 

and with much attention being paid to changes in the 

natural environment and to different economic systems, 

first of all to the importance of fishing and seal 

hunting (Rönnby 2003; Lilja 2008; Norman 2009). 

In Estonia, similar investigations started in the mid- 

1990s, but took off only in 2003. Since then, extensive 

research has been conducted specially in the coastal 

areas of Saaremaa, with the main objective of defining 

the settlement pattern in areas closely connected 

with maritime activities, as well as locating Prehistoric 

and Early Medieval harbour sites. In recent years, the 

archaeological investigation of coastal landscapes has 

expanded to coastal areas of western and northern Estonia, 

continuing simultaneously on Saaremaa. 

Terminology 

A maritime cultural landscape is defined here not only 

as the physical terrain of a coast, but also as the sea 

in close proximity to the coast, where signs of human 

activity (such as shipwrecks, coastal defence buildings 

and jetties) are observable. Coastal areas on land comprise 

not only the areas immediately bordering the sea, 

but also the whole cultural landscape where maritime 

activities have played an essential role in the lives of the 

inhabitants of the hinterland. In most cases, it covers a 

zone up to five kilometres inland, but some researchers 

widen this area to 30 kilometres from the coast (Crumlin-Pedersen 

et al. 1996; Mägi 2004). The transformation 

of Estonia’s coasts, caused by the upheaval of the 

land mass (up to 2.8mm per year), enlarges the area of 

research even more. All archaeological and historical 

sites located in this area (such as settlements, harbour 

sites, graves, ancient fields, churches and chapels, cult 

sites and cult stones), and their mutual relations, are the 

subject of the research.


Fig. 1. Prehistoric harbour sites located on Saaremaa. Places mentioned in the article: 1 Kurevere; 2 Sutu; 3 Muhu hill-fort; 

4 Mäla. 

This article concentrates on harbour sites, and it is essential, 

therefore, to define the difference between what 

is called here a harbour site and other places which 

were suitable for landing boats and other water craft. 

An important aspect is the socio-political location in 

cultural landscapes: the hinterland, and especially the 

connection between the harbour or the landing site and 

its closest political, economic, cult or other centre. It is 

also important to remember that not all harbour sites 

need to be trading centres, although some researchers 

prefer to speak of trade and workshop centres only (for 

a discussion of this, see Carlsson 1991; Callmer 1991; 

Ulriksen 1998, pp.13, 259). On the other hand, rarely 

used and unimportant places for landing boats are seldom 

observable in archaeological terms. 

I have preferred to use the term harbour site, defining 

it as a place oriented towards maritime activity and 

accessible to water vessels, and a place whose use is 

regulated by agreements and/or tradition, and which 

includes a hinterland. Accordingly, landing places with 

an accidental character cannot be interpreted as harbour 

sites in this text. 

Case studies 

Before 2003, Prehistoric harbour sites in Estonia had 

been excavated only randomly, and even these excavations 

had been carried out without proper prior knowledge 

of the probable character of such a site (Kustin 

1967). Since the archaeological evidence of Prehistoric 

harbour sites is normally reported to have been rather 

similar to that in ‘normal’ dwelling places, such places 

can be first and foremost defined as harbour sites due to 

their location and proximity to the coast at the time of 

their use (for criteria for locating harbour sites in Estonia 

and neighbouring countries, see Mägi 2004). Since 

2003, several trial excavations at such coastal sites 

were conducted on the island of Saaremaa (Fig. 1), 

which in three cases led to larger-scale archaeological 

excavations. 

Tornimäe: a Viking Age district 

harbour 

The Viking Age harbour site at Tornimäe is located at 

the eastern end of the island of Saaremaa, on an elevation 

now nearly two kilometres from the coastline. 

The stretch of land between Tornimäe and the present 

coastline is, however, flat and temporarily waterlogged. 

Around 1,000 to 1,200 years ago, the area 

of the excavations was situated right next to the sea, 

providing a perfect view over the main part of the Little 

Strait (Fig. 2). To the east of Tornimäe, the island 

of Saaremaa was separated from the present peninsula 

of Kõrkvere by a strait leading from north to south. At 

Tornimäe during the Viking Age, the sea next to the 

coast was, according to the contour lines, deep enough 

to be navigable by sea-going vessels, while along most 

of the coastline the water level might have been too 

shallow for sailing. 

West of Tornimäe lay some of the most fertile arable 

lands of the whole island, and several Prehistoric stone 

IV 

PREHISTORIC 

LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 

169

MARIKA 

MÄGI 




Fig. 2. Tornimäe and the surrounding cultural landscape today: 1 arable land (partly drained); 2 wetland, former lake; 

3 dwellings; 4 approximate coastline 1,000 years ago; 5 Late Prehistoric stone graves; 6 Late Prehistoric hill-forts. 

170 

graves in the vicinity indicate that the settlement of 

this area goes further back in history. At 6.3 kilometres 

west of Tornimäe is the Viking Age hill-fort of Pöide 

(Lõugas, Mägi-Lõugas 1994; Mägi 2002b). 

The area of the cultural layer at Tornimäe is approximately 

3.5 hectares. In 1963, rescue excavations were 

carried out there on an area of 160 square metres by the 

slope, supervised by Aita Kustin (Fig. 3). Clusters of 

burnt stones, probably fireplaces, were unearthed, but 

she did not detect any building remains in the excavated 

area (Kustin 1967). This could have been caused by 

her excavation methods: the approximately 45° slope 

of Tornimäe hill was excavated in horizontal layers, 

not following the surface. 

Another rescue excavation, also supervised by Kustin, 

was carried out in 1968. This time, only soil piled up in 

the course of road building was examined. Kustin estimated 

that approximately 1,600 square metres of the 

settlement were destroyed by the road building. She 

interpreted the site as an ordinary settlement, probably 

because of the lack of proper knowledge of the location 

of the Viking Age coastline: in the 1960s, exact maps 

were kept in secret files. 

In 1997, the area of the cultural layer at Tornimäe was 

located with help of phosphate-mapping, and in 2004, 

80 square metres was unearthed during archaeological 

excavations supervised by the author of this article. 

The area was slightly sloping, and the excavations were 

therefore carried out in strata following the surface. 

This method made it possible to identify an area covered 

with smaller, burnt granite stones, which could be 

interpreted as the remains of a building partly remaining 

outside the excavations. In the uncovered area, 

the measurements of the construction were 8.5 by 5.5 

metres. Whether the layer indicated one or more buildings 

constructed during the centuries when the harbour 

was in use remained unclear, however. The house or 

houses had probably been built in a log technique, as 

was the custom in Prehistoric, Medieval and even later 

Estonia. Neither post-holes, nor, for instance, burnt 

clay was found, but the majority of Prehistoric finds 

and animal bones were recorded in the area (for similar 

interpretations at archaeological excavations in other 

places in Estonia, including the Pöide hill-fort in the 

vicinity of Tornimäe, see Lõugas, Mägi-Lõugas 1994; 

Lavi 2005). 

On the bottom layer at Tornimäe, right on the natural 

ground, slightly bigger limestone slabs formed a clear 

semi-circle, and had originally surrounded some probably 

wooden construction with a diameter of two to 

2.75 metres. Similar (semi-) circles of stones have been 

detected previously at Estonian sites, and interpreted 

as some kind of storage buildings (Deemant 1986). 

Finds from the different excavations at Tornimäe 

consisted predominantly of ceramics, most of them 

potsherds from quite simple cooking vessels, but the 

remains of more fine-grained, often carinated Viking 

Age bowls were also found (Fig. 4, see Plate VI). A few


Fig. 3.Tornimäe harbour site with the excavation plots of 1963 and 2004, (from Kustin 1967): 1 stone fences; 2 present 

buildings; 3 trenches from the last war; 4 approximate coastline 1,000 years ago; 7 excavations. 

potsherds seemed to be unlike the ceramics of western 

Estonia and the islands. The rest of the prehistoric 

find material consisted of bronze ornaments, pieces of 

silver plating, single weapons, glass beads, fragments 

of bone artefacts, and numerous finds of boat rivets. 

The most noteworthy was the considerable number of 

bones, among which domesticated animals, as well as 

seals and different sorts of fish, were represented. 

Although altogether about 240 square metres of the 

sloping area at Tornimäe was uncovered, no constructions 

that could be directly connected with a harbour, 

like the remains of a jetty or a pier, were detected. 

However, according to some earlier descriptions, local 

peasants had found the remains of a ‘wooden palisade’ 

when ploughing on the slope (Luce 1811). Although 

the exact location and character of these finds remain 

obscure, it is likely that the ‘palisade’ originally formed 

a part of the harbour construction, or perhaps indicated 

a wooden jetty. 

Pälla: the Late Iron Age river harbour 

The site called Pälla or Pällamõis (Pälla Manor) is situated 

on southern Saaremaa near the church at Püha, on 

the bank of the little River Ristioja, 900 metres from 

the present coastline (Fig. 5). It was the location of 

the church two kilometres northeast of the site that inspired 

the search for a Prehistoric harbour site on the 

northwest coast of Sutu Bay. Archaeological investigations 

in the area started in 2004, with trial excavations 

both at Pälla and on the coast of Sutu Bay 2.5 kilometres 

from Pälla. The latter, however, proved to be a 

16th-century site (Ilves 2006), most likely the smithy 

of a local manor by the coast, perhaps next to a local 

manor’s harbour. 

The area of the cultural layer at Pälla is approximately 

0.2 hectares. Trial excavations were conducted there 

between 2004 and 2006, and were followed by largerscale 

excavations in 2007 (Fig. 6; Mägi 2006; Mägi, 

Nurk 2008). The main finds were connected with the 

ruins of a late 16th to 17th-century building complex, 

probably functioning as the fortification of a small harbour 

for exporting goods from the local manor. In the 

remains from the early Modern period, the remains 

were detected of a well-preserved, up to 40-centimetre-thick 

extensive culture layer from the second half 

of the Iron Age. 

The site remains some distance from arable land, and 

could therefore not have been used as an ordinary living 

place. Some potsherds suggest that the place could 

have been put to use as early as the middle of the first 

millennium AD, when it was situated right on the present 

coast, in the estuary of a small river. The location 

on the coast, and only a few hundred metres away from 

IV 

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LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 

171

MARIKA 

MÄGI 




Fig. 5. Pälla and the surrounding cultural landscape today: 1 agricultural lands; 2 areas covered with buildings; 3 roads. 

172 

it next to a river, is suitable for a harbour, especially 

on the coast of Sutu Bay, which has been and still is 

very flat, making it difficult for sea-going vessels to 

find a place for landing. The River Ristioja was bigger 

before: the wetlands where it starts are completely 

drained now, and the former size of the river can be 

estimated from the river bed. 

The early layer contained mainly animals’ bones and 

potsherds from the final part of the Iron Age, as well as 

some pieces of single metal finds that could not be dated. 

Some of the potsherds belonged to the Migration or 

Viking Period. C 14 samples dated the early layer to the 

Late Iron Age (cal. 895–920 AD/ cal. 955–1280 AD; 

Tln-2946) and to the 14th century (cal. 1301–1369 

AD/ cal. 1381–1437 AD; Tln-3053). No Medieval artefacts, 

however, supported such a late date of use. 

Except for one post-hole, there were no building constructions 

relating clearly to the early dwelling layer, 

but in 2007 the remains of a quay were uncovered on 

the bank of the former river at a point where the bankterrace 

had been lowered artificially. In the yellow 

river or sea sand, dark impressions of a once wooden 

construction, a platform of planks that rested on posts, 

could be observed (Fig. 7). These could be interpreted 

as the remains of a quay, when the wooden parts of it 

had started to decay and were partly broken. Late Iron 

Age potsherds, animal bones and some pieces of iron 

among these impressions, together with the complete 

absence of 16th or 17th-century finds, date the construction 

to the earlier activity layer of the site. 

Viltina: a late Viking Age assemblage 

place 

Viltina is nowadays a small village on the southern 

coast of Saaremaa, 600 to 800 metres from the sea 

(Fig. 8). The Prehistoric sites Asva and Randvere, two 

old settlement units one to two kilometres away from 

Viltina, can be pointed out. The importance of the area 

is emphasised by a small seventh to eighth-century 

hill-fort at Asva, in the same place where a fortified 

settlement, probably functioning as a centre for bronze 

casting and international trade, had been situated during 

the Bronze Age. 

The fortified settlement of Asva, with a proposed landing 

place next to it, can be considered as a Bronze Age 

predecessor of the Viltina harbour. Here, the topographical 

conditions for a harbour site were favourable: 

it was a place on Saaremaa’s generally shallow 

southern coast where the comparatively deep sea water 

of a protected inlet reached close to arable land. The 

actual harbour site moved gradually closer to the present 

coastline, in accordance with the upheaval of the 

land mass. 

The search for a possible harbour site was inspired 

by the presence of several Late Iron Age stone graves

Fig. 6. Excavations at Pällamõis between 2004 and 2007, 

with reconstructions of modern period buildings. 

right on the then coast, but some distance away from 

arable land. The largest cemetery,Viltina Rutiränk, was 

almost completely uncovered in 1940, and proved to 

contain not only a great amount of luxurious weapons 

and jewellery, but also a much greater variety of ceramics 

than in other cemeteries on Saaremaa (Mägi 

2002a, p.60ff). 

The harbour site was identified 50 metres northeast 

of the Rutiränk grave in 1999 (Mägi 2000), and excavated 

from 2004 to 2006 (Mägi 2006; 2007). Altogether, 

a 330-square-metre uncovered area was divided 

into six separate excavation plots, chosen in a manner 

that would enable an overview of the structure of the 

harbour site and the functioning of its different parts 

(Fig. 9). The total area where traces of human activity 

were detected was approximately 0.5 to 0.6 hectares, 

not counting the surrounding stone graves. 

In the southern part of the harbour site, the boundaries 

of small and light buildings were uncovered (Fig. 10; 

No 1). Similar remains of buildings have been found 

at several Estonian, Finnish and Scandinavian settlement 

sites (Westerdahl 1989, p.101ff, Fig. 70; Lavi 

2005; Norman 2009; Widerström 2009). The majority 

of these buildings had been erected in the traditional 

cross-beam technique, and the stone lines were apparently 

the stones crammed between the lower beams of 

the walls. In addition, a light building with a circular 

ground plan was uncovered, indicated by a circle of 

boulders and the remains of a hearth inside it. 

The buildings had been significantly rebuilt during the 

150 to 200-year period of use of the place. The houses 

were probably relatively small, and erected close to 

each other, which seems to have been caused by the 

limited construction space. As will be demonstrated 

later, the site was probably surrounded by some kind 

of fence. 

Although no ovens were uncovered inside the building 

remains at Viltina, two fireplaces with a deposit of 

cracked stones and a simple U-shaped fireplace built of 

stones and open on the top were detected. The absence 

of proper ovens implies that the houses were apparently 

needed only during the period when the weather 

was warmer. 

The find material in the area of the remains of the 

building was not very abundant, consisting of potsherds, 

animal bones and metal artefacts. There was a 

considerable number of iron nails and boat rivets, the 

first of them presumably indicating wooden buildings. 

The most remarkable collection of finds was made in 

an area of approximately six square metres, consisting 

of several dozen boat rivets, nails, rivet fragments and 

other pieces of iron artefacts, as well as an auger and an 

axe, together with unburnt and burnt bones. The place 

was interpreted as being the waste pile of a carpenter’s 

workshop. 

In excavation plot No 4, a stone construction was uncovered 

that could be interpreted as the land-based 

parts of two piers. In this part, the slope had been considerably 

steeper, leaving the impression that the former 

seashore had been formed artificially in this place. 

Another similar section of the slope that had been dug 

deeper, at a distance of 16 metres from the first one, 

implied that there had been more than two piers at the 

Viltina harbour site. 

In excavation No 4, two piers supported by posts had 

been built almost parallel with each other, at a distance 

of 4.2 metres, perpendicular to the coast (Fig. 11). 

The length of the piers to the one-time sea remains 

unknown; it might be suggested, however, that these 

buildings were repeatedly renovated. Single Viking 

Age and Late Iron Age potsherds and iron nails were 

gathered between the stones that lined the slope, indicating 

the use of the piers simultaneously with human 

activity in the surrounding area. 

Other excavations on the sloping area (Nos 2 and 6), as 

well as some constructions next to the piers’ remains, 

indicated that the edge of the former seashore was lined 


IV 

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LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 

173

MARIKA 

MÄGI 




Fig. 7. Wood impressions at Pälla, indicating the Late Prehistoric quay (photograph by M. Mägi). 

Fig. 8. Viltina and the surrounding cultural landscape today. 1 agricultural lands; 2 areas covered with buildings; 3 roads. 

174


IV 

PREHISTORIC 

LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 

Fig. 9. Archaeological excavations at the Viltina harbour site between 2004 and 2006. 

with a compound row of stones that resembled the foot 

of a stone wall. It might be suggested that a wooden 

barrier had been erected on top of the stone wall, perhaps 

surrounding the whole area of the harbour. 

An area next to the piers (Nos 4 and 5) had been deliberately 

cleared of stones, and consisted of hardtramped 

earth. The layer contained single potsherds, 

burnt and unburnt bones, some charcoal, and a few 

pieces of metal artefacts from the tenth to the 12th centuries. 

The area was interpreted as being a gathering 

place. Since the southern part of the harbour site had 

been densely covered by buildings, the need was obvious 

for an open place for meetings and other sorts of 

activities. The area directly next to the piers was the 

most suitable for this purpose. 

At harbour sites in Finland and Scandinavia, single 

burials directly inside harbour sites, as well as possibly 

sacrificed artefacts and sometimes even hoards, have 

been recorded (Lundström 1981, p.117ff; Carlsson 

1999; Edgren 1995). This was the case also at Viltina. 

A stony elevation situated on the western border of the 

harbour site proved to be a stone grave of the same type 

as Rutiränk. In one excavation there (No 3), a densely 

packed stone layer with cremated bone fragments, Late 

Iron Age metal finds and pottery were unearthed. The 

most remarkable finds were two 11th-century collec- 

175

MARIKA 

MÄGI 




Fig. 10. Building remains in excavation No 1 at Viltina (photograph by M. Mägi). 

176 

tions of finds, a set of female ornaments, and a set of 

weapons, the last found with a metal detector in 1999 

(Mägi 2000). Both sets consisted of artefacts typical 

of Saaremaa, and could be interpreted as cenotaphs, or 

additional offerings in a stone grave. 

In addition to the stone grave, four cremations were 

found in the excavated area of the Viltina harbour 

site. The cremations were located in the built area, or 

directly beside the buildings. As far as can be determined 

by the tenth to 11th-century molten metal artefacts, 

consisting mostly of a female’s jewellery, at least 

two of the cremations had probably belonged to local 

women. A single cremation, foreign to Saaremaa, was 

unearthed next to the foot of the wall lining the coastal 

slope. Burnt human bones had been placed in a clay 

vessel and covered with a flat stone. 

A comparison of the three case studies 

The archaeological evidence from the three sites described 

above differs in several important respects, 

apparently in accordance with the variable functions 

they had. Firstly, differences in the characters of the 

occupation layers strike the eye. Both Tornimäe and 

Pälla were characterised by an extensive 30 to 40-centimetre-thick 

cultural layer, while most of the area at 

Viltina was covered only with a very thin humus layer, 

and somewhat deeper dark soil occurred only in places. 

The find material was different as well. The activity 

layer at Tornimäe was rich in animal bones and fishbones. 

The number of animal remains was quite modest 

at Viltina and Pälla, while finds of fishbones were 

missing there altogether. At the same time, the natural 

conditions for preserving the bone material were similar 

at all these sites. It is, however, noteworthy that the 

soil at the Tornimäe site was mixed with ploughing and 

later occupation layers, implying that some of the animal 

bones there might have been from later centuries. 

The great number of fish and seal bones among the 

find material at Tornimäe suggests that the function of 

the site might also, among other things, have included 

fishing and seal-hunting. The extensive activity layer, 

however, indicates a much broader use than just as a 

simple fishing harbour. All the fishbones collected 

from Tornimäe belonged to freshwater species (Lõugas 

2008). Taking into account the generally frequent occurrence 

of domesticated animals’ bones at Tornimäe, 

it might be suggested that the fish simply formed part 

of the food for people who were active at the site. It


Fig. 11. Pier remains in excavation No 4 at Viltina (photograph by M. Mägi). 

does not necessarily indicate that the site was a special 

fishing harbour. 

Approximately the same correlation characterised the 

ceramic finds. The number of Viking Age potsherds 

unearthed at Tornimäe was considerable, probably 

witnessing the very extensive use of the site, at least 

seasonally. Remarkably fewer ceramics were found at 

Viltina and Pälla. Quite a large part of the potsherds 

found at Tornimäe and Viltina represented Viking 

Age fine ceramic bowls with smooth black surfaces, 

frequently carinated and decorated with lines. At 

Tornimäe, these finds had exact parallels with several 

potsherds at Pöide hill-fort, at a distance of 6.3 kilometres 

from the harbour site (Lõugas, Mägi-Lõugas 

1994). During its Viking Age occupation period, the 

hill-fort was presumably connected with the political 

elite of the district (Mägi 2002b), and parallels in the 

find material there and at Tornimäe probably point to 

the central importance of the harbour site, at least at a 

district level. The central position of Tornimäe is also 

underlined by the strategically favourable location on 

the highest point next to the Little Strait sailing route. 

However, neither were many potsherds of Viking Age 

fine ceramics found at Pälla. The rest of the Late Iron 

Age find material at Pälla consisted of fragments of 

iron and bronze artefacts that could not be dated. It 

is worth noting though, that although the Late Iron 

Age habitation layer at Pälla had been preserved intact, 

the excavated area there was much smaller than 

at Tornimäe or Viltina, which without doubt affects the 

amount and the content of the find material. 

A number of metal finds were collected from Tornimäe 

too, including some that might indicate handicrafts at 

the site (such as awls, semi-fabricated glass-beads and 

iron slag). Several finds at Viltina were also connected 

with handicrafts, but the most distinguishable feature 

of the Viltina find material, in comparison with the 

other two sites, as well as in most ‘ordinary’ dwelling 

sites, was the large amount of jewellery or accessories, 

including several precious metal items. In particular, a 

small collection of finds gathered in 1999 with a metal 

detector in the built area should be mentioned. It consisted 

of a piece of a silver pin, some weights, and Arab 

silver coins, and could be interpreted either as a small 

offering or a pouch lost or hidden in the buildings 

(Fig. 12). Several other small artefacts found in different 

parts of the Viltina site had not been exposed to fire, 

and thus apparently were derived from the settlement 

layer and not from a grave. These finds included the 

metal parts of belts and bridles that might have been 

accidentally lost (Fig. 13). 

The archaeological evidence at Viltina suggests that 

the site was used only seasonally and during short periods, 

which did not leave many archaeological traces. 

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178 

Fig. 12. Silver items and weights found at Viltina during the 

surface survey trip (photograph by M. Mägi). 

Fig. 13. Some artefacts found at Viltina 

(photograph by M. Mägi). 

People who were active there seem, on the other hand, 

to have had a higher-than-average social status. 

Another feature differentiating Viltina and Tornimäe 

from ordinary settlement sites was the large number 

of rivets, including boat rivets, and iron nails. In Pälla, 

boat rivets were absent, which, however, might again 

be explained by the relatively small size of the excavation 

that contained the Prehistoric layer there. In Viltina, 

approximately 200 iron rivets and nails, or pieces 

of them, were gathered, including over 100 possible 

boat rivets. Nails at Viltina were more numerous in 

areas with light wooden buildings and near the piers 

on the slope. Presumed boat rivets were also primarily 

gathered from the built areas, and to some extent from 

elsewhere. 

Differences are also obvious when we take a closer 

look at the cultural landscapes surrounding these three 

sites. Harbour and trade centres at a regional or a higher 

level are often indicated by cemeteries in the vicinity, 

which frequently contain some graves distinct from 

local burials. There is data of some inhumation burials 

with artefacts, unfamiliar for Viking Age Saaremaa, 

found at the site of the present cemetery less than one 

kilometre from the Viking Age harbour at Tornimäe. 

Unfortunately, these finds were not described properly 

(Saaremaa ja Muhu 1924, p.102). Some stone 

cemeteries, now demolished, have been recorded at 

a distance of one to two kilometres from Tornimäe. 

They might, however, also mark settlement units in the 

surroundings in the middle of arable land. The same 

is true for Pälla, where stone cemeteries can be found 

some distance away around the later church and manors. 

No stone grave has been recorded in the vicinity 

of the Pälla site. 

The situation is quite different around Viltina, where 

it is possible to talk about a concentration of stone 

graves close to and even inside the harbour site, although 

there is little and not particularly fertile arable 

land in the vicinity. The abundance of graves in the, at 

first sight, marginal area also characterises Kurevere 

and Mäla on the Estonian islands (Mägi 2004). The 

abundance of burial places at Viltina, some of them 

with foreign features, seems to indicate the ritual significance 

of the place. It is possible that there really 

were only three Late Iron Age sites of this sort on the 

islands of Saaremaa and Muhu, Viltina, Kurevere and 

Mäla, which were all situated in spots that were easily 

accessible by sea, but somewhat away from agrarian 

settlement centres. 

The location of Viltina on an agrarian and political 

periphery hardly enables us to suggest that the site 

functioned as a trading place, even though some transactions 

might have taken place there. Neither does the 

location make it suitable as a reloading place. The find 

material, which includes luxurious items connected 

with both men and women, does not support the possibility 

of it being a military harbour. The possibility 

of it being a fishing harbour is excluded by the total 

absence of fishbones, as well as by the abundance of 

prestigious artefacts among the find material. The archaeological 

evidence at Viltina altogether resembles 

that from Hiitis in the south of the Finnish archipelago, 

which can be interpreted as a site of ritual significance, 

while it also functioned as a harbour for ships sailing 

along the international trade route from Sweden to Tallinn 

(Edgren 1995). 

So the most likely interpretation of the Viltina harbour 

site is that we are dealing with a specific place for ritual 

assemblages, where people gathered perhaps only 

once a year for some weeks. Such Late Prehistoric assemblages 

(kärajad) were the Estonian equivalent of 

Scandinavian ting. This way, Viltina can, for instance, 

be compared with the Alting-place on Iceland, which 

is known from Scandinavian sagas (for example, the 

story of Burnt Njall, http://www.sagadb.org/brennu-

njals_saga.en). Landowners, or their representatives 

and their retainers, gathered for an Alting once a year 

for two or three weeks in order to discuss judicial proceedings, 

to make agreements and marriages, and to 

conduct rituals. Both men and women gathered there, 

and visitors had their own light buildings, which were 

used only during the Alting. 

The functions of Tornimäe and Pälla seem to be much 

more practical. All aspects point to Tornimäe as being 

the most important of the two. Its importance is indicated 

by the much larger area of the site, the more extensive 

character of the cultural layer, and the location in 

the vicinity of political centres. The cultural layer suggests 

that the place was in use for a much longer period 

every year than Viltina, presumably during the whole 

navigable season, that is, for about seven months. In 

this time, Tornimäe was probably inhabited by people 

who looked after ships and sailors that landed there. 

The buildings in the harbour site are attributed to this 

purpose. There were probably also jetties or piers, although 

the remains of these have not yet been found. 

The visitors to the site arrived predominantly from 

Saaremaa and the surrounding shores of the Baltic Sea, 

but from time to time vessels from further away might 

also have landed. 

Although visitors to Tornimäe harbour surely also 

traded with locals, it is hard to imagine the site as an 

international trading centre. There probably existed 

hundreds of similar harbour sites on the Late Prehistoric 

coasts of the Baltic Sea, some of them smaller, 

some bigger, and all of them ‘invisible’ in written 

sources. Only a few of them were important from the 

point of view of international trade, and can therefore 

be considered as nodal points. Søren Sindbæk has connected 

the location of nodal points with natural barriers 

on trading routes, where goods needed to be reloaded, 

or where it needed different skills to sail further. Regionally 

central harbour sites, on the other hand, were 

characterised by accessibility and a proper hinterland 

(Sindbæk 2009a; 2009b). 

Viking Age Tornimäe was probably the most attractive 

harbour site for eastern Saaremaa and the island 

of Muhu. It was easily accessible, well protected topographically, 

and situated in a place that must have 

provided a perfect view over sailing routes. The Little 

Strait, which at present is not navigable any more due 

to the upheaval of the land mass, might have been a 

much used water route in Prehistory and in the first part 

of the Middle Ages, according to several archaeological 

monuments on both sides of it. The eastern part of 

Saaremaa, the most likely hinterland for Tornimäe, is 

also the most fertile part of the island. The size of the 

Pöide hill-fort, the biggest Viking Age fortification on 

the island, is in correlation with the arable lands. The 

elite residing in the hill-fort presumably controlled the 

harbour at Tornimäe: that is, they guaranteed the safety 

of visiting ships, and in return collected tolls from 

them. 

Carlsson has demonstrated how, from about 50 smaller 

landing places on Gotland, only six had developed into 

district harbours by the Viking Age (Carlsson 1998). 

Although connected with trade, somewhat surprisingly, 

most of the sites were characterised by a lack or a 

shortage of finds directly associated with trade, such as 

scales and weights, coins or imported items (Carlsson 

1991; for the phenomenon in other areas, see Ulriksen 

1998, pp. 113-142; Sindbæk 2009b). The same characterised 

Tornimäe, which can be considered a Viking 

Age centre of regional trade. 

The Late Prehistoric river harbour at Pälla seems to 

have had a more local importance. Firstly, its area 

was less than a tenth that of Tornimäe. The scarcity 

of ceramics and animal bones suggests that people inhabited 

the site for a shorter period each year than at 

Tornimäe, or that not so much activity was carried out 

there. The lack of political centres in the vicinity might 

have made Pälla less attractive than Tornimäe to overseas 

visitors. Whether there were also buildings at Late 

Prehistoric Pälla is not known, because of the small 

extent of the excavations there. 

It is possible that the river harbour was mainly used 

by local settlement units for exporting their agricultural 

products or other goods. Still, other functions 

were also possible. For instance, the site might have 

functioned as a military harbour, where ships from the 

surrounding areas gathered to sail on plundering raids 

or for other military actions. The sheltered location in 

the lower reaches of the River Ristioja, some distance 

from settlements, was suitable for a smaller military 

harbour of a more or less local character. Harbours that 

were meant for the organised gathering of ships with 

the objective of land defence, like the ledung harbours 

in Scandinavia, were probably situated closer to political 

centres, if they differed from ‘ordinary’ harbours at 

all (Westerdahl 1989, pp.246-258). 

Further development 

The subsequent development of the sites was in accordance 

with the different functions of the harbours. 

Tornimäe also later remained a regional centre. In the 

11th century, when the activity at the Pöide hill-fort 

stopped for the following 100 to 150 years, the Viking 

Age harbour site at Tornimäe was abandoned as well. 

This was, among other reasons, probably caused by 


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MARIKA 

MÄGI 

180 

land transformation processes, which made the location 

too difficult to approach by ship. At approximately 

the same time, the Muhu hill-fort was founded on the 

opposite shore of the Little Strait, which became the 

political centre of the enlarged district. Next to it, another 

harbour site has been recorded (Mägi 2002b). 

The hill-fort at Pöide was rebuilt and put into use again 

in the 12th century, when it probably functioned as a 

trading centre. It can be presumed that its harbour site 

was still situated at Tornimäe, but now in another location 

closer to the present coastline. The hill-fort was 

finally abandoned in the 14th century. Some time in 

the Middle Ages, the Uuemõisa (Neuenhof) manor, a 

collecting-point for tax in kind for the Livonian Order, 

was founded in the middle of arable lands at a distance 

of about one kilometre from Tornimäe. The taxes were 

exported through Tornimäe, where the remains of the 

Medieval harbour may yet be found 800 metres north 

of the Viking Age harbour site, next to a still-visible 

stone jetty. Brick fragments found at Tornimäe also 

suggest that some buildings were situated there during 

the Medieval period. 

By the 17th century at the latest, the harbour at Tornimäe 

was abandoned: the sea around it was too shallow, 

and the Little Strait was not navigable by larger 

vessels. On land survey maps from the 17th to the mid- 

19th century, the area of the former harbour site is only 

marked by bare fields. In the middle of the 19th century, 

a Russian Orthodox church was erected right in 

the middle of the Viking Age harbour site, and a small 

village gradually developed around it. At the present 

time, Tornimäe is the centre of the Pöide municipality. 

The river harbour at Pälla was abandoned in the 14th 

century at the latest. The site was situated among 

marshy forests, some distance away from settlements, 

and no human activity could be recorded there until 

the last decades of the 16th century. At the time a stone 

house with outbuildings was erected in the place of the 

old river harbour, probably by the owner of the Tõlluste 

manor house, at a distance of 6.5 kilometres from 

Pälla. 

The building of a small stone manor could have been 

inspired by resistance by some local vassals against 

the Danish king, or by the need for protection against 

rebellious peasants or marauders that were common 

in these times of unrest. Its location on the bank of a 

small river, however, implies that the foundations of 

the building complex might have been inspired by attempts 

to fortify the manor harbour for exporting local 

agricultural products. 

The buildings had been abandoned by the beginning 

of the 18th century at the latest, when the importance 

of manor harbours had diminished. At present, Pälla 

is just ruins, covered with trees and bushes in a forest 

outside the cultivated area. 

The fate of Viltina resembles that of Pälla. After the 

site was abandoned in the early 13th century at the latest, 

its area remained unused, except for some limited 

agricultural activity in a part of it. The conversion to 

Christianity, as well as the changed political system 

that characterised 13th-century Saaremaa, excluded 

the use of assembly places like Viltina. In the Modern 

period, the hamlet of Viltina developed around the old 

harbour site, which is now marked by a few summer 

houses. The Viking Age harbour site is just a bushy 

area next to a wetland. 

Conclusions 

The three case studies demonstrate differences in 

Viking Age harbour sites, as is indicated by their archaeological 

evidence, and by their locations on the 

cultural landscape. Tornimäe could be interpreted as a 

central harbour at a district level. Pälla functioned as 

a trading or military harbour for a more limited area. 

Viltina was partly a ritual, partly a secular assembly 

site, probably serving several political districts. This 

way, the case studies probably represent three possible 

harbour types that were widespread on the Baltic Sea 

in the Viking Age. Although the importance of such 

sites in the everyday life of Viking Age people is hard 

to underestimate, harbour sites of a local or a regional 

character have remained generally invisible in written 

sources, and their localisation on the cultural landscape 

demands a special attitude in archaeological research. 


The research on Saaremaa was conducted, and this article 

written, with the support of grant No 6998 from 

the Estonian Science Foundation. 

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Received: 30 October 2010; Revised: 20 November 2010; 

Accepted: 28 December 2010 

Marika Mägi 

Institute of History 

Tallinn University, Rüütli 6 

Tallinn 10130, Estonia 

E-mail: marika.magi@mail.ee. 


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PREKYBA, KARAS IR 

ĮVAIRIOS SAAREMAA UOSTŲ 

GYVENVIETĖS VĖLYVAISIAIS 

PRIEŠISTORĖS LAIKAIS 

MARIKA MÄGI 

Santrauka 

2003 m. pradėti intensyvūs Saaremaa pakrančių gyvenviečių 

struktūros tyrimai, kurie glaudžiai susiję 

su jūrine veikla, taip pat su vėlyvosios priešistorės ir 

ankstyvųjų viduramžių uostų gyvenviečių išsidėstymu 

(1 pav.). Šiame straipsnyje analizuojamos trys uostus 

turinčios gyvenvietės, kurios reprezentuoja skirtingus 

Baltijos jūros regione uostus turinčius gyvenviečių tipus 

tiek lokaliniu, tiek regioniniu lygmenimis. 

Vikingų laikotarpio Tornimäe gyvenvietė yra rytiniame 

Saaremaa salos gale (2 pav.). Ji buvo tyrinėta 1963, 

1968 ir 2004 m. (3 pav.). Prieš 1000–1200 metų tyrinėjamas 

plotas buvo gerai matomoje vietoje, virš pagrindinės 

Mažojo sąsiaurio dalies. Tyrimų metu buvo 

atkastos menamų statinių liekanos, bet be krosnių. Didžiąją 

dalį radinių sudarė keramika (4 pav., žr. įkliją 

VI), bronziniai papuošalai, pavieniai ginklai, stiklo 

karoliai, kaulinių dirbinių fragmentai ir keletas valčių. 

Pälla gyvenvietė yra pietinėje Saaremaa salos dalyje, 

netoli Püha bažnyčios, prie Ristioja upelio, 900 m 

nuo dabartinio jūros kranto (5 pav.). Šios gyvenvietės 

tyrinėjimai vyko 2004–2007 m. (6 pav.). Čia buvo 

rasti XVI–XVII a. pastatų kompleksai, po kuriais aptiktas 

intensyvus vėlyvojo geležies amžiaus kultūrinis 

sluoksnis. Gyvenvietės vieta, esanti toli nuo ariamų 

laukų, rodo, kad čia būta ne paprastos, o uosto tipo gyvenvietės. 

Radiokarboniniu 14C metodu nustatyta, kad 

ankstyvieji gyvenvietės sluoksniai priklauso vėlyvajam 

geležies amžiui, o viršutiniai – XIV a. Pagrindinės 

uosto krantinės buvo upės pakrantėje (7 pav.). Didžiąją 

dalį radinių sudarė gyvulių osteologinė medžiaga ir 

puodų šukės bei keli metaliniai dirbiniai. 

Šiuo metu Viltina gyvenvietė yra pietinėje Saaremaa 

salos pakrantėje, 600–800 m nuo dabartinio jūros kranto 

(8 pav.). Vėlyvojo vikingų laikotarpio uosto tipo gyvenvietė 

čia aptikta 1999 m. ir tyrinėta 2004–2006 m. 

Tirtas 330 m 2 plotas buvo suskirstytas į 6 mažesnius 

atskirus plotus (9 pav.). Pietinėje gyvenvietės dalyje 

buvo atidengtos statinių liekanos. Nedideli pastatai 

stovėjo vienas greta kito (10 pav.). Kultūriniame 

sluoksnyje aptikta puodų šukių, gyvulių kaulų ir metalinių 

dirbinių, įskaitant ir geležines vinis bei laivų 

kniedes. Jūros kranto atšlaitėje buvo atidengtos čia 

stovėjusių akmeninių pastatų liekanos ir dvi prieplaukos 

(11 pav.). Susirinkimų ir ūkinės veiklos zona buvo 

netoli prieplaukų, spėjama, kad gyvenvietė buvo aptverta 

akmenine siena su medine užtvara virš jos. Statinių 

areale dešiniau nuo uosto gyvenvietės buvo aptikta 

keletas palaidojimų ir iš akmenų sukrautas kapas. 

Visos trys gyvenvietės skiriasi keletu aspektų, ypač 

funkcine priklausomybe. Tornimäe gyvenvietės kultūrinis 

sluoksnis buvo intensyviausias, jame aptikta daug 

gyvulių ir žuvų kaulų. Viltina gyvenvietės kultūrinis 

sluoksnis buvo plonas, o kai kur jo visai nebuvo. Gyvulių 

kaulų ir keramikos Viltina ir Pälla gyvenvietėse 

aptikta apylygiai. Viltina gyvenvietėje, skirtingai nei 

kitose dviejose, aptikta juvelyrinių dirbinių ir keletas 

vertingų metalų dirbinių (12–13 pav.). Visų trijų gyvenviečių 

gamtinė aplinka skirtinga. 

Viltina uosto gyvenvietėje aptikta teritorija, kurioje 

kasmet po keletą savaičių galėjo būti atliekamos ritualinės 

apeigos. Tornimäe ir Pälla gyvenviečių paskirtis 

daugiausia buvo praktinė. Tornimäe aptiktas kultūrinis 

sluoksnis rodo, kad čia ūkinė veikla buvo intensyvesnė 

nei Viltina uosto gyvenvietėje ir vyko ilgesnį laiką, 

matyt, visą laivų navigacijos laikotarpį. Galima manyti, 

kad gyvenvietės buvo ir tarptautiniai prekybos 

centrai. Ypač tai akivaizdu Tornimäe gyvenvietėje, kur 

vikingų laikotarpiu galėjo plėtotis regioninė prekyba. 

Pälla uosto tipo gyvenvietė buvo labiau vietinės reikšmės 

ir galėjo būti karinis arba žemės ūkio produkciją 

eksportuojantis uostas. 

Vėlesnė šių gyvenviečių raida funkciniu požiūriu buvo 

skirtinga. Tornimäe gyvenvietė ir vėliau išliko regiono 

centru. Pälla upės tipo uostas vėliau, jau XIV a., 

buvo apleistas, bet naujaisiais laikais, netoli pastačius 

dvarvietę, vėl atgijo. Viltina gyvenvietė XIII a. buvo 

apleista. 

Vertė Algirdas Girininkas

KODAVERE PARISH BY LAKE PEIPUS: 

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CULTURAL 

LANDSCAPE DURING THE IRON AGE 

KRISTA KARRO 

Abstract 

This article concentrates on an analysis of an ancient lakeside landscape: how a big inland lake in Estonia (Lake Peipus in 

eastern Estonia) has affected the development of the settlement on its shores (the example of Kodavere parish). The lake is 

part of a landscape with different layers, some of them are mental, some are physical. The article tries to define the landscape 

and its layers, and to use the most suitable layer to describe a prehistoric lakeside landscape in Estonia. 

Key words: Lake Peipus, lakeside landscape, landing place, harbour site, settlement district, settlement area, settlement unit. 


Introduction 

This article deals with an Iron Age landscape of a lakeside 

area. The main question is the possibility of comparing 

it with a maritime landscape: the similarities 

and differences in natural and cultural processes of a 

coastal area and coastline. The basis of this analysis are 

the studies by Marika Mägi in Estonian maritime landscapes 

(Mägi 2002a; 2004; 2007), which rely on the 

earlier research of Scandinavian archaeologists (see, 

for example, Carlsson 1991). 

Areas by large lakes have not been discussed separately 

in Estonian archaeology. Some articles have been 

written with a phenomenological approach on the ancient 

settlement around Lake Kahala in northern Estonia 

(Vedru 1997a; 1997b; 1999), but Kahala is a small 

lake, and this gives it an entirely different role in the 

ancient landscape connected to it. Some studies (Veski, 

Lang 1996; Saarse et al. 1996) have been written on 

the prehistoric settlement in the Lake Maardu area, 

but this is also a small lake compared to Lake Peipus. 

More has been written about maritime landscapes (Vedru 

2001; Mägi 2002a; 2004; 2007). 

Kodavere parish has not been studied from the point of 

view of landscape archaeology before (except the author’s 

research, in Karro 2008; 2010). The coastal areas 

of Lake Peipus have not been observed from such a 

point of view before either. Therefore, this article is the 

first attempt to see the Kodavere parish area as a settlement 

district connected to Lake Peipus, thus forming 

an ancient lakeside landscape. 

Layers of landscape 

Firstly, let us explain what is meant in this article by 

landscape, and what part of it has been used in the discussion. 

Archaeologists have a tendency to consider 

landscape to be a stage on which people have made 

changes over the course of time. They usually categorise 

a landscape by dividing it into burial places, 

settlement sites, hill-forts, etc. For ancient people, 

a landscape was not just an assemblage of static objects; 

it was connected with natural conditions, social 

relations and religious symbols (Gosden, Lock 1998). 

Therefore, a landscape is not merely a stage for human 

activity, but a much larger system, consisting of different 

parts, or layers. It is not only natural and cultural, 

but a system where natural, cognitive and temporal 

components are connected (Palang 2001). Landscape 

does not exist in such a form outside the human mind 

(Vedru 2002). So a landscape is a system created by the 

people living in it, consisting of places connected by 

paths, roads and stories (Tilley 1994). 

Some of these layers of the system are only present in 

the minds of the people inhabiting a certain area. They 

can be discussed separately, but must be bound in a 

unified system in order to analyse a certain geographical 

area. 

First is the natural layer of a landscape. This consists of 

the morphological and geological features of the landscape 

(negative and positive land forms, soils) (Arold 

et al. 1987; Arold 2005), and also climatic conditions. 

The natural layer influences land use systems and types 

of economic activity (Aston 1985; Lang 2000). 

IV 

PREHISTORIC 

LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 

183

Kodavere Parish by Lake 

Peipus: The Development 

of the Cultural Landscape 

During the Iron Age 

KRISTA 

KARRO 

184 

A landscape has cultural layers that consist of different 

physical features on a landscape created by people. 

All archaeological remains, objects and artefacts, are 

parts of this cultural layer. All physical changes to a 

natural landscape that are made by people can therefore 

be called cultural: the erection of dams on rivers 

and the formation of new lakes, changing the course 

of rivers, piling up hills for different purposes, etc. So 

cultural layers are closely connected with the natural 

layer described above, because the natural features of 

the landscape affect the settlement logic (Aston 1985). 

A landscape has mental layers, which also influence 

the cultural layer and bring about changes in both the 

cultural and natural layers. Mental layers are basically 

the cognition of a landscape by the people living in it. 

As has been said, in practice it is difficult to see this 

apart from the formerly described natural and cultural 

layers; but in theory it can be taken as a different aspect 

of the landscape’s formation. 

Important features of the mental layer are place names, 

which turn something physical and geographical into 

something historical and social (Tilley 1994). This is 

the way people can give cognitive meanings to physical 

locations, and change them into places. In time, 

these places will be connected by paths and stories. So 

a very important part of a mental layer is the identity of 

place, which forms when people live in one place for 

several years and generations (Hernandés et al. 2007). 

Religious symbolism is also a vital part of the mental 

layer of a landscape. Together with social relations, it 

helps to form a part of the cultural layer, physical sacred 

places in the landscape. It can also result in special 

meanings being given to important natural places. 

This might lead to altering a place physically, by building, 

painting or carving something there. This is how a 

place can be given new meanings and functions (Bradley 

2000). 

The most relevant layer of a landscape for this article 

is the spatial layer. This is closely connected to all the 

other layers described above. We might consider the 

spatial layer as a part of the cultural layer, because it 

is formed by the human mind, or as a part of the natural 

layer, because it depends on the morphological and 

geological features of the landscape. For the sake of 

clarity, the spatial layer is considered to be a separate 

aspect of a landscape, because it represents the differentiation 

of geographical areas. The basis of this differentiation 

can be geographical or geological (Arold 

2005), but also cultural (for example, hill-fort districts 

in Lang 2002), or even both (Lang 1996; 2002). Such 

a differentiation is in people’s minds; therefore, it cannot 

totally be considered a part of the natural or the 

cultural layer. As it involves a great deal of geography 

and geology, it cannot be taken as wholly cultural or 

mental either. 

Finally, a landscape has a temporal dimension that 

comprises all the above-mentioned layers. Natural, 

cultural and mental layers change in time, by forming 

a unity at a certain moment (Vedru 2009, p.22). 

Case study: Kodavere parish 

as an ancient lakeside landscape 

A lakeside landscape can be defined as a landscape that 

is connected with a nearby lake at the level of all the 

above-mentioned layers. This article focuses on the 

spatial layer of the Kodavere parish’s Iron Age landscape 

(in this article, periodisation system proposed by 

Lang & Kriiska 2001 is used) 1 . 

A parish as a territory, with its name(s) and geographical 

span, either ancient or medieval (for the ancient and 

historic name, and the territorial belonging of an area, 

see Tarvel 1968; Roslavlev 1970; Lang 2007a, p.275; 

Roslavlev, Salo 2007), is part of the spatial layer of 

an area. 2 Lang (2002) has defined an ancient parish as 

a geographically separated larger settlement unit that 

is isolated from neighbouring settlement units by uninhabitable 

areas, and inhabited by people who share 

a common tribal origin. The author of this article has 

no reason not to agree with this definition. The ancient 

Kodavere parish can be considered as a separate settlement 

district that has been divided into settlement areas 

and settlement units, which are connected with the 

large lake nearby. Settlement units are a historical form 

of people’s living together, established as a result of the 

social and economic development of the society (farms 

and villages). Settlement units form settlement areas, 

which are parts of a geographical area, which, being 

suitable for agricultural activity, are culturalised by 

people. Settlement districts are defined the same way 

as settlement areas, but they are geographically larger 

(Lang 1996, p.604). It is likely, though, that settlement 

units and settlement areas are not only geographical 

constructions, but are formed in local people’s minds. 

Therefore, it can also be said that a settlement area 

is an area of the cognitive span of the local people, 

a cluster of villages with inhabitants who have closer 

relations with each other, and who may, for example, 

use the same sacred place for rituals. The borders of a 

1 

Early Iron Age: Pre-Roman (500 BC to 50 AD) and Roman 

(50–450 AD) periods; Middle Iron Age: Migration (450– 

600 AD) and Pre-Viking (600–800 AD) periods; Late Iron 

Age: Viking period (800–1050 AD) and the Latest Iron 

Age (1050– 208). 

2 

From the point of view of another layer, a parish can be 

part of a mental and a cultural layer, but this is a topic for 

another discussion.


Fig. 1. Kodavere parish (base map by the Estonian Land Board, drawn by K. Karro). 

settlement area form in inhabitants’ minds as the furthest 

places they still ‘know’. This is why a settlement 

area cannot be considered wholly geographical, or the 

spatial layer entirely physical (see above). 

Natural features of the landscape 

in the Kodavere settlement district 

The Kodavere parish (Figs. 1; 2) lies geographically in 

a landscape region called the Ugandi plateau. It reaches 

from Omedu to Kallaste in the north, and has been 

cut in two by the basin of the River Emajõgi in the 

south. The plateau area continues in southeast Estonia. 

The Alatskivi settlement area has the greatest absolute 

heights of the settlement district (45 to 69 m above sea 

level). The natural landscape formed there through the 

drumlinisation process during the regression of the glaciers 

(Karukäpp, Raukas 1999; Hang 2001; Karukäpp 

2008). 

The agricultural land in the Kodavere parish consists 

of heavy clayey podzols (for the character of the land 

by Lake Peipus, see Karukäpp 2008). Palynological investigations 

have been carried out in southeast Estonia, 

where the soils are of the same type (for example, in 

Ala-Pika; Kihno, Valk 1999). Investigations have not 

been carried out in the Kodavere parish area, but due to 

other cultural similarities (Ligi, Valk 1993; Lavi 1999; 

2002; Leimus, Kiudsoo 2004; Kiudsoo 2005; Laul 

2009), it can be assumed that the development of agriculture 

might be comparable. Climatic analyses among 

others from the Männikjärve bog and lakes Prossa and 

Raigastvere in eastern Estonia relate to the formerly 

presented results from Ala-Pika (Sillasoo et al. 2009). 

The soils differ from the lowland soils north and south 

of Kodavere parish, and are classified as moderately 

cultivatable soils in Estonia (Karukäpp, Raukas 1999; 

Maa-Amet 2001). Drainage was carried out in the Kodavere 

parish during the Soviet era; therefore, the soils 

and the face of the natural landscape have changed 

quite a lot. The best soils for agriculture seem to lie in 

the Alatskivi settlement area (Fig. 3), but quite suitable 

soils for cultivation reach quite close to Lake Peipus in 

the Ranna settlement area too (Fig. 4). 

There are many small inland water bodies (lakes and 

creeks) belonging to the Peipus basin in the Kodavere 

parish as well. Prehistoric settlement areas and settlement 

units were probably connected with them. As the 

ancient settlement units have not shifted compared to 

villages on the 17th-century map or the contemporary 

map, it can be said that settlement has continued on 

islets of suitable agricultural land. The continuity is 

probably a result of the fact that the Kodavere parish 

area has been a periphery area of Estonia throughout 

historical times. The most radical natural changes in 

the landscape probably took place during the Soviet 

period. 

The coastline of the west shore of Lake Peipus (Fig. 2) 

is quite straight, although it has some suitable places 

for landing. The bottom of Lake Peipus is the steepest 

by the Kodavere settlement unit, but the best landing 

place is probably in Lake Lahepera, which is a former 

bay of Lake Peipus (Mäemets 1977). The water 

is quite shallow in the estuary of the River Lahe, connecting 

contemporary Lake Lahepera to Lake Peipus. 

The water level of Lake Peipus has been rising since 

the beginning of the Holocene (for the changes to the 

water level, see Rosentau 2006, p.32), but it is still very 

IV 

PREHISTORIC 

LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 

185

KRISTA 

KARRO 





Fig. 2. The shoreline and bottom relief of Lake Peipus (Raukas 2008, p.95). 

186 

changeable, and can fluctuate by up to three metres a 

year (Tavast 2008). Therefore, the coastal villages 

have been affected by it over time, and this gives us 

reason to believe the same for the prehistoric period. 

According to contemporary inhabitants, the lake has 

been a great source of food and an easy way to travel, 

but its unpredictability can make the lives of the people 

on its shores quite difficult. 

The clash of cultures by Lake Peipus 

Kodavere parish is an area where both the cultures of 

barrows and stone graves spread during different periods 

of the Iron Age. Influences from the coastal and 

central areas of Estonia (stone grave culture) reached 

the west shore of Lake Peipus, and influences from 

southeast Estonia and the eastern shore of Lake Peipus 

(barrow culture) reached the parts of Kodavere parish 

furthest from Lake Peipus. There are archaeological 

remains of these different cultural groups in the Kodavere 

parish area. The distinctive remains of the two archaeological 

cultures have clustered in different parts 

of the Kodavere parish area, according to the natural 

landscape type that these kinds of burial places are 

more characteristic of (see below). 

Massive and distinguishable constructions of stones 

were erected in Estonia not only in the Iron Age, but 

already in the second half of the Bronze Age (for the 

stone graves of Estonia, see Lõugas 1975; Lang 1993; 

1996; 2007a; 2007b; Laul 2001; Mägi 2005; for Bronze 

Age burial sites in Estonia, see Lang 1996, p.290ff; 

2007b). Neither Bronze Age nor Pre-Roman Iron Age 

stone graves have been found in Kodavere parish or 

inland Estonia; therefore, it is believed (Lang 1999)


Fig. 3. The Alatskivi, Kokora and Nõva-Vea settlement areas (base map by the Estonian Land Board, drawn by K. Karro). 

that stone graves, as well as being noticeable landscape 

markers, were built to establish the ownership of agricultural 

land. Therefore, according to palynological 

evidence from inland lakes (for the example of Ala- 

Pika, see Kihno, Valk 1999) and the absence of early 

stone graves in inland Estonia, it has been stated that 

agriculture spread more widely (when the establishment 

of agricultural land had become necessary) in 

inland Estonia from the Early Iron Age (Kihno, Valk 

1999; Lang 1999). It is probable, though, that monumental 

stone graves were not only built for the establishment 

of agricultural land, but for the establishment 

of power over roads and nodal points, especially waterways 

(Mägi 2004; 2007). Therefore, the stone graves 

and Late Iron Age cemeteries of Kodavere could be 

considered parts of a settlement pattern influenced by a 

waterway of Lake Peipus. Lake Peipus was probably a 

waterway connecting the Kodavere settlement district 

with nearer areas (southeast Estonia, northeast Estonia, 

the eastern coast of Lake Peipus), and maybe even with 

some more distant areas (Scandinavia?). 

Two stone graves in Kodavere parish have been more 

thoroughly studied: Alasoo and Lahepera (AI 4584, 

4976, 4977). 3 They are not traditional tarand-graves as 

can be found in the northern part of Estonia (Lõugas 

1975; Lang 1996, p.148ff; 2007a, pp.126-148; Mägi 

2005), or in southeast Estonia (Laul 2001, pp.31-86). 

According to the artefacts, they were both erected in 

the second or third century AD. The Lahepera grave 

was put to use again in the Late Iron Age (for the results 

of the excavations of the Lahepera grave, see 

3 

Artefacts from this and other archaeological objects 

mentioned in the article are stored at Tallinn Institute of 

History, under the numbers in brackets. 

Lavi 1977; 1978; Karro 2008), but it is probable that 

the grave at Alasoo was not used any more after the 

Middle Iron Age. The Alasoo grave has not been well 

enough preserved to make any definite assumptions: 

only a small part of it has been excavated in the course 

of rescue excavations, and the grave had been spoilt 

before already (for the results of the Alasoo grave excavations, 

see Aun 1972; Karro 2008). 

There were probably more stone graves along the west 

coast of Lake Peipus, but they have not officially been 

discovered or preserved. Some can be assumed according 

to oral folk tradition and the landscape situation. 

In the Late Iron Age, the burial tradition changed: the 

tradition of inhumation burials was used from the 11th 

century onwards (Mägi-Lõugas 1995). Such cemeteries 

have been discovered in the Kodavere parish area 

in Lahepera (AI 4978), around the earlier stone grave, 

and Raatvere (AI 4717, 4858, 5087, 5295), close to an 

iron smelting site (AI 4717, 4858). The dead started to 

be buried here from the 11th century (Lavi 1983; 1999; 

Lavi, Peets 1985). Earlier cemeteries of such a character 

have been found at Zalahtovye on the east coast 

of Lake Peipus (Hvoshtshinskaia 2009) and the north 

coast of Estonia (Mägi-Lõugas 1995). 

The east coast of Lake Peipus provides an entirely different 

archaeological picture. The culture of barrows 

(long and round barrows, and the sopka) spread in this 

area from the Middle Iron Age (Popov 2009c). Mostly 

settlement sites and hill-forts of the Early Iron Age 

have been studied on the eastern shore of Lake Peipus, 

and no burial places have been discovered from 

that period (Popov 2009b). The culture of long barrows 

also reached southeast Estonia and some parts of 

IV 

PREHISTORIC 

LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 

187

KRISTA 

KARRO 





Fig. 4. The Ranna settlement area (base map by the Estonian Land Board, drawn by K. Karro). 

eastern Estonia (the west edge of the Kodavere parish 

area) (for long and round barrows in Estonia, see Aun 

2002; 2009). Late Iron Age barrows spread mostly on 

the north coast of Lake Peipus (Ligi 1993). 

It is not certain which period the barrows of Kodavere 

parish originate from. They could have been erected 

in the Middle Iron Age, but also later. The small-scale 

excavations in the 1930s, 1950s and 1960s do not provide 

enough information on the dating of the Kodavere 

barrows, because the amount of grave goods was too 

scarce and undatable, and no bones were found, other 

than some probable inhumation burials from the Christian 

period (for the results, see Selirand 1993; Vassar 

1936; 1937). It has also been said that the barrows and 

the stone graves of southeast and eastern Estonia do 

not have many differences (Aun 2002). 

A unifying cultural characteristic on the eastern and 

western coasts of Lake Peipus and in southeast Estonia 

is the type of pottery: textile ceramics. This is a 

distinctive ceramics type of the inland cultural area, 

which had probably already started to spread at the end 

of the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age, from the 

East European forest zone to Häme in Finland, Estonia 

and northern Latvia (Laul 2009). This type of ceramics 

has been found at some settlement sites and at the Kalevipoja 

säng hill-fort in the Kodavere parish area, too. 

There is evidence of brushed pottery at these settlement 

sites as well (Lang 1996, p.140ff; 2007a, p.96ff, 

p.153ff). 

The spatial division of the Kodavere 

settlement district 

According to Lang’s theory and the natural and cultural 

features of the landscape, the Kodavere settlement district 

can be divided into four or five settlement areas: 

the Alatskivi-(Kokora), Ranna, Pala and Nõva-Vea settlement 

areas (Figs. 1; 2). The physical and cognitive 

border between the Alatskivi and Kokora settlement 

districts seems to be unclear, but the cultural features 

of some periods are too different to consider them to be 

one settlement area. It is possible that they were separate 

settlement areas during some periods of the Iron 

Age. 

The settlement areas of Alatskivi-(Kokora) and Ranna 

are important from the point of view of the ancient 

lakeside landscape; therefore, only these two (or three) 

will be described and discussed below. 

The earliest map of the area dates from the 17th century 

(Anon. 1684). Comparing this with later maps (from 

the 19th century, the beginning of the 20th century, and 

the present day) reveals the changes in the natural landscape 

that have taken place over the last four centuries. 

In order to ascertain the possible general appearance 

of the ancient landscape of the Kodavere parish, cultural 

characteristics were combined with available information 

on the probable natural conditions in inland 

Estonia during the Iron Age. Archaeological data from 

the Kodavere parish area and neighbouring areas, and 

formerly made assumptions about changes in the natural 

landscape, have been used to describe the possible 

settlement of the area. 

188

The Alatskivi and Kokora 

settlement areas 

The Alatskivi settlement area was probably the most 

important settlement area in the Kodavere parish. The 

earliest estate in the Kodavere parish was situated in 

Alatskivi, by the River Alatskivi. The River Alatskivi 

is probably one of the most important features of the 

natural landscape in the Alatskivi settlement area, and 

probably played an important role in the formation of 

the area’s lakeside landscape. The lakes in the later 

mansion park were created by the realignment of the 

River Alatskivi and the riverbed was straightened after 

the 19th century, hence the river and the natural riverside 

landscape looked different during the prehistoric 

period. The new estuary lies about 200 m north from 

the old estuary. According to local people, the estuary 

of the River Alatskivi (north of the village of Rootsiküla) 

has never been a suitable place for living, or 

as a landing place. The small bay about one kilometre 

north along the bank is a much more appropriate place 

for a landing place. 

There are several settlement units on the banks of the 

River Alatskivi, starting from Lake Peipus 4 : Pusi and 

Rootsiküla on the shore of Lake Peipus, Alasoo about 

two kilometres away, Alatskivi as the oldest estate centre, 

and Peatskivi as the prehistoric centre. 

Other settlement units in the Alatskivi settlement district 

are in Lahepera, Naelavare, and Rupsi, south of 

Naelavere. Late Iron Age settlement sites have been 

discovered at Lahepera and Naelavere. 

The Kokora settlement area lies on a different type of 

soil compared to the Alatskivi and Ranna settlement 

areas. Pine forests grow on sandy soils, which are less 

suitable for agricultural activities than the soils in the 

Alatskivi and Ranna settlement areas. Barrows, connected 

with an inland burial custom, were widespread 

in such natural landscape conditions from the Middle 

Iron Age (Aun 2009). As has been said above, it 

is not clear which period the barrows in the Kokora 

settlement area are from (either from the Middle Iron 

Age or the Late Iron Age); but it is clear that a different 

kind of burial tradition was used there. The burial 

methods seem to be similar to the barrows and stone 

graves in the Kodavere settlement district (Aun 2002). 

Therefore, it is not clear whether we are dealing with 

two different kinds of societies. That is why considering 

Kokora to be a separate settlement unit is arguable. 

According to the place cognition of the local people, it 

seems that the Alatskivi and Kokora settlement areas 

used to be connected. 

4 

Contemporary place names are used in this article. 

The settlement area comprises the Savastvere, Kuningvere 

and Kokora settlement units, which are connected 

with small lakes in the settlement area, lakes Kuningvere 

and Mustjärv. A Late Iron Age settlement site has 

been found at Savastvere. Long barrows have been 

discovered by the road running between the abovementioned 

small lakes. 

The Ranna settlement area 

The Ranna settlement area (Fig. 1, 4) reaches closest 

to the coast of Lake Peipus. The shore is drier, and 

soil suitable for cultivation reaches to about 500 metres 

from the lake. The ground of the Ranna settlement 

area is plain, and there are not so many drumlins as in 

the Alatskivi settlement area. The even ground is broken 

by the valleys of the Torila and Kadrina streams, 

and the main road runs along the coast of Lake Peipus, 

passing all of the settlement units. 

The settlement area comprises the settlement units of 

Raatvere-Sääritsa, Ranna, Sassukvere, Kodavere and 

later Kallaste, and probably also Punikvere. Ancient 

(Late Iron Age and Medieval) settlement sites have 

been discovered at all of them, except for Kallaste, 

which is now the centre of Kodavere parish. 

Discussion 

The River Alatskivi seems to have been an important 

stretch of water and a landmark, because most of the 

settlement units have grown up on its banks. The Alatskivi 

cannot be compared with large rivers in neighbouring 

settlement districts, for example the rivers 

Omedu or Emajõgi. Therefore, we cannot consider it to 

be a waterway of that scale; but it is clear that it played 

an important role as a source of fresh water. It is arguable 

whether it also served as a small-scale waterway. In 

fact, river and lake boats did not need very deep water 

at all: 50 to 70 centimetres, or 80 to 90 centimetres for 

bigger boats (Teigelake 2003). Therefore, it is possible 

that the Alatskivi was suitable for use as a waterway 

from Lake Peipus to the centre of the Alatskivi settlement 

area in Peatskivi. 

The prehistoric centre was situated on a natural drumlin 

in Peatskivi (AI 4067, 4473). Its first stage of inhabitation 

was in the Pre-Roman Iron Age. The earliest 

buildings were destroyed some time in the fourth or 

third century BC. This period is represented by characteristic 

pottery and some artefacts. The wooden defensive 

structures were rebuilt, and destroyed by fire at 

the beginning of the Middle Iron Age (the fifth to sixth 

centuries AD), and no artefacts were found from that 

period. Concavities filled with stones and earth were 


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discovered at the edge of the yard; they were probably 

domestic holes or the remains of defensive structures. 

The result of C 14 dating from one of these concavities 

identified it as mid-fifth century. The last stage of inhabitation 

lasted from the end of the first millennium 

AD to the beginning of the second millennium AD. Artefacts 

from that period consisted of pottery similar to 

the Rõuge ceramics discovered at southeast Estonian 

hill-forts (though it had some unconventional features). 

Iron knives, spearheads and a northeast type of thrown 

pottery from the 11th and 12th centuries were found. 

Defensive embankments at both ends of the hill-fort 

were probably established during the last stage of inhabitation 

too (Aun 1969; 1974). A settlement site (AI 

5385, 5493) dating from the beginning of the first century 

AD to the 16th or 17th century AD has been discovered 

at the bottom of the hill-fort (Kriiska & Lavi 

1989; Kriiska 1986-87). The Peatskivi settlement unit 

has the oldest remains of inhabitation in the whole Kodavere 

settlement district. Other settlement sites have 

not been excavated so thoroughly. This might be the 

reason why no inhabitation earlier than the Late Iron 

Age has been discovered from other settlement sites in 

the Kodavere parish, if any existed at all. 

The hill-fort was established on a natural drumlin, with 

the ground descending and then ascending again in 

every direction. The river forms a natural defence on 

the north side of the hill-fort. The hill-fort is clearly 

noticeable from the Lahepera direction (southeast), but 

hidden from other directions (from the Kokora settlement 

area) by other drumlins around it. Lahepera was 

another settlement unit in the Alatskivi settlement area. 

In a way, it can be considered a border area of the Alatskivi 

settlement area, because in prehistoric times the 

soils closer to Lake Peipus were probably not suitable 

for agriculture. The Lahepera settlement unit lies by 

Lake Lahepera, a former bay of Lake Peipus. It is a 

lake with quite steep shores and lots of fish nowadays, 

so it could have been a source of fish in ancient times 

too. A settlement site from the end of the Iron Age has 

been discovered on the west shore of Lake Lahepera 

(AI 5010, 5498). The shores of the west coast of Lake 

Lahepera are the most gentle, although at present the 

shore often floods in springtime. A road leading to 

Peatskivi passes the lake and the settlement site. The 

above-mentioned Roman Iron Age stone grave and 

the later inhumation cemetery were established to the 

north of Lake Lahepera, on higher ground. 

It is possible that the settlement site beside Lake Lahepera 

used to be an ancient landing place on the shore 

of Lake Peipus. The hill-fort and the settlement site 

in Peatskivi might then be considered as a prehistoric 

trading place (for maritime trading centres, see Carlsson 

1991; Mägi 2002a; 2004; 2007). But further excavations 

in the Lahepera settlement site are necessary to 

give more credence to this hypothesis. 

As has been mentioned above, another stone grave 

was established in the Alasoo settlement unit. The 

small Lake Vilajärv nearby can be seen as an important 

landmark during the period of use of the grave. A 

settlement site dated to the end of prehistory and the 

Middle Ages has been discovered on the shore of the 

Lake Vilajärv (Kriiska 1990). 5 It is possible that there 

used to be a bigger connection between the River Alatskivi 

and Lake Vilajärv, but as the ground around these 

water bodies probably changed over time, the landing 

stage on the shore of Lake Vilajärv became unusable. 

There is a later inhumation cemetery right on the shore 

of Lake Peipus in Pusi (Tiitsmaa 1921; conversations 

with local people 2010). This might have been a later 

landing stage. The road leading from Alatskivi to the 

shore of Lake Peipus comes closest to the lake just at 

the peninsula where the cemetery lies. The shore of 

Lake Peipus is steepest in the whole settlement area of 

Alatskivi at that place. 

It is possible, though, that the Roman Iron Age stone 

grave in Alasoo is connected to the road leading from 

the Alatskivi to the Ranna settlement area. As has been 

said, the mainland roads in the Kodavere settlement 

district run through all the Iron Age settlement and 

burial sites; therefore, it is possible that they started to 

form already at the beginning of the period of agricultural 

settlement in the area. 

This road proceeds to the Ranna settlement area up to 

the north and further south through Naelavere (where a 

Late Iron Age settlement site has also been discovered, 

AI 5337) and Rupsi. The area with suitable soil ends 

with the Rupsi settlement unit. The ground is damp to 

the south of Rupsi. The road runs between bogs, and 

leads finally to Tartu, a larger settlement centre and a 

crossing place on the River Emajõgi. Lang has stated 

that Virumaa became the cultural core of Estonia in the 

Roman Iron Age, and communication was the most 

regular with the areas in the lower reaches of the River 

Visla (Lang 2007b, p.200). Therefore, it is possible 

that the waterway along Lake Peipus down to southern 

areas of Europe was already being used in the Roman 

Iron Age, and it affected the development of the 

settlement on the west coast of Lake Peipus (for the 

waterway passing Lake Peipus, see Mägi 2011). The 

above-mentioned road up to the north from Kodavere 

parish could have been a mainland road to the core area 

of Estonia in the Roman Iron Age. 

The shore of Lake Peipus is today steepest at Kallaste, 

where the sandstone bank reaches a height of 9.5 metres 

above the lake (Tavast 2008). The present centre 

5 

The location of the artefacts is unknown to the author.

of Kodavere parish has developed in Kallaste, at the 

mouth of the Torila stream. As no signs of prehistoric 

settlement have been discovered around this settlement 

unit, it is possible that the high bank could have been 

too uncomfortable for an Iron Age landing stage. It is 

also possible that the ancient cultural layer has been 

destroyed in Kallaste, and the ancient landing stage is 

now unidentifiable. 

There is another settlement unit worth mentioning in 

the Ranna settlement area: Sassukvere on the banks of 

the Kadrina stream. The present mouth of the stream 

has been adapted to create a yacht harbour, and a road 

dam has been built over the stream about 500 metres 

off Lake Peipus. These works could have changed the 

character of the stream, as the stream bed with terraces 

is at present about ten metres wide about 50 metres 

off the lake, and the water body is today about a metre 

deep. 6 According to Aasa Kuusik, a local inhabitant, 

there used to be a water mill right beside the road dam 

at the beginning of the 20th century (personal communication, 

19 April 2010). It is not clear how wide the 

river could have been during the Iron Age, but it is possible 

that is used to be wider, and maybe also deeper. 

As has been mentioned before, river boats do not even 

need very deep water (Teigelake 2003). The character 

of the possible landing stage is not clear: probably it 

was a local fishing harbour. There is a peninsula about 

800 metres up the shore of Lake Peipus from the mouth 

of the Kadrina stream that could have served as protection 

from the wind. There is a Late Iron Age settlement 

site in Sassukvere (AI 5217), and there is folkloric information 

about a destroyed stone grave about one kilometre 

off the coast of Lake Peipus (Tiitsmaa 1921). If 

the stone grave really existed, it might refer to a rather 

more important landing stage than just a local fishing 

harbour, but that is already in the Late Iron Age. The 

landing stage could have started as the fishing harbour 

of minor importance of a village or a farm. 

The shore of Lake Peipus is steepest by the Ranna settlement 

unit where a Late Iron Age settlement site has 

been found, too (AI 5334). There is an oak tree by the 

road that is the source of many folk tales about 17thcentury 

Swedish kings, but there was probably a stone 

grave in that place (personal communication, 15 February 

2008). It is not clear which period it belonged 

to: according to some spearheads, swords and bronze 

jewellery that were presumably found there and which 

have now been lost (Tiitsmaa 1921), it could have been 

a Late Iron Age stone grave, or even an inhumation 

cemetery. This does not exclude the possibility of it 

having been used as a burial place even earlier in the 

Iron Age. According to its location about 500 metres 

from the shore by the road that runs closest to the shore 

6 

The measurements were made by the author. 

at that place, it is possible that a landing stage could 

have been somewhere nearby. This needs further research, 

however. 

Another settlement unit worth mentioning was probably 

Raatvere-Sääritsa, at least during the Late Iron 

Age. A Late Iron Age inhumation cemetery has been 

discovered and excavated at Raatvere, about one kilometre 

from the shore by the main road. The cemetery 

is comparable with the Lahepera inhumation cemetery, 

although the finds from the Raatvere cemetery seem to 

be older. Two blacksmith burials, among others, have 

been found there (Lavi, Peets 1985; Lavi 1998c; Lavi 

1999). There is also a settlement site and an iron smelting 

site nearby (Lavi 1981; 1998c; 1998d; AI 5169, 

5497). Ancient and medieval iron smelting has been 

studied according to information from this site, but 

also a site in Punikvere a few kilometres south of Sassukvere 

(Lavi, Peets 1985; Lavi 1998a; 1998d; 1999; 

Peets 2003). 

A probable prehistoric and later settlement site, and 

presumed shore defensive constructions of large stones, 

have been found in Sääritsa, about 1.5 kilometres to the 

east of Raatvere and to the northwest of the Ranna ancient 

settlement site. C 14 dating among the stones gave 

a result of 12th or 13th century (Lavi 1998b; AI 5274). 7 

The site lies right on the present shoreline. The Sääritsa 

coast is open to the wind and plain, with a few large 

piles of stones. The soil suitable for cultivation ends 

basically with the present line of the main road, and the 

coastal area is used for pasture. It is possible that the 

limit of cultivated land might have been somewhere 

around the Raatvere cemetery and iron smelting site, 

especially as iron smelting was usually carried out on 

the edges of settlement units (Lavi 1999; Peets 2003). 

The barrows were established along the road running 

between lakes Kuningvere and Mustjärv. As no artefacts 

pointing to the Middle Iron Age were found at the 

Kalevipoja säng hill-fort in Peatskivi, it might be possible 

that the presumable trading centre moved somewhere 

else. According to the opinion that living on the 

sea coast became dangerous in the Middle Iron Age 

(Mägi 2009), it is possible that the centre in Peatskivi 

might have been too accessible from Lake Peipus. It 

might also be that we are dealing with different kinds 

of societies which had different centres. 

A church was established in the Kodavere settlement 

unit, which lies on the borders of the Alatskivi, Ranna 

and Pala settlement areas. The shore has the best features 

for a landing stage in Kodavere, and it seems that 

an ancient landing stage could have been somewhere 

7 

Lavi considers it an inhumation cemetery according to folk 

tales, although no bones or artefacts were found during the 

excavations. 


IV 

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KRISTA 

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192 

nearby (the mouth of the Kadrina stream?). It was quite 

common that a medieval church (along with the centre 

of a medieval parish) was built on the borders of 

prehistoric settlement districts of equal political importance 

(Mägi 2002b). This might have been the case in 

the Kodavere settlement district as well. 

Conclusions 

According to the discussion based on a theoretical 

and factual overview, it can be said that maritime 

landscapes and lakeside landscapes are comparable, 

although there are some differences. One significant 

difference is the stability of the water level and the 

coastline. It is possible to fix the coastlines of different 

periods in maritime landscapes, thanks to the elevation 

of the land. It is harder in the lakeside landscape described 

above, because the water level of Lake Peipus 

changes and is much more unstable over the year than 

the sea. It still seems that the coast line of the lake is 

regressing due to glacioisostatic movement. Therefore, 

in the search for prehistoric landing stages, the possible 

flood area of the lake must also be considered in addition 

to the presumable coast line of the Iron Age. 

As Lake Peipus is thought to have been part of a trading 

route, it is likely that such nodal points and landing 

stages must have existed on the western shore of 

Lake Peipus. Therefore, other characteristics of nodal 

points and landing stages (Mägi 2004) have been used 

to identify the most probable places for them in the 

Kodavere settlement district. 

From the point of view of settlement archaeology, the 

study area can be considered a settlement district, divided 

into settlement areas and settlement units. This 

is the spatial layer of a landscape, which is the main 

standpoint for analysing the landscape of the Kodavere 

settlement district. The settlement areas of Ranna 

and Alatskivi-Kokora are areas directly connected to 

the lake, and consisting of the necessary natural and 

cultural features to locate sites, concerning the lakeside 

aspect of the landscape. It is clear, though, that a 

landscape has many other layers, too, and this article is 

only the first piece in much broader research into the 

area. Future research will include further archaeological 

fieldwork, in the form of excavations and inspections. 


This paper has been supported by the Estonian Ministry 

of Education target-financed project no SF0130033s07 

Landscape Practice and Heritage and from the European 

Union through the European Regional Development 

Fund (Centre of Excellence CECT). 

Abbreviations 

Estonian Journal of Archaeology – Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 

/ Estonian Journal of Archaeology (Published since 1997). 

PACT, 57 – U . MILLER, T. HACKENS, V. LANG, A. RAU- 

KAS, A. HICKS, eds. PACT, 57 (III.If). Rixensart, 1999. 

Peipsi – J. HABERMANN, T. TIMM, A. RAUKAS, eds. 

Peipsi. Tartu: Eesti Loodusfoto, 2008. 

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GREN, P., 1996. Reconstruction of the environmental 

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CHAMBERS, F. M., 2009. Linking past cultural developments 

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189-204. 



Krista Karro 

Estonian Humanitarian Institute/Institute of History 

Tallinn University, Rüütli 10, 

Tallinn, Estonia 

E-mail: krista16@tlu.ee 

KODAVERE ALYLINKĖS PRIE 

PEIPUS EŽERO: KULTŪRINIO 

KRAŠTOVAIZDŽIO KAITA 

GELEŽIES AMŽIUJE 

KRISTA KARRO 

Santrauka 

Peipus ežeras yra labai svarbus gamtinis vandens 

telkinys, turėjęs didelę įtaką jo pakrančių žmonių 

gyvensenai. Tai, matyt, darė poveikį jo priešistorės 

kraštovaizdžio formavimuisi (ežeras kaip vandens kelias 

ir centrinė kelių susikirtimo vieta). Šiame straipsnyje 

mėginama nustatyti galimą Peipus ežero reikšmę 

to meto žmonių gyvenimui, taip pat apžvelgti ežero 

krantų linijų raidą, turėjusią įtakos kraštovaizdžiui, 

įvertinti mažesnių vandens baseinų poveikį didžiajam 

ežerui.

Kodavere apylinkės apima Rytų Estijos teritoriją ir yra 

žemyninė šalies dalis. Kodavere gyvenvietės aplinka 

yra veikiama Peipus ežero, ketvirto pagal dydį Europoje 

(pagal Hang, 2001; Rosentau, 2006; ir kt.) 

Kodavere gyvenvietės apylinkės – puikus gamtinis 

objektas, kurį galima tyrinėti kultūrinio kraštovaizdžio 

pagrindu. Kodavere parapija buvo viduramžių centras. 

Pelkių ir miškų ji izoliuota nuo kaimyninių teritorijų, 

ilgą laiką formavosi kaip atskira sritis. Kodavere 

apylinkė buvo skirstoma į smulkesnius arealus ir gyvenvietes: 

Alatskivi, Kokora, Ranna, Pala, Nõva-Vea. 

Gyvenvietėse buvo istoriškai susiklosčiusi kartu gyvenančių 

žmonių socialinės ir ekonominės gyvensenos 

forma (kaimai ir ūkiai). Gyvenvietės, kaip geografinis 

arealas, tinkamos žemdirbystei ir yra glaudžiai susijusios 

su kultūriniu kraštovaizdžiu. Regionas charakterizuoja 

kiekvienos gyvenvietės struktūrą ir geografiniu 

atžvilgiu yra didesnis (gyvenvietės vieneto, arealo ir 

regionavimo apibrėžimas pagal Lang, 1996, p. 604). 

Nõva-Vea gyvenvietės apylinkėse nesama geležies 

amžiaus paminklų, todėl ji neįtraukta į mūsų tyrimus. 

Seniausi archeologiniai radiniai yra žinomi iš Alatskivi 

gyvenvietės arealo, kuriame yra piliakalnio gyvenvietė, 

vadinama Kalevipoja säng (arba Peatskivi piliakalnis 

– pagal gyvenvietės pavadinimą), kuri ir buvo 

tyrinėta. Šios gyvenvietės apgyvendinimo laikas apima 

nuo ikiromėniškųjų laikų iki XII a. (Aun, 1974). 

Piliakalnis buvo administracinis ir prekybos centras 

visą geležies amžiaus laikotarpį. 

Kodavere parapijos gyventojai tikriausiai palaikė ryšius 

su kaimyniniais arealais, esančiais Pietryčių Estijos 

teritorijoje, kur ikiromėniškojo ir geležies amžiaus 

piliakalniai bei gyvenvietės, kaip ir Peatskivi vietovėje, 

tuo metu buvo gyvenami. Šiuo atveju Peipus ežeras 

vienijo šio regiono priešistorės gyventojus – jame yra 

paplitę vienodi dirbiniai, nustatyti panašūs gyvensenos 

papročiai. Kodavere apylinkes kaimyninės įtakos pasiekė 

Peipus ežeru. Kitas svarbus prekybos kelias ėjo 

Pärnu, Emajõgi upėmis, o tai įgalino formuotis Pärnu, 

Viljandi ir Tartu miestus (Mägi, 2010). 


IV 

PREHISTORIC 

LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 


195

Examples of the Research 

Potential at Inns Along 

Coastlines 

ULRICA 

SÖDERLIND 

EXAMPLES OF THE RESEARCH POTENTIAL 

AT INNS ALONG COASTLINES 

ULRICA SÖDERLIND 

Abstract 

The article deals with the research potential of inna along the coastline in Sweden and the Åland Islands. Very little research 

has been done on this kind of establishment in Sweden and Scandinavia. The inn on the island of Koffsan off Sweden and the 

inn on Rödhamn, Åland Islands, Finland, stand out as examples of what the sites and the archaeological material combined 

with written sources can tell us about the function of inns in society and about the food and beverages at these establishments. 

The author also discusses the possibilities to reinterpret some of the earlier results from the site on the Åland Islands. 

Key words: inns, coastlines, archipelago, interdisciplinary, food, beverage. 

196 

Introduction 

How long inns along the coastlines of Scandinavia and 

around the Baltic have existed is very difficult to say; 

however, the first written records we have about them 

in Sweden come from Olaus Magnus, in his accounts 

about the Nordic people in the 1550s. Olaus’ own references 

regarding this kind of establishment date back 

to 13th-century Germany. According to him, the first 

of these kinds of inns were built on the ice, and were in 

use until the ice broke in the spring. After some time, 

inns were built on the shore instead of on the ice, and 

could be used all year round (Olaus Magnus 1975, 

p.58). 

Very little research has been done in Sweden and Finland 

on this kind of establishment, even though some 

essays in the field have been written in archaeology 

at Stockholm and Södertörns universities. The essays 

have a different kind of focus, such as the inns’ geographical 

locations, what kind of food and beverages 

were served, and the research potential for the inns 

(Haglund 1996; Kutounen 1993; Mattison 1994; Virgin 

1997, 1998; Söderlind 1999). This article will try to 

highlight the research potential at these sites with two 

examples, one from Sweden and one from the Finnish 

Åland Islands (Figs. 1-2). 

Koffsan, Sweden 

Koffsan is a small island in Lake Mälaren, in the parish 

of Järfälla, in Sweden. During the 17th and 18th 

centuries, a tavern or inn was located on the island. 

The Swedish botanist Carl von Linné visited the island 

on midsummer’s night in 1731. With him were 

20 students from Uppsala. While the students congregated 

at the tavern and started to drink beer and fall 

asleep, Linné himself explored the surroundings, and 

wrote his first flora on the island. All that remains of 

the building today is part of the foundations (Söderlind 

2008). (Fig. 3) 

The site and its location 

The site was excavated in 1993, and the reason for the 

excavation was that a major water company in Sweden 

was going to build a new bridge that was going to cross 

the remains of the tavern and destroy it. The excavation 

was therefore a rescue operation. The results of the 

excavation are a very good source for finding out what 

was served, regarding food and drink, to the guests 

during the 18th century, even if no excavation was carried 

out underwater. If we combine the archaeological 

material with written sources from the period, we 

can also find out how the food and drink was prepared, 

and sometimes even what it tasted like. Thanks to the 

excavation, the site is the only tavern that has been excavated 

in Sweden to date. The location of the tavern 

was very close to the water, which was common during 

the 18th century. Foundations of comparable buildings 

may be seen along the coast and lake shores all over 

Sweden (Söderlind 2007, p.202; 2008). 

The only part of the tavern foundations that were visible 

before the excavation was part of a wall with 

measurements of ten by ten metres, and a height of approximately 

0.4 metres. Slowly, the construction of the 

foundations emerged. The measurements were between 

nine by 5.5 metres, and the stove was 2.4 by 2.55 metres. 

The stove also included an oven. The foundations 

were made out of stone, bricks and a kind of mortar. 

After the foundations were completely exposed, they 

measured 15 by five metres. During the excavation, a 

sewer was found (Söderlind 2007, p.202; 2008).


Fig 1. A detailed map of the Koffsans geographical location (prepared by U. Fransson). 

During early modern times, visitors to the establishment 

came by boat, either in small private ones or on 

larger boats that ran between Stockholm and Uppsala. 

The boats left Stockholm and Uppsala at similar times, 

but only made the trip on Mondays, Wednesdays and 

Fridays. During the period April to August, the departure 

time was 4 am; during the period September to 

October it departed at 6 am; and during November, at 

7 am. During the remaining winter months, there was 

no traffic on the route. Unfortunately, there is no information 

on how long the trip between Stockholm and 

Uppsala took with these ships (Rudbeck 1933, pp.297- 

299). 

During the 18th century, Järfälla parish was a wealthy 

community with a large harvest of different kinds of 

crops, and the most important manor in the parish was 

located not far from the establishment. When we study 

old maps from the 18th century, we find that the manor 

had its own gardens, with various fruits, herbs, hops 

and a brewery. The accounts from the manor indicate 

that products from the different gardens were sold in 

Stockholm (Gustafsson 1975, pp.662-675). It is very 

likely that the owner of the establishment on Koffsan 

also bought products from the manor to use for cooking, 

or seasoning schnapps, and so forth. Very close to 

Koffsan, several mills can be found on old maps, so it 

is also likely that the owner could buy newly ground 

flour in the neighbourhood (Söderlind 2008). 

The findings 

Here I will concentrate on the archaeological material 

that can be linked to food and beverages from the 

site. During the excavation of the site, many pieces 

of glass, ceramics, porcelain, coins and animal bones 

were found. Most of the bone material was discovered 

in the stove. There were no whole bottles found, but 

there was quite a large amount of pieces of bottles, 

comprising mainly necks and bottles. These pieces are 

different in size, colour and quality (Söderlind 2008). 

Many of the pieces of glass came from the windows of 

the tavern, and show that the glass in the windows was 

green and yellow (Mattsson 1994, p.21). 

The pottery from the site is domestic ceramic production, 

and is of high quality, with a range of colours, 

reflecting a great deal of imagination on the part of 

the potters. There was an increase in the production of 

ceramics and tiles in Sweden during the 18th century, 

when the most popular items were plates in different 

styles and shapes (Lindqvist 1981, p.83). Potsherds 

from coffee cups made of tin-glazed earthenware from 

the Swedish Rörstrand company were found. Other 

IV 

PREHISTORIC 

LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 

197



Coastlines 

ULRICA 

SÖDERLIND 

A variety of animal bones was found at the site, although 

pig was most common. This was followed by 

beef, veal, sheep/goat, rabbit/hare, hen, perch, pikeperch, 

different species of carp, ringed seal and duck. 

The parts from the pigs, cattle, sheep/goats are the cuts 

that would have had the most meat on them. One reason 

why there appear to have been so few species of 

fish from the location may be that the types with more 

fat in them decomposed over the years. It is very common 

on archaeological sites that fattier species vanish 

from the archaeological record, especially fish containing 

small bones. The occurrence of ringed seal is rather 

surprising, because it is a species of seal without outer 

ears which lives in arctic and sub-arctic waters, the 

Baltic Sea, Lake Ladoga and Lake Saima. The ringed 

seal has never lived in Lake Mälaren, since it needs 

saltier waters. During the summer and autumn, the 

ringed seal is hunted using rifles, while in the winter 

clubs are used (Söderlind 2008). 

198 

Fig 2. A map of the geographical location of Gloskär on the 

Åland Islands (after D. Papp, 1977, p.44). 

shards of porcelain came from the Swedish Marieberg 

and Gustavberg companies. Swedish porcelain 

and tin-glazed earthenware companies faced tough 

competition from porcelain imported from China. The 

imported porcelain was of a much higher quality than 

the domestic kind. Shards of Chinese porcelain were 

also found at the site during the excavation (Söderlind 

2008). 

Table 1. Animal bones found in the 

stove during the excavation of the inn 

on Koffsan. The osteological analysis 

of the bones from the stove was made 

by the osteologist Jonsson, Gustav, 

Sweden, 1999 

English name Latin name No 

Beef/veal Bos taraus 15 

Rabbit/hare Oryctolagus cuniculus 4 

Sheep/goat Ovis/Capra 15 

Pig Sus scorfa 23 

Ringed seal Phoca hispida botnica 1 

Perch Perca fluviatilis 2 

Pike-perch Lucioperca lucioperca 2 

Species of carp Cyprinidae sp. 1 

Duck Anser sp. 1 

Hen Gallus sp. 2 

Carl von Linné’s flora 

From Carl von Linné’s first flora Flora Koffensiensis 

(1732) and notes from the location, we can see that 

Linné listed 88 different species on the island. Among 

these 88 species, there are 18 that are suitable for use 

in preparing food and drink. Out of the 18 species, nine 

are also medicinal herbs, which were also suitable for 

the proprietor (she was a woman, but her name is unknown) 

of the establishment to use in preparing her 

own schnapps. This schnapps could also be seasoned 

with berries, like hawthorn and wild strawberries. She 

could make pies out of strawberries or seasoned water, 

and then the water could be used to flavour other food 

dishes. She could make jam out of the strawberries, 

along with berries like redcurrants and gooseberries, 

and these berries would also have been very good for 

making wine or juice. Another possibility for these 

kinds of berries is that the owner stirred some sugar 

into them and served them as a dessert or as condiments 

with a main course, mainly meat dishes. Dandelion 

could be prepared and served as a vegetable, or 

it could be made into wine. If the roots were dried and 

ground, it made good flour to use in cooking meals. 

Dandelion is rich in vitamin C and several minerals. 

Another plant rich in vitamin A and C, potassium, calcium 

and iron is the stinging nettle. Leaves from the 

young stinging nettle could be used as a vegetable, 

served as a soup, or made into tea. Bird cherry could 

be used to make juice, liquor and seasoned schnapps 

(Söderlind 2007, p.203ff).

Fig 3. Sweden, the Järfälla Kultur of the inn on Koffsan (drawing by M. Skarelius). 


IV 

PREHISTORIC 

LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 

Fig 4. A map of the geographical area of the inn on Gloskär, Åland Islands: A the foundations of a stove; B the foundations 

of a stove or a rubbish dump; C, D the foundations of stoves; E the inn (the latest one); F an earth cellar; G a terrace; H a 

measure point; I the foundations of a stove; K, J measure points; M a jetty/dyke; N a measure point; P a jetty; Q a measure 

point; R a jetty; S a measure point (prepared by M. Lindholm). 

199



Coastlines 

ULRICA 

SÖDERLIND 

Rödhamn, Åland Islands, Finland 

Generally speaking, the Åland Islands can be divided 

into an eastern and western part. In the eastern part, the 

landscape is shaped by the archipelago, and consists 

of a lot of small islands. The western part is made up 

of larger land areas that are joined by bridges. In the 

southern part of main Åland, there is a parish called 

Lemland. Lemland is delimited in the east and in the 

north by two open bays, Lumparen and the Bay of 

Föglö. In the southwest part of Lemland, a large archipelago 

can be found that is delimited by the Åland Sea. 

The Åland Islands in itself are located at a geographical 

point of intersection for different kinds of trade in 

the Baltic Sea area. As far back as humans have been 

involved in trade, different kinds of seafarers and ships 

have passed the Åland Islands from east to west or the 

other way round (Fig. 4). Rödhamn and Gloskär are 

located in the outer archipelago in this parish (Papp 

1977). 

A short history of the inn 

on Rödhamn 

After studying old maps of the area, it is clear that an 

inn as a business establishment was in use on Rödhamn 

during the first half of the 17th century. At the 

end of the 18th century, it was a good business, and 

the owner, called Per Lindholm, paid more in tax than 

the largest inn in the parish located in Granboda. The 

inn was in use until 1939, when the last owner passed 

away (Papp 1977). The area that will be discussed in 

the text consists of two islands that are very close to 

each other, Rödhamn and Gloskär. 

water in the harbour is very shallow. The strong currents 

in the area put small items such as parts of clay 

pipes in danger of disappearing very soon. The currents 

are so strong that large items like full wine bottles 

that were not visible to the eye during one dive are 

fully exposed two hours later. Test pits were made in a 

foundation that is directly connected with the harbour. 

It is not absolutely clear what the building was used 

for, but there was a fire and a construction emerged 

inside the foundation that seems to have been a large 

oven of some sort. Some distance from the harbour, 

located in wetlands, the remains of a freshwater well 

were detected (Söderlind, Tskvitinidze 2009, p.39ff). 

The foundations on Rödhamn which in the earlier inventory 

were described as a foundation for a chapel are 

located in the northern part of the island, very close 

to the harbour. The walls of the construction that run 

in a north-south direction are between 8.15 and 8.53 

metres, and the walls in an east-west direction measure 

9.75 and 10.45 metres. In the eastern corner of the 

foundations, there is an opening that measures 0.80 

metres. Inside the foundations there is also a collapsed 

wall. The collapsed wall indicates that the building had 

two rooms. The foundations are located very close to 

a so-called stone field. The area around the foundations 

are full of rock carvings. The rock carvings have 

been documented on a one-to-one scale, and their locations 

have been measured, and so far slightly over 20 

carvings have been found. Very small natural wells of 

fresh water could be detected on the island (Söderlind, 

Tskvitinidze 2009, p.39). 

The findings 

Excavations of the area 

In 1979, an archaeological inventory was made at the 

site, and it was concluded that a foundation was discovered, 

and it was listed as the foundation of a chapel 

dating from the Middle Ages. Rock carvings were also 

observed (Planeringsrådet 1980). 

The first excavations took place in 2005 and are still 

going on. Early on in the fieldwork season in 2006, it 

was clear that artefacts under the water in the natural 

harbour area on Gloskär were in danger of disappearing. 

The reason for this is the strong currents from the 

ferries that pass several times a day. The currents were 

measured at three to four knots. This means that underwater 

work is difficult and time-consuming, since the 

The findings so far from both the sites are items that 

can be linked to the business of running an inn with 

visiting customers. In general, we can say that the artefacts 

are shards of bottles, plates and drinking vessels, 

both in glass and ceramics. The locally produced earthenware 

is of high quality, and there are also imported 

goods such as faience. Approximately 75% of an earthenware 

bottle for vodka was found that had a seal/label 

from Lithuania. Whether the bottle was imported or 

was dropped from a ship lying in the area is not easy to 

determine. Among the findings are parts of wine bottles 

from the 17th century in different colours. Other 

items are parts of clay pipes with ornamentation that 

is datable, one of the finer clay pipes is one so-called 

revolutionary pipe from the days of King Gustavos III 

(Söderlind, Tskvitinidze 2009, p.40). (Fig. 5). 

200


Fig 5. Parts of clay pipes found during the excavations on Koffsan (drawings by N. Tskvitinidze and Z. Tskvitinidze). 

IV 

PREHISTORIC 

LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 

Fig 6. Documentation of sherds from a faience plate found in the harbour area on Gloskär (drawing by MA student of 

archaeology Paata Donadze; photograph by D. Paata) 

201



Coastlines 

ULRICA 

SÖDERLIND 

Table 2. Findings from the ongoing 

excavation on Rödhamn, 

Åland Islands. After Söderlind, U, 

2005, 2006, 2007 

Material 

Number 

Glass 156 

Porcelain 99 

Faience 9 

Ceramics, red clay 57 

Bricks, clay 7 

Roofing tiles 6 

Birch-bark 7 

Clay pipe 42 

Bones 84 

Teeth 8 

Limestone 4 

Sandstone 1 

Iron/Metal 32 

Textile 1 

Leather 5 

Wood 2 

Coins 1 

Grindstone 3 

Flint 1 

Wine bottle 1 

Stoneware 4 

A lot of animal bones were found, species such as seal, 

sea birds, cattle, sheep/goats, pigs and other clovenfooted 

animals. What is interesting is that most of 

the bones came from young animals. From a historical 

point of view, societies that did not live in good 

economic conditions did not slaughter young animals, 

so the bones from the young individuals from the site 

indicates that Rödhamn was a wealthy society in past 

times (Söderlind, Tskvitinidze 2009, p.40ff). 

Closing discussion 

The inns that were used as examples in this article were 

very common in Sweden and Finland, and probably in 

all of the Baltic area since at least the Middle Ages and 

at least up to the age of steamers. 

They were often located close to seashores and on 

small islands in lakes and in the archipelago. The clientele 

of these inns is not known, but most likely they 

were passengers on boats on their way to another final 

destination. The speed of the journey and the opportunities 

to sail from one place to another depended on 

the wind. 

The archaeological material from Koffsan gives us a 

fairly good picture of what was served at this kind of 

establishment in Sweden during the 18th century as regards 

food and beverages. The artefacts from the site 

are a mixture of domestic production, like pottery, porcelain 

and tin-glazed earthenware, and imported fine 

porcelain from China. The domestic production is of 

very high quality, and was used, for example, for large 

storage jars. The large jars give an indication that the 

number of patrons was not insignificant. If the customers 

came in small numbers, there would have been no 

need for large storage jars. 

The archaeological results of the excavation give us 

new clues as to what kind of food an establishment 

like Koffsan served. The stove had an oven, and that 

gave the owner many options for preparing a variety of 

dishes. She could bake them in the 

oven, roast them over an open fire, 

fry them in a frying pan, or make 

boiled dishes. The osteological material 

from the stove shows that the 

inn served different kinds of fish, 

ringed seal, and different kinds of 

meat and foul (both domestic and 

game). These products could be 

served as sausages, stews, roasted 

whole, fried or boiled, with different 

seasonings from local plants and 

vegetables grown nearby. The owner 

could also season her homemade 

schnapps and beer with local herbs 

and berries. 

202 

Fig 7. One of the group members (Rubi Jaramillo) documenting the rock 

carving on Rödhamn, Åland Island, Finland (photograph by H. Alopeus). 

The artefacts for food and cooking, 

the animals’ bones, Linné’s flora 

from the site, the location itself and

Fig 8. Linné and his students travelled from 

Uppsala to Stockholm on a vessel like this on the night of 

midsummer´s day 1731 (drawing by B. Wallbom, Värmlands 

museum, Sweden). 

its surroundings, and the proximity to the parish’s most 

important manor and the mills suggest that the proprietor 

of the inn did not need to travel to Stockholm to buy 

the necessary staples for cooking. All that was needed 

could be bought in the local area. If we combine the 

archaeological material from the site with written records, 

we can also reconstruct some of the dishes that 

were served. 

Even if the area at Rödhamn has not yet undergone 

a total excavation, either on land or underwater, it is 

clear that the area and the artefacts are of great interest. 

What the building was used for in the harbour at Gloskär 

is too early to tell, but it is very likely that it was 

either a smithy or some kind of bakery or smokery. The 

building contains a huge oven, and the space between 

the oven and the walls is very narrow, just enough for 

one person to move and walk around. It is not uncommon 

for buildings that include a hearth and a fire to be 

placed close to water, and a short distance away from 

the main buildings, due to the fire hazard. 

The area at Rödhamn is a more complex site than the 

one on Koffsan, since it consists of two islands very 

close to each other. It is my belief that it is time to 

redefine the foundation on Rödön, which has been 

described as the remains of a chapel from the Middle 

Ages. The foundation on Rödön has no similarities 

to what is known about chapels from the Middle 

Ages on the Åland Islands. The chapels had one square 

room, the sacred area was surrounded by a wall, burials 

were carried out at the sites, and there are no traces 

of carvings close to the chapels. There is no wall in 

the foundations on Rödön, there are no signs of burials 

at the site. The foundations indicate that it consisted 

of at least two rooms, and they are more rectangular 

than square. The foundations are located very close to 

a stone field, so there would have been no problem in 

building a wall around the building if necessary. The 

closest carving to the foundations/building is located 

approximately only 1.5 metres away. When the area 

from the harbour up to the foundations of the building 

was cleared of bushes, a path emerged. The carvings 

are done in such a way that they are easy to read if 

someone walks from the harbour up to the building. 

One of the carvings attracted a lot of interest, since it is 

a clock with crosses. These clocks are very uncommon 

in Finland, and are dated to the Catholic era, before the 

Reformation. The hours of the clock, which is marked 

with crosses, are the same hours as when prayers were 

said to give grace for the food on the table during the 

Catholic era. I am of the opinion that the foundations 

are the remains of an inn instead of a chapel. Since 

there is very limited access to fresh water on Rödön, 

I think that the establishment at one point moved to 

Gloskär instead, since there is much more fresh water 

on that island. The move of the establishment most 

likely took place no earlier than in the 18th century, 

since there are carvings from the late 17th century on 

Rödön. The remains of the building itself, and the artefacts 

that were found during excavations, indicate that 

the inn was established on the site much earlier than 

what written records tell us. 

The next step in the research on Rödhamn is to map out 

the travelling patterns on the Åland Islands for visitors 

to this kind of establishment. This can be done by studying 

the guest books for travellers which are kept in the 

Landsarkivet in Mariehamn. Even if these records date 

from the 18th and 19th centuries, it is an indicator of 

the travelling routes for earlier times as well. Further 

excavations on the site will provide us with more answers 

regarding the establishment’s role in the society 

of the time, and the constructions that made it up. 

I am convinced that this kind of establishment can be 

found all around the Baltic area, and it would be very 

interesting if excavations could take place at these 

sites. 

References 

Manuscripts 

LINNEUS CAROLUS, 1732, Flora Koffensiensis (unpublished, 

the original is at the Linnean Society in London, 

England). 

HöGLUND, S., 1996. På krogen i södra södertörn- en studie 

av en maritim centralplats. Stockholm University. 


IV 

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ON THE COAST 

203



Coastlines 

ULRICA 

SÖDERLIND 

KUTUONEN, M., 1993. Sjökrogar runt Stockholm. Stockholm 

University. 

MATTISON, H.L., 1994. Koffsan och andra sjökrogar längs 

segelleden Stockholm-Stäket. Stockholm University. 

SöDERLIND, U., 1999. Vad serverades på sjökrogen vid 

Koffsan? Stockholm University. 

VIRGIN, K., 1997. Sjökrogar och sjögästgiverier i Stockholms 

skärgård mellan Arholma och Landsort under perioden 

1650-1850. Stockholm University. 

VIRGIN, K., 1998. Maritima mötesplatser- om gamla 

skärgårdskrogars arkeologiska kunskapspotenial. 

Södertörn University. 

Literature 

GUSTAFSSON, J:R.L., 1975. Järfällaboken. Stockholm. 

MAGNUS, O., 1975. Historia om de nordiska folken, första 

till femte boken (reprint). östervål: Gidlunds förlag. 

PAPP, D., 1977. Åländsk allmogeseglation. Lund: Rabén & 

Sjögren. 

Planeringsrådet: Museibyrån, 1980. Fornminnesinventering, 

Lemland, Lumparland. Mariehamn. 

RUDBECK, J., 1933. Svenska postverkets fartyg och sjöpostförbindelser 

under trehundra år. Stockholm. 

SöDERLIND, U., 2007. What was served at the Koffsan inn 

during the 18 th century? In: U. FRANSSON, ed, Cultural 

interaction between east and west: archaeology, artefacts 

and human contacts in northern Europe. Stockholm: 

Stockholm Studies in Archaeology. 

SöDERLIND, U., 2008. På krogen med Linné. Stockholm: 

Grenadine förlag. 

SöDERLIND, U., TSKVITINIDZE, N., 2009. Sjökrogar 

i allmänhet och sjökrogen vid Rödhamn i synnerhet. 

Skärgård 1/2009, Åbo. 

Nuo kada ir kiek ilgai egzistavo smuklės Skandinavijos 

pakrantėse prie Baltijos jūros, sužinome iš istorinių 

šaltinių. Pirmų užuominų apie smukles aptinkame 

XVI a. kartografo, istoriko ir katalikų arkivyskupo 

Olaus Magnus darbuose. Istorikas teigia, kad pajūrio 

smuklės Vokietijoje buvo žinomos jau XIII a. Pasak jo, 

pirmosios smuklės buvo statomos ant ledo ir buvo naudojamos 

iki pavasario. Vėliau smuklės buvo statomos 

jūros pakrantėse ir veikė ištisus metus. Šiame straipsnyje 

aprašomi dviejų smuklių archeologiniai tyrimai: 

Koffsan vietovėje, Švedijos teritorijoje, ir Alandų saloje 

(Suomija). Koffsan smuklė (arba taverna) buvo 

pastatyta XVII a. Mälaren ežero saloje ir naudota iki 

XVII a. Ją 1731 m. aprašė švedų botanikas Carl von 

Linne. Ši užeiga archeologų buvo tyrinėta 1993 m. 

Pastatas buvo su krosnimi, turėjo kanalizaciją. Tyrimų 

metu aptikta stiklinių indų, keramikos, porceliano, monetų, 

žuvų ir gyvulių kaulų. 

Kita užeiga (taverna) buvo tyrinėta Rödhamn vietovėje, 

Alandų salose, Lemlando parapijoje. Ji egzistavo 

nuo XVII a. pirmosios pusės iki 1939 m. Taverna buvo 

tyrinėta 2005–2006 m. Tyrimų metu aptikta butelių, 

lėkščių, taurių ir daug keramikos. Tarp osteologinės 

medžiagos aptikta ruonių, jūros paukščių, galvijų, ožkos/avies, 

kiaulių kaulų. Įdomu, kad visi gyvūnai, naudoti 

maistui, buvo jauno amžiaus. Šie smuklių tyrimai 

rodo, kad to meto užeigų lankytojai įvairių kelionių 

metu buvo aprūpinami maistu ir nakvyne. 


Received: 6 September 2010; Revised 11 January 2011; Accepted: 

28 December 2010 

Ulrica Söderlind 

Department of Economic History, 

Stockholm University 

106 91 Stockholm, Sweden 

E-mail: ulrica.soderlind@ekohist.su.se 

PAJŪRIO SMUKLIŲ TYRIMŲ 

GALIMUMO PAVYZDŽIAI 

ULRICA SÖDERLIND 

204 

Santrauka

REUSING A LOG-BARRIER EMBANKMENT 

AT THE SUOMENLINNA SEA FORTRESS ISLANDS 

MINNA LEINO 

Abstract 

It has always been technically and economically challenging to build constructions on a shoreline. For that reason, those 

constructions can be used and maintained for a long time, and today contain interesting archaeological information. Despite 

this, at the time of carrying out repairs, archaeologists are not usually consulted, and the history of a construction is seen as 

unimportant. However, with this case study of a log-barrier embankment from the early 20th-century Suomenlinna fortress, 

a new approach is available, challenging the way archaeologists collect data. The data collected from the site can be used 

together with the archaeological interpretation to aid in the plan for the reuse of the site. 

Key words: maritime archaeology, underwater archaeology, Baltic Sea, Suomenlinna, Sveaborg, reuse, embankment. 


Introduction 

Sveaborg, the Sea Fortress in front of Helsinki, was 

founded in 1747. Today it is called Suomenlinna, and it 

is a Unesco World Heritage Site and receives 700,000 

visitors every year, making it one of the most important 

cultural heritage sites in Finland. Suomenlinna is a 

state-owned area, managed by the Ministry of Education 

and Culture. The Governing Body of Suomenlinna 

is the agency that manages, restores and maintains the 

fortress. Maintaining a fortress on a group of islands is 

not an easy task. For this reason, the Governing Body 

has started to take into consideration the potential of 

underwater archaeology to provide new insights into 

maintaining and reusing the constructions which are 

still in use. 

The increasing interest in marine archaeology has 

heightened the need to evaluate the process of archaeological 

documentation, and to choose what can be understood 

as an important site. 

This article presents the first project in Finland on a 

shoreline where archaeological documentation was 

carried out on a construction which was still partly in 

use. This construction is a log-barrier embankment, and 

its context presents certain challenges to the collection 

of archaeological evidence. Together with archaeological 

interpretations, the documentation material can be 

used as a practical tool for architects making a plan for 

the reuse of physical remains. Usually archaeological 

excavations destroy the physical remains; but this article 

shows how archaeological methods and interpretations 

can be used in the systemic context, where the site 

remains in use as a reused construction. 

The historical background of the 

dockyard 

Suomenlinna has had several functions, but its main 

focus has been to serve as a naval base and a dockyard. 

The main dockyard is the dry dock, located on 

the island of Susisaari, one of the main islands. This 

dry dock is still a home port for historically important 

vessels (Matikka 2008, p.23). The dockyard area has 

gone through several phases of rebuilding since it was 

established in 1750. The dry dock used to form the central 

area of the fortification, and it has a rich history 

connected to the strategic situation of the Baltic Sea 

area. The focus of this article is, however, the end of 

the Russian period in the 1910s, when the islands had a 

large population of over 6,000 men (Gardberg, Palsila 

1998, p.136). Suomenlinna was serving the Russian 

Baltic Fleet, and the dockyard was called ‘the Admiral 

Essen dockyard’, after a former commander of the 

Baltic Fleet in the Russian army (Rosén 2008, p.19; 

2007, pp.8-15). More precisely, this article deals with 

the very last year of the Russian era, 1917 to 1918. This 

period includes the February Revolution, the October 

Revolution and the Finnish Declaration of Independence 

on 6 December 1917. All this political activity 

influenced the decision-making and the formation of 

archives at the time, creating a shortage of sources for 

historical study. 

The history of the construction of the dry dock was 

published in the 1950s by Lars Petterson (1953) in his 

series of general articles on the Suomenlinna dockyard. 

The plan for building a completely new basin was only 

referred to by Petterson as an unfinished plan (Petterson 

1953, p.3). What we have left from the process of 

building a new dockyard basin today are the physical 

remains, two log-barrier embankments. They are 

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MINNA 

LEINO 

Reusing a Log-Barrier Embankment 

at the Suomenlinna Sea Fortress 

Islands 

Fig. 1. The larger log-barrier embankment under construction, 17 February 1917, at the mouth of Tykistölahti Bay (Helsinki 

City Museum). 

206 

located on opposite sides of the planned basin, which 

was a bay called Tykistölahti between two islands. It is 

unclear when exactly these two remains were discovered. 

The smaller embankment was later left under a 

landfill, and is more or less visible in the water; but the 

origin of the construction was almost forgotten until 

this case study. 

The larger embankment is submerged and invisible 

from the surface. It was identified by the marine archaeologist 

Harry Alopaeus in an article in 1984. He 

had found the only ‘eyewitness’ to the construction 

work, which had so far been referred to as only an 

unfinished plan without any kind of building activity. 

This eyewitness is an old photograph from the archives 

of the Helsinki City Museum, dating from 17 February 

1917 (Fig. 1). In this picture, the larger log-barrier embankment 

is partly floating on top of the current location, 

giving us an excellent dating for the construction 

work (Alopaeus 1984, p.34). 

It is not clear if these two embankments were built simultaneously, 

or one after the other. Nevertheless, the 

construction work of the new basin was unfinished by 

the time the Russians handed over the fortification to 

Finland on 14 April 1918 (Enqvist, Härö 1998, p.17). 

Suomenlinna technical administration’s engineering 

workshop took over the site, and relatively quickly 

presented a plan for enlarging the dockyard with a 

new basin (Sipilä 2007, p.39). From this plan, there is 

at least one copy of a map (Fig. 2), partly preserved, 

together with public records and minutes revealing 

the lively discussions involved. The plan for building 

a new dockyard basin on Suomenlinna stayed in active 

political discussion until the 1940s (Sipilä 2007, 

p.42; Petterson 1953, p.5). It was finally rejected as 

old fashioned, but it can be referred to as evidence of 

the importance of shipbuilding at the time. These two 

underwater remains of log-barrier embankments show 

the amount of hard work related to this process. 

Source material from two different 

log-barrier embankments 

The smaller embankment construction is the site of archaeological 

documentation in this case study. There is 

also one surviving old photograph of this smaller embankment 

(Fig. 3). This photograph is from the year 

1918, before the landfill, which later on covered up 

the construction. (Rosén 1994, p.49). This smaller log-


Fig. 2. The plan of 30 July 1918 for building a new basin. Both embankments are presented in the drawing (Archives of the 

National Board of Antiquities). 

IV 

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ON THE COAST 

Fig. 3. The smaller log-barrier embankment is visible before the landfill. This picture was taken in 1918 (Helsinki City 

Museum). 

207

MINNA 

LEINO 



Islands 

Fig. 5. Archaeological documentation on the smaller log-barrier embankment was carried out with the help of Total Station 

(photograph by M. Leino). 

208 

barrier embankment was partly reused as a jetty in the 

1980s. It was used as a temporary bridge before the 

construction of the jetty. About a third of the structure 

has been dredged away, and the last third of the structure 

is now visible in the water. 

The larger embankment at the mouth of the bay was 

never finished, and it was left at the bottom where we 

can find it today. It is probably the biggest underwater 

wooden barrier construction in the world, covering 

the whole width of the mouth of the bay. It is made 

up of three different parts in a V-shape, and altogether 

it forms an almost 100-metre-long and 12-metre-high 

wall of logs. The available documentation of this construction 

was made by voluntary divers in the 1980s, 

after more than 100 diving hours. At the time, its origin 

was interpreted to be a sailing obstacle. These original 

sketches and measurements were found in the Marine 

Archaeological Archives of the National Board of Antiquities 

in Finland. In addition, multibeam sonar documentation 

was carried out in June 2010, in connection 

with the archaeological survey of the area conducted 

by the author between the years 2007 and 2010 (Fig. 

4, see Plate VI). 

The documentation of the smaller 

embankment 

Archaeological documentation was carried out on this 

structure from 8 to 12 June 2009, covering altogether 

160 square metres. The construction of the log-barrier 

embankment was first excavated with shovels. The underwater 

part of the construction, mainly the end and 

the side profiles, was brushed and cleaned of vegetation 

and sediment. The whole construction was documented 

by photographing it with digital cameras. The 

construction was documented in detail with Total Station 

(Fig. 5). The side profiles were only visible in the 

underwater parts, and were thus in addition measured 

and drawn by hand. These two sets of information 

were combined afterwards. In the documentation, the 

focus was on different kinds of joints and the condition 

of the wooden material (Fig. 6). 

The dendrochronological sampling 

of the smaller embankment 

The aim was to see if dendrochronological analyses 

can give us new information on the time of construction. 

Besides the confirmation of dating, there was a 

possibility for gaining new information on the logistics 

of the time. Where did the wood come from, and what


Fig. 6. A map of the smaller log-barrier embankment (drawn by Otso Manninen). 

type of wood was used? The sampling was organised 

on 3 September 2009 with the use of a chainsaw. Altogether, 

four different samples from different trunks 

were taken. These samples were analysed by the Dendrochronological 

Laboratory of the University of Joensuu 

(Zetterberg 2010). 

No of sample Years of growth Estimation of the year 

of felling 

FIU6101 1826-1911 0-10 years after 1911 




All four samples were pine (Pinus sylvestris), which 

gives us reason to believe that the whole construction 

was made of pine wood. Four samples were not 

enough to determine the exact location of the growth of 

the wood, but curves from southern Finland were used 

as reference material. Every trunk used in the construction 

was peeled, leading to some inaccuracy in the dendrochronological 

results. After the last identified ring, 

the soft surface could still have contained more annual 

rings. The number could only be estimated from 

the depth where the heartwood changes into sapwood 

(Zetterberg 2010). 

Theoretical background of reuse in an 

archaeological context 

At the time the archaeological documentation was carried 

out, it was obvious that the construction maintained 

its use. This is not a typical solution, and therefore it 

is necessary to look into the theoretical background 

of reuse in an archaeological context. Reuse and recycling 

have been discussed in archaeology in several 

contexts. In a marine archaeological context, recent 

views are expressed by Nathan Richards in his book 

Ship Graveyards. On the questions of reuse and recycling, 

Richards refers to the principles laid down previously 

by Schiffer, Downing and McCarthy in their 

article ‘Waste Not, Want Not: An Ethnoarchaeological 

Study of Reuse in Tucson, Arizona’. They expressed, 

at the beginning of the 1980s, how little is known about 

what happens to artefacts after their original owners 

no longer find them useful. Do they end up as waste, 

or something else? We can agree that waste is a human 

concept. In nature, nothing is wasted: everything 

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LEINO 



Islands 

Fig. 7. A detail of the map: red presents the archaeological documentation of 2009; green the dredging in the 1980s; the blue 

area of the construction is under a jetty (by M. Leino). 

210 

is part of a continuous cycle (Hayes 1978, p.6). Does 

waste equal an archaeological context, where remains 

from a systemic context end up as protected ancient 

sites; and does the continuous cycle of use end there? 

Schiffer et al. explain the elementary nature of reuse 

behaviour: it is a process where a change occurs either 

to the user, the use or the form of a particular artefact. 

Distinct behaviours are connected to different reuse 

mechanisms. According to Schiffer, recycling requires 

the reintroduction of material into an industrial process, 

where the material is transferred to some other form or 

function. A typical process of recycling is the salvaging 

of objects and the dismantling of watercraft. Secondary 

use, meaning reuse, refers to a situation where 

the form of an object is not changed, but its function 

is altered to something different to the original. It is 

typical that this occurs in objects which are worn out 

(Richards 2008, p.55; Schiffer et al. 1981, pp.67-86). 

From this perspective, we could argue that turning a 

log-barrier embankment into a jetty construction could 

be called reuse. 

Conservation processes are related to the process 

where the techno-function of an object changes from 

techno-function to socio- or ideo-function. A good 

example is the number of historic ships used as museums, 

where they are not technically speaking serving 

as ships, but as historical objects (Richards 2008, 

p.55; Schiffer et al. 1981, pp.67-86). In the case of log-

arrier embankments, there could also be some aspects 

of a conservation process, if the historical background 

of the construction could be made visible in the landscape. 

This could be achieved by establishing information 

signs explaining the history of the log-barrier 

embankments, and also presenting pictures visualising 

the construction. 

Results 

After documentation and dendrochronological sampling, 

we were able to transfer the structure from an 

archaeological context to a systemic context. The site 

can again be in active use, but in a different way to what 

it was originally built for. The site can be reused as a 

base for a new jetty. In order to be reused, a different 

kind of information was collected from the structure 

compared to normal archaeological documentation. 

Attention was paid to the condition of the wood as a 

building material, and to the strength of the structure. 

It was a surprise how big a difference there could be in 

the preservation of the wood in different parts of the 

structure. On the side towards dry land, the wood was 

badly destroyed by erosion and bacterial activity. In the 

water, it was waterlogged, and, kept as such, it will stay 

in good condition. If the wood is taken on to dry land, 

it will not last for long. The best preserving conditions 

were, however, inside wet sand: even tool marks were 

still visible. 

Only visual estimations of the preservation of the wood 

could be carried out, no ultrasound measurements were 

made. The same estimation happened with the conditions 

of different joints. The whole structure had been 

influenced by the dredging of a third of the structure, 

and in particular joints close to the dredged end of the 

construction had opened up, decreasing the structural 

strength of the whole construction. This does not necessarily 

mean that the ability to preserve the land on 

the shoreline from erosion is weakened. Steering poles 

on both sides of the wall anchor the construction into 

the ground, making it a stable construction. 

We could not reach a more precise dating for the structure. 

We have a dating for the construction already 

from a previously mentioned old photograph, where 

the construction is visible in the year 1917. It was taken 

in the spring of 1917. In this sense, the dendrochronological 

samples do not give us new information for 

dating the construction. 

In our case study, we were able to compare two similar 

constructions, two embankments on opposite sides of 

a planned dockyard. Both structures were made with 

roundwood, using saddle notches, box-like structures 

which are better known from traditional log cabins. 

The bay called Tykistölahti offered a natural basin between 

two islands, making it geographically suitable 

for enlarging the old dry dock with a new dockyard basin. 

Still, it was technically and logistically very challenging 

to build a wooden construction in these kinds 

of geographical conditions. Even the underwater topography 

of the water area varies a great deal, and is 21 

metres at the deepest point by the larger embankment, 

while the depth around the smaller embankment is less 

than two metres. This might be the reason why the 

smaller log-barrier embankment has no tabled splice 

joints, that is, a type of joint which is more durable but 

more difficult and time-consuming to make than a simple 

scarf- or butt joint, which were both used. Instead 

of these, tabled splice joints, or ‘lock-joints’, were used 

in the larger embankment. 

Traditionally, wooden pegs are used in these kinds of 

constructions as nails attaching logs on top of each 

other in order to prevent them from moving sideways. 

Using iron nails instead of wooden pegs in an embankment 

made for underwater conditions is an exceptional 

and unusual choice. The embankments were probably 

made very quickly, and were intended to be short-term 

embankments that were supposed to prevent the sea 

water from entering the basin while permanent constructions 

were being made. In other words, it should 

have been possible to build permanent embankments 

within the shelter given by these embankments. It is 

clear that neither work hours nor costs were saved 

by making both of these constructions with axes and 

knives. The exact techniques of the building operations 

are worth closer study. Were they built on the site on 

top of ice, as we would expect from the eyewitness 

photograph? 

Discussion 

This presentation was given as part of the international 

conference called ‘Underwater Archaeology in the 

Baltic Region: Challenges and Perspectives’. Challenges 

are present in research in general, but they are 

particularly prominent in different kinds of fieldwork. 

This log-barrier embankment case study was challenging 

because it was a combination of land-based archaeological 

documentation and underwater archaeological 

methods. Even more challenging was the need to collect 

information on the condition of the construction 

and the material to plan the future of the structure. The 

combination of all of these can be very successful. 

In dealing with very recent history, as in our case the 

year 1917, we always have to find a way to use different 

kinds of sources. Archaeological records are the 

main source of information describing the manner of 


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Islands 

MINNA 

LEINO 

interpretation when an archaeologist is doing research. 

This kind of construction can easily be studied by other 

disciplines, concentrating more on historical data. It is 

a question of a different kind of approach, and all are 

equally important in forming a reconstruction of the 

past. Archaeology should not be used merely to verify 

the historical record, nor is the historical record enough 

if there is a possibility for collecting archaeological 

data. We marine archaeologists should be able to convince 

not only our colleagues but other scholars and a 

wider audience as well that an archaeological perspective 

is necessary in a situation where there is already 

a wealth of information from other sources. Widening 

the scope of the documentation, as in this case study, 

could be one way of making people understand the 

possibilities that archaeological research can offer contemporary 

society. 

One problem with marine archaeology is that sites are 

not visible: they are not real! New techniques, like 

multibeam sonar, help in visualising the underwater 

cultural landscape and archaeological remains such as 

the larger log-barrier embankment. The smaller logbarrier 

embankment was in a location where people 

could partly see the construction. A lot of effort during 

the fieldwork went into disseminating information: it 

was happening in a Unesco World Heritage Site. We 

accept that people are fascinated by archaeological 

excavations in general, and, instead of being unreceptive 

towards curious visitors, we should take the time 

to explain what we are doing. This is a way of making 

people respect their environment and appreciate 

the historical layers in the landscape. Archaeologists 

should, in this respect, realise the educational side of 

archaeological research. This research also honours 

the work of past generations. We should not remove 

all these signs of work from the landscape; rather, we 

should aim to make them more visible and accessible, 

by working together with other professions. 

All this does not exclude the fact that, being a research 

discipline, we should also be able to come up with 

new information. There is a trend in marine archaeological 

research to refer to constructions as artefacts. 

This creates the possibility to concentrate on a study 

of the lifespan of an object or a construction, offering 

the possibility for a new kind of approach. It can also 

mean that we can study sites which are not ancient, but 

which have been abandoned rather recently or are still 

in use. 


I would like to thank the Governing Body of Suomenlinna 

for their cooperation, and the field team of Otso 

Manninen, Eeva Vakkari, Kalle Salonen, Timo Palin, 

Pekka Paanasalo, Riikka Tevali and Ari Pajunen. I 

would also like to thank Riikka Alvik, Veli-Pekka Suhonen, 

Jari Hacklin and Ove Enqvist for their advice. 

Finally, I would like to dedicate this article to my colleague 

Helena Rosén, a great expert in the history of 

Suomenlinna, who recently passed away. 

References 

ALOPAEUS, H., 1984. Suomenlinnan vedenalaiset esteet. 

Narinkka, Helsinki City Museum 1984, 19-58. 

ENQVIST, O., HÄRÖ, M., 1998. Varuskunnasta maailmanperinnöksi. 

Suomenlinnaseura ry, Uudenkaupungin Sanomat 

Oy. 

GARDBERG, C.J, PALSILA, K., 1998. Viapori, Suomenlinna. 

Otavan Kirjapaino. 

HAYES, D., 1978. Repairs, Reuse, Recycling – First Steps 

Toward a Sustainable Society. Worldwatch Paper, 23, September 

1978. 

MATIKKA, H., 2008. The Importance of Dockyards in ships 

protection. The Future of Historic Dockyards, Round-Table 

Report Suomenlinna 2008. Helsinki, 22-27. 

PETTERSON, L., 1953. Valmetin Suomenlinnan telakan 

vaiheita, Suomen itsenäisyyden aika. Valmet N:o 3 Perhelehti. 

Helsinki, 1-7. 

RICHARDS, N., 2008. Ships’ graveyards. Florida University 

Press. 

ROSÉN, H., 2008. The History of Suomenlinna Dockyard. 

The Future of Historic Dockyards, Round-Table Report 

Suomenlinna. Helsinki, 16-21. 

ROSÉN, H., 2007. Suomenlinnan telakan rakennusvaiheet 

1700-1900 –luvulla. Suomenlinnan telakka ennen ja nyt. 

Lahti, 8-17. 

ROSÉN, H., 1997. Bastioni Taube. Suomenlinnan rakennusten 

historia. Jyväskylä, 48-49. 

SCHIFFER, M.B., DOWNING, T.E., McCARTHY, M., 

1981. Waste Not, Want Not: An Ethnoarchaeological 

Study of Reuse in Tucson, Arizona. Studies in Archaeology. 

London: Academic Press, 67-86. 

SIPILÄ, P., 2007. Suurtelakkasuunnitelmia: Suomenlinnan 

telakka itsenäisyyden alkuvuosina. Suomenlinnan telakka 

ennen ja nyt. Lahti, 38-43. 

ZETTERBERG, P., 2010. Helsingin Suomenlinnan Varvilahden 

patorakenteen puunäytteiden iänmääritys, dendrokronologiset 

ajoitukset FIU6001-FIU6009. Joensuun 

yliopisto, Biotieteiden tiedekunta, Ekologian tutkimusinstituutti, 

Dendrokronologian laboratorio, ajoitusseloste 

362. Joensuu, 1-8. 

Received: 12 September 2010; Revised: 19 October 2010; 


212

Minna Leino 

National Board of Antiquities 

Marine Archaeology Unit 

Hylkysaari, FI-00570 

Helsinki, Finland 

E-mail: minna.leino@nba.fi 

PAKARTOTINAI PANAUDOTA 

RĄSTŲ UŽTVARA 

SUOMENLINNA SALOS 

TVIRTOVĖJE 

MINNA LEINO 


Santrauka 

Suomenlinna salos jūros tvirtovė, įkurta 1747 m., yra 

šalia Helsinkio miesto. Ši tvirtovė pastatyta siekiant 

apsaugoti jūros bazę ir laivų statyklą. 

Dvi medinių rąstų užtvaros buvo pastatytos tuo pačiu 

metu – 1918 m. Didžioji rąstų užtvara yra 10 m aukščio 

ir 70 m ilgio. Antra rąstų užtvara trumpesnė ir yra 

kitame įlankos gale. Archeologiniai užtvarų žvalgymai 

vykdyti 2009 m 160 m 2 plote. Dendrochronologinių 

tyrimų metu nustatyta, kad rąstai buvo paruošti 

1911–1916 metais. Tarpusavyje rąstai sujungti kabliais 

ir geležinėmis vinimis. Šių rąstų sujungimo darbai 

buvo atliekami po vandeniu. Povandeninių archeologinių 

tyrimų metu konstatuota, kad rąstų užtvara yra 

geros kokybės ir būtų kliūtis net dabartiniams laivams. 

Tyrimų metu sukauptos medžiagos analizė rodo, kad 

jūros vanduo mediniams rąstams irimo atžvilgiu didelės 

įtakos neturėjo. Šios užtvaros taps jūros muziejaus 

ekspozicijos dalimi. 


IV 

PREHISTORIC 

LANDSCAPES 

ON THE COAST 

213

V. RECENT UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL 

RESEARCH IN 

THE BALTIC SEA REGION 


215

The Underwater 

Archaeological Search Project 

in the Eastern Part of the Gulf 

of Finland Between 2006 

and 2009: Shipwrecks 

in the Russian Zone 

of the Nord Stream Project 

THE UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGICAL SEARCH 

PROJECT IN THE EASTERN PART OF THE GULF 

OF FINLAND BETWEEN 2006 AND 2009: 

SHIPWRECKS IN THE RUSSIAN ZONE 

OF THE NORD STREAM PROJECT 

PEtr 

SOrOKIN, 

AYVAr 

StEPANOV 

216 

PEtr SOrOKIN, AYVAr StEPANOV 

The plan for the North European Gas Pipeline (NEGP) 

from Russia to Germany under the Baltic Sea across 

the territorial waters and economic zones of Russia, 

Finland, Sweden, Denmark and Germany was 

the reason for this large-scale underwater archaeological 

research project that has led to the identification 

of new objects of the cultural heritage (Fig. 1). 

Between 2006 and 2009, integrated underwater research 

was carried out, including the identification and 

exploratory surveys of shipwrecks along the course of 

the projected pipeline in the Russian waters of the Gulf 

of Finland. Going from Portovaya Bay to the west of 

Maly Fiskar Island, southeast of the Bolshoy Fiskar 

Archipelago, passing Sommers Island, to the west of 

Hogland Island, the route goes beyond the territorial 

waters of the Russian Federation into the economic 

zone of Finland. Its total length in Russian waters is 

about 110 kilometres. 

The route of the projected pipeline crosses historic 

water routes which connected the Baltic Sea with the 

eastern part of the Gulf of Finland. As early as the 

Middle Ages, there were waterways from the Nordic 

countries to the mouth of the River Neva, the Beryozovye 

Islands and the Gulf of Vyborg. From the Viking 

period (the eighth to the 11th centuries) until the late 

Middle Ages (the 17th century), the route along the 

northern coast of the gulf served as the main route for 

voyages by Norsemen, Hanseatic merchants and other 

inhabitants of northern Europe to Russia. After the 

foundation of Vyborg in 1293, there were routes which 

passed through the area, linking the town with Sweden. 

Given that the existing routes developed in the basic 

directions of traditional waterways used for navigation 

since the Middle Ages, it can be expected that wrecks 

from the Medieval period that are not mentioned in historical 

documents will be found. The time was characterised 

by sailing within sight of the shore, so the most 

likely discovery of Medieval vessels is predicted to 

be in the immediate vicinity of the northern coast and 

near coastal island archipelagos. Since the Late Middle 

Ages, international routes using large vessels formed, 

which were some distance from the coast, and which 

mostly coincide with modern shipping routes. At the 

same time, navigation by small and medium-size vessels 

often continued along the traditional routes. 

The busiest period of navigation in these waters 

emerged after the foundation of St Petersburg in 1703, 

as most trade between Russia and Western Europe was 

carried out through the city. In the 18th to the 20th 

centuries, the major waterways to St Petersburg and 

Vyborg north of the island of Hogland was included in 

the zone of two lighthouses, Sommersky and Northern 

Hogland. Another way was to go south of Hogland. 

The Northern Hogland shoal, located a few kilometres 

from the northern tip of Hogland Island, is the place 

with the most shipwrecks of commercial and military 

ships from the 18th to the 20th centuries in the eastern 

Baltic. 

Information about wrecks of commercial and military 

vessels in these waters can be found in archive documents. 

In the 18th and 19th centuries, the following 

vessels were lost here: two 32-gun frigates, the Hector 

(sunk in 1742) and the Archangel Michael (1760), 

the 66-gun battleship the Vyacheslav (1789), the galliot 

Enge Tobias (1771), the transport yacht Theodosius 

(1814), and the transport ship America (1856) 

(Sokolov 1855, pp.20, 88; Morskoy 1856, p.32ff; Sorokin 

2007, p.6). 

According to incomplete statistics on the wrecks of 

vessels in the area, between 1841 and 1858, 14 vessels 

sank; and between 1856 and 1866, 12 vessels sank. 

Most of these ships were private merchant vessels, 

mostly foreign, English, Dutch, Norwegian, German, 

Finnish and Swedish. 

There is information that as late as 1856 the Swedish 

schooner Victor sank here, and the English vessels 

Alexander, the brig Young Dixon, and the steamer 

Dzhakkal. In 1860 the Finnish schooner Ida, the British 

merchant ships Fanny and Gomsval, and the Dutch 

ship Triton were lost there. This data can be considered 

as an average annual figure (Sorokin 2007).


Fig. 1. The plan for the North European Gas Pipeline. 

V 

RECENT 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEO- 

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Fig. 2. The locations of shipwrecks identified in the zone of the pipeline. 

217

The Underwater 

Archaeological Search Project 

in the Eastern Part of the Gulf 

of Finland Between 2006 

and 2009: Shipwrecks 

in the Russian Zone 

of the Nord Stream Project 

PEtr 

SOrOKIN, 

AYVAr 

StEPANOV 

218 

The remains of two ships, a Finnish gunboat that sank 

in the last war, and a Soviet auxiliary ship (supposed 

to be the tugboat Shauliai), which was lost during its 

transfer from Tallinn in 1941, were examined by the 

St Petersburg Archaeological Expedition of the Institute 

for the History of Material Culture of the Russian 

Academy of Sciences, and the Northwest Institute of 

Heritage in 2005 in the Northern Bay area (Suurkyulyan-lahti) 

of Hogland Island (Sorokin 2005). 

Work on finding wrecks along the Russian section of 

the North European Gas Pipeline between 2006 and 

2009 was carried out by the Nord Stream company, using 

side-scan sonar and a remotely operated underwater 

vehicle (ROV) with a television camera. In 2008 

and 2009, most of the work was completed (Fig. 2). 

The total number of detected objects is 18. Three of 

the vessels have been dated to the 18th century, two 

to the 18th or 19th centuries, four to the 19th century, 

three to the 19th or 20th century, and four to the 20th 

century. The dating of two other vessels is difficult. 

Previously identified were two cargo ships, one Dutch 

from the18th century, and the other English from the 

19th century, and also two Soviet torpedo boats, lost in 

the Sommers area during the Second World War. They 

all received conventional names in accordance with 

a previously established system based on the nearest 

geographical point. Given the proximity of some 

of them to the route of the projected gas pipeline, in 

2009 there was further monitoring work on a number 

of objects. In the course of this work, on the southern 

section of the line, close to Hogland, four sites were 

examined, including the discovery as a result of a sonar 

scan at the base of the eastern slope of Hogland bank 

of a previously unknown, sunken cargo ship from the 

19th century, probably English, called ‘Hogland 14’. 

Glass, ceramics and crockery, and pipes were retrieved 

from the ship (Fig. 3, see Plate VII). Another ship surveyed 

by the divers was the merchant ship ‘Hogland 

11’. Judging by the construction and cargo, it can be 

identified as Dutch, from the last quarter of the 18th 

century. Also found were glass, ceramic and porcelain 

tableware, pipes and copper coins of Dutch and Russian 

origin (Fig. 4, see Plate VIII). Based on the shape 

and design features, this vessel can be defined as a galliot. 

The third cargo ship inspected, ‘Hogland 13’, with 

a large Admiralty anchor, dates from the first half of 

the 18th century (Fig. 5, see Plate VIII). The fourth cargo 

ship, ‘Sommers 4’, with a helm, dates from the 19th 

century (Fig. 6, see Plate VIII). In the course of the 

investigations, an examination, preliminary measurements 

and the identification of architectural elements 

were made (Stepanov 2009). Other sites were studied 

based on hydro-acoustic surveys and image acquisition 

materials. 

All of the vessels identified were recommended for inclusion 

in the list of cultural heritage objects. At this 

stage in the study, the precise determination of wrecks 

on the basis of written documents is difficult, given the 

large number of shipwrecks in the area and the insufficient 

knowledge of the vessels themselves, as well as 

the full range of archival information on the ships lost 

in that area. At the same time, we can say that medium-size 

commercial vessels belonging to several north 

European states prevail. This is consistent with historical 

data, according to which the main cargo transport 

across the Baltic Sea between Western Europe and 

Russia was carried out in the 18th and 19th centuries 

by West European, mostly British and Dutch, vessels. 

Given that most of the shipwrecks found lie at a considerable 

depth and are well preserved, the preservation 

of all the vessels found along the site of discovery 

during the construction work along the pipeline is recommended. 

To guarantee their conservation, the projected 

pipeline route should be constructed no closer 

than 100 metres from the identified sites. In the event 

of a reduction of this distance, it is necessary to develop 

a special project for the preservation of objects 

of the cultural heritage. In the event of the salvaging 

of ships, or parts of them, their full conservation and 

delivery to state museum care should be ensured. 

References 

Manuscripts 

SOROKIN, P.E., 2005. Nauchnyj otchet o provedenii podvodnykh 

arkheologicheskikh isledovaniy v akvatorii Finskogo 

zaliva v 2005 g. Arkhiv I.A. RAN. 

SOROKIN, P.E., 2007. Expertnoe zaklyuchenie ob istorikokul’turnoy 

zennosti vyyavlennykh podvodnykh ob’ektov 

po trasse Nord Stream (SEG) v predelakh territorial’nykh 

vod I isklyuchitel’noy ekonomicheskoy zony Rossii. St. 

Peterburg. 

STEPANOV, A.V., 2009. Otchet o proizvodstve archeologicheskikh 

razvedok v akvatorii Fiskogo zaliva v rayone 

ostrovov Sommers, Gogland v Kingisepskom rayone Leningradskoy 

oblasti v 2009 g. Arkhiv Instituta archeologii 

RAN. 

Literature 

BOGATYRYOV, S.V., 1994. Poteri boevykh I katerov VMF 

SSSR v period Velikoy Otechestvennoy voyny. Leningrad. 

Krushenie transporta “Amerika” na sev. okonechnosti Goglanda. 

15.10. 1856. Morskoy sb. XXVI №14, 32-35. 

Morskoy atlas, Vol. 3. Moskva, 1966. 

SOKOLOV, A.P., 1855. Letopis’ krusheniy I pozharov sudov 

russkogo flota ot nachala ego po 1854 god. Sankt Peterburg. 

Received: 26 September 2010; Revised: 18 October 2010; 

Accepted: 28 December 2010.

INVESTIGATIONS OF THE EVOLUTION OF THE 

BALTIC SEA AND EARLY HUMAN SETTLEMENT 

IN THE EASTERN BALTIC AREA (BASED ON 

MATERIALS FROM THE KALININGRAD REGION) 

OLGA DRUZHININA, IVAN SKHODNOV 

Abstract 

This article treats a wide-ranging scientific project ‘The Evolution of the Baltic Sea and the Stages of the Earliest Human 

Settlement in the Southeast Baltic’ that started in 2009. The main research methods consist of multidisciplinary investigations 

of key archaeological sites and former glacial water-pools and bogs. The final result of the project is expected to be a 

model of demographic processes that occurred in the southeast Baltic during the Late Glacial and Early Holocene set against 

environmental changes. 

Key words: evolution of the Baltic Sea, palaeogeographic reconstructions, Palaeolithic, earliest settlements, southeast Baltic. 


Introduction 

The question of the earliest settlement of a territory is 

one of the most important and principal ones in Stone 

Age archaeology. It is a kind of benchmark in relations 

between nature and humans. Stone Age archaeological 

sites, especially Palaeolithic and Mesolithic ones, are 

vary rare. They are of great value because of the unique 

information they give us about the earliest stages of the 

development of human society. For various historical 

reasons, there is less information about social and economic 

processes in the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic in 

the Kaliningrad region of Russia than about neighbouring 

areas of northern Poland and southwest Lithuania. 

The present state of our knowledge on the Palaeolithic 

in the Kaliningrad region is based on previously single 

finds that are not linked with any complex. Basically, 

it is casual finds of the tips of arrows, harpoons, and 

other products made from bone and horn which have 

been found during land reclamation work (Gross 1938, 

p.83ff). Most of them exclude not only the possibility 

of determining their cultural identity, but also their indisputable 

recognition as belonging to the Late Glacial. 

Research into the Late Palaeolithic of the area under 

discussion goes back to the middle of the 19th century. 

The initial stage of studying questions concerning 

the development of the environment of East Prussia, 

the cultural identity of the first settlers of the region, 

and the time and routes of the settling was covered by 

the German archaeologists C. Engel (1935), W. Gaerte 

(1929), H. Gross (1938) and Engel W. La Baume 

(1937), and the work of some specialised research establishments, 

the Prussian Society of Antiquities (Altertumsgesellschaft 

Prussia), formed in Кönigsberg in 

1844, and a naturalists’ society, Physikalisch-Ökonomische 

Gesellschaft, formed in 1870. The time from 

the beginning of the 19th century to 1945 was marked 

by a steady interest in studying the development of the 

environment and human society in East Prussia, the 

beginning of purposeful archaeological research, and 

the accumulation of information. The study of issues 

of primitive archaeology in the Kaliningrad area after 

the Second World War and in the modern period of research 

is characterised by a lack of uniformity. Without 

exhaustive data on Late Palaeolithic sites, it is impossible 

to form a complete and consistent picture of the 

earliest settlement of the area. Considering this, in the 

investigation of the Palaeolithic-Mesolithic settlement 

of the Kaliningrad region, the methods and data of the 

palaeogeography, and computer reconstructions of the 

ancient environment that are based on them, should be 

treated in the same light as the archaeological research. 

The project ‘The Evolution of the Baltic Sea and the 

Stages of the Earliest Human Settlement in the Southeast 

Baltic’ was initiated by Immanuel Kant State 

University in Kaliningrad. The project looks at fundamental 

problems related to the Late Glacial and Post- 

Glacial evolution of the Baltic Sea, and its impact on 

prehistoric migrations of populations in the southeast 

Baltic. 

Advanced methods of radiocarbon dating, combined 

with palaeoenvironmental and palaeolimnological 

studies, make it possible to correlate the early stages of 

human settlement with the evolution of the Baltic Sea 

and internal waterways in the southeast Baltic. 

V 

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219

Investigations of the Evolution 

of the Baltic Sea and Early 

Human Settlement in 

the Eastern Baltic Area 

(Based On Materials From the 

Kaliningrad Region) 

OLGA 

DRUZHININA, 

IVAN 

SKHODNOV 

220 

The project’s objectives include: 

1. An assessment of the impact of environmental 

change on prehistoric settlements in the southeast Baltic. 

2. The role of waterways in the contacts of local groups. 

3. The impact of ecological factors on the emergence 

of economic entities. 

4. New data on Stone Age archaeology and palaeogeography, 

and climate and landscape changes on the 

border of the Late Glacial and Holocene. 

Methods 

Within the framework of our research, there are two 

main parts to our investigations. In the first preliminary 

stage, numerous data on palaeogeography were summarised, 

and several conclusions about features of the 

Late Glacial environment were made. To optimise the 

archaeological research, especially prospective, some 

methods of palaeogeography were applied in the preliminary 

stage of the studies. They included different 

kinds of palaeogeographic reconstructions, and working 

out maps based on them. These last reflect the geomorphological, 

climatic and landscape situations for 

each period of the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene. 

The correlation of these maps and a retrospective 

analysis permits us to define territories with the 

most convenient natural characteristics, and therefore 

which were settled by ancient people first. The factors 

that contributed to colonisation were parameters of the 

meso-relief, water resources, the location of sources 

of raw materials, and the character of the substrate. 

The following tendencies for the distribution of Palaeolithic 

and Mesolithic sites in Kaliningrad region 

were noticed: a geographical linkage to river valleys, 

continental dunes, and sandy and gravel substrates a 

small distance from sources of raw materials. This approach 

allows us to make a prognosis, and to divide 

areas which offer the most hope for field prospecting. 

The second part of our project includes field research, 

which consists of archaeological prospecting, the investigation 

of key archaeological sites, and the investigation 

of objects of the palaeohydrological net. 

The archaeological sites and wetlands are investigated 

with the use of: 

1. A GIS-aided survey 

2. Radiometric dating 

3. Pollen analysis 

4. Diatom analysis 

5. Geochemical analysis 

6. The development of an electronic archaeological 

and palaeolandscape database 

7. The development of GIS-aided maps. 

The main methods of palaeogeographical investigation 

are coring and sampling of bog, lake and mire deposits, 

with the subsequent high-resolution radiocarbon 

dating, pollen and diatom analyses. The sampling is 

carried out with the use of a strengthened one-metrelong 

Hiller’s corer, a Russian corer (inner diameter 5 

and 7.5cm). The coring of lake bottom deposits is carried 

out both from ice (in winter and early spring) and 

from rafts (in summer). Samples for pollen and diatom 

analysis are taken from the cores at five-centimetre intervals, 

and prepared using standard techniques. The 

identification is carried out at the Institute of Limnology 

RAS and the Institute of Geography at St Petersburg 

State University. The radiocarbon dating of organic 

samples is carried out at the laboratories of the Institute 

of Geography, St Petersburg State University, and the 

Institute of History of Material Culture RAS, with the 

use of the liquid scintillation (LS) counting method. 

Within the framework of the project, the duration of 

the field research is three years. In 2009, the internal 

eastern areas of the Kaliningrad region (the valley of 

the River Sheshupe/Šešupė) were investigated. In 2010 

and 2011, studies in the central part of the region and 

the western coastal areas will be held. Special attention 

will be paid to changes in the Baltic Sea regime on the 

border of the Late Glacial and the Holocene, and the 

investigation of the ancient coastal terraces. 

Intermediate results 

of the archaeological and 

palaeogeographic research 

The palaeogeographic situation of the Palaeolithic is 

reconstructed proceeding from an analysis of quaternary 

stratigraphy (Druzhinina 2005, pp.34-78). On the 

existing topographic base, data reflecting the levels of 

the glacier lakes’ expansion was put down, and then a 

number of maps were worked out using graphic software 

(Figs. 1, 2). Figures 1 and 2 show the correlation 

of land, bodies of water and the ice sheet of the area 

under discussion in the Lower Dryas period. Approximately 

15,000 to 14,000 years BP, after the recession 

of the ice sheet, numerous barrier lakes appeared in the 

ancient valleys of the rivers Neman/Nemunas, Šešupė/ 

Sheshupe and Pregolya. The area to the east and south 

was tundra zone, where reindeer migrated for summer 

grazing, and they could be followed by the first human 

groups of hunters. We can conclude that the earliest 

Stone Age sites could be found just in these parts of 

the region. The palaeogeographic data justify the sur-


Fig. 1. The palaeogeographic situation of the Kaliningrad region in Dryas I. 

Fig. 2. The palaeogeographic situation of the Kaliningrad region at the end of Dryas I. 

mise that from the end of the Lower Dryas period the 

environmental conditions were rather favourable, or 

at least did not hamper human settlement there. Under 

arctic climatic conditions characterised by the lack 

of a humus layer, only limited arctic biocenoses could 

survive. Specific landscapes, typified by a combination 

of tundra-steppe features, periglacial steppes, were 

widespread. Humans could penetrate the area from 

the south after the recession of the glacier by moving 

along the sides of the glacier water pools. During 

the Böling period, the first significant warming of the 

Late Glacial took place. This led to the spread of parktundra 

landscapes. Since this time, being free of ice, 

the whole region became suitable for settlement. It is 

our assumption that the valley of the River Sheshupe 

was the kind of area where traces of the earliest settlement, 

dating from the Late Palaeolithic, can be found. 

After the recession of the ice sheet, a barrier lake appeared 

here. In the process of a decrease in the basis 

of erosion on the site of an extensive glacial reservoir 

in the River Sheshupe valley, the numerous isolated 

lakes, of which the existence could last hundreds of 

years, were formed, and parts of the rivers gradually 

united in a uniform system. The district bordering 

residual reservoirs represented the alternation of flat 

and hilly sites of the relief, combined by sand, sandy 

loams, peat and sand-gravel mixes. Thus, in a relief 

of plain files and ridges, morainic hills with average 

heights of 30 to 40 metres, and also a flat closed downturn, 

emerged. One feature of the relief forming at the 

end of the Pleistocene was the high activity of eolian 

processes. As a result, the surface of the Sheshupskaya 

plain is complicated by well-developed eolian forms, 

single dunes, systems of complex branched-out dunes, 

and small ridges. It is possible to assume that a varied 

relief, including continental dunes, ancient streams 

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OLGA 

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Fig. 3. The studied area: the valley of the River Sheshupe and Palaeolithic-Mesolithic sites. 

Fig. 4. A 3-D model of the relief and the Palaeolithic-Mesolithic sites. The valley of the River Sheshupe. 

222 

valleys, river capes, the prevalence of a sandy substratum, 

and the availability of flint raw material presented 

in the structure of sandy-gravel outputs, could 

become attractive features of valley landscapes still in 

the Late Glacial. The climatic conditions at the end of 

the Pleistocene varied repeatedly; however, even the 

significant cold snap in the Dryas period was possibly 

not an obstacle for visiting the region. The landscape 

conditions within the limits of the River Sheshupe valley 

also underwent numerous changes. The general 

picture of change in the environment looks as follows: 

landscapes of open tundra in the Early Dryas take the 

shape of park tundra with a light pine-birch forest and a 

high role of grasses in the Böling; in the Middle Dryas, 

grassy communities gave way to pine-birch woods in 

the Alleröd; at last, finishing the Late Glacial, the cold 

snap in the Late Dryas led to the regeneration of landscapes 

of tundra and forest-tundra, with the domination 

of grasses and dwarf forms of birch and willow, 

and also juniper. The investigations in the lower course 

of the river started in 2006 (Druzhinina 2007, pp.3-30). 

During the prospecting between 2006 and 2009, the


Fig. 5. The Ryadino 5 site: flint finds from 2008. 

surface of the partly preserved second and third ‘high’ 

terraces was surveyed (Figs. 3; 4). On the left bank of 

the river, several sites were uncovered. They are 100 to 

200 metres from each other, and are situated eight to 12 

metres above the river on the edge of the second terrace. 

Its modern surface is sandy, covered with a pine 

forest. The collection of flint tools includes the fragments 

of cores, end scrapers on blades, burins, knife 

blades and bladelets. They are made of local dark grey 

flint. Most of the finds are covered with a porcelainised 

patina. The topographical features of the localisation 

of monuments on a high second terrace, a strong patina 

and an archaic kind of subjects, allow us to date them 

preliminarily to the Late Palaeolithic period. 

In November 2009, excavations of one of these sites, 

Ryadino 5, took place. The arrangement of the Ryadino 

5 site is characterised by the greatest height (12m) 

above the water level in comparison with other objects 

in the group. In the relief, the site occupies a flat plat- 

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OLGA 

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form on the edge of a terrace. The preliminary dimensions 

of the site defined on an elevated level are 200 

metres (NW–SE) by 80 metres (SW–NE). The quantity 

of flint finds is about 900. The flint finds are presented 

as products without secondary processing, and 

cores and instruments of labour (Fig. 5). Two forms of 

cores have been found: cone-shaped one-platform and 

prismatic. Worked cores were possibly used as burins. 

Among the products without secondary processing, the 

majority are flakes; the quantity of blades is much less. 

Tools in the Ryadino 5 collection are of various kinds. 

The majority of the scrapers found are circular-end 

ones, made from flakes; several are with the remains 

of nodule crusts. Their working edges are finished by 

large and small blunting retouch, which is put only on 

the back of products, and thus covers from half to two 

thirds of the perimeter of the scrapers. End-scrapers on 

the blades have been found, too. Bladelets, fragments 

of knife blades, have been found. For the technique 

of manufacturing products, the presence of truncated 

semi-finished products and splitting by a rigid pressure 

flaking tool is characteristic. It is intended to make a 

trasological analysis of the finds. In the cultural layer, 

traces of economic constructions, including ash-filling 

and coal have been found; samples have been selected 

for radiocarbon analysis. Traces of buried soil, giving 

the chance to make a palynological analysis, have possibly 

been revealed. This archaeological site is the most 

ancient of the Stone Age settlements excavated so far 

in the Kaliningrad region (Druzhinina 2008, pp.5-20). 

However, there is not yet enough data to make conclusions 

about the cultural attribution of the Palaeolithic 

population which left this settlement. 

Archaeological work in the River Sheshupe valley was 

supplemented by a set of palaeogeographic research 

aimed at reconstructing the evolution of the Late Glacial 

to Early Holocene environment. As an object of 

study, in 2009 the Great Peatbog (54º 57’06 “N, 22º 

20’28” E, 34 m above sea-level) was chosen. The cut 

of the Great Peatbog is represented by layers characterising 

changes in the environment throughout the last 

7,500 years. The earliest dating, 7520±70 cal. years 

(LU-6261), was received from a depth of 6.6 to 6.5 

metres from the present surface of the peatbog. Botanical 

and diatom analyses, together with radiocarbon 

dating, allow us to track the history of the development 

of the reservoir, of which the occurrence concerns the 

beginning of the Atlantic period. As a whole, the data 

obtained keeps within the existing scheme of the development 

of a hydronetwork in the southeast Baltic 

in the Holocene, thus essentially enlarging on it. The 

expected results of the palynological study of tests will 

add a picture of changes in the landscape conditions in 

the River Sheshupe valley. 

An important component of the research done is the 

application of GIS-technology. All information on 

Stone Age monuments gathered during field research 

in 2009, and also in work with archives and literature, 

has been systematised in the form of drawing up an 

electronic database. During the relevant period, the 

working version specialised AGIS ‘Stone Age Sites in 

the Kaliningrad Region’, which contains information 

on 110 objects, was created. The electronic database 

includes the following characteristics: geographical 

position, modern topographical position, palaeogeographical 

characteristics, cultural attribution, chronology, 

and features of the material culture (data on tools 

and other finds). The structure of the system created 

provides storage, search and the analysis of information, 

without a dependence on foreign software, and 

the organisation of its direct interaction with a geoinformation 

system for subsequent analysis means GIS 

with the use of digital maps. 

As the final result of the project, we expect to obtain a 

model of demographic processes that occurred in the 

area of the southeast Baltic during the Late Glacial and 

Early Holocene against environmental changes. 


This exploratory project is financed by the Russian 

Foundation for Basic Research (project 09-06-00150a). 

References 

Manuscripts 

DRUZHININA, О.А., 2005. Vzaimodeistvie prirody i obshchestva 

v mezhdurech’e Nemana i Visly na rubezhe pleistocena 

i holocena. Disert. kand. geogr. nauk, Каliningrad, 

34-78. 

DRUZHININA, О.А., 2007. Otchet ob arkheologicheskikh 

issledovanii (razvedkakh) v nizhnem techehii reki 

Sheshupe v Nemanskom i Krasnoznamenskom raionakh 

Kaliningradskoi oblasti v 2006 gadu. Arkhiv Instituta 

arkheologii RAN, Moskva, 3-30. 

DRUZHININA, О.А., 2008. Otchet ob arkheologicheskikh 

issledovanii (razvedkakh) v nizhnem techehii reki 

Sheshupe v Nemanskom i Krasnoznamenskom raionakh 

Kaliningradskoi oblasti v 2007 gadu. Arkhiv Instituta 

arkheologii RAN, Moskva, 5-20. 

224

Literature 

ENGEL, C., 1935. Vorgeschichte der altpreussischen 

Stamme. Königsberg. 

ENGEL, C., LA BAUME, 1937. W. Kulturen und Volker der 

Fruhzeit im Preussenlande. Königsberg. 

GAERTE, W., 1929. Urgeschichte Ostpreussens. Königsberg. 

GROSS, H., 1938. Die altesten steinzeitfunde Altpreussen. 

Altpreussen, 3, Königsberg. 

Received: 14 June 2010; Revised 19 October 2010; 


Olga Druzhinina 

Immanuel Kant State University of Russia 

404, A. Nevsky street 14b 

Kaliningrad, 236038, Russia 

El-mail: olga-druzinina@rambler.ru 


Ivan Skhodnov 

Prebaltic Archaeology Scientific Research Centre 

6, Emelyanov street 53 

Kaliningrad, 236034, Russia 

E-mail: skhodnov@mail.ru 

V 

RECENT 

UNDERWATER 

ARCHAEO- 

LOGICAL 

RESEARCH 

IN THE 

BALTIC SEA 

REGION 

225

VI. CONTACTS ACROSS 

THE BALTIC SEA 


227

The Crossbow Animal-Headed 

Brooches From Grave 165 

of the Sambian-Natangian 

Culture Burial Ground 

at Bol’shoe Isakovo 

(Formerly Lauth) 

OLGA 

KHOMIAKOVA 

THE CROSSBOW ANIMAL-HEADED BROOCHES 

FROM GRAVE 165 OF THE SAMBIAN-NATANGIAN 

CULTURE BURIAL GROUND AT BOL’SHOE 

ISAKOVO (FORMERLY LAUTH) * 

OLGA KHOMIAKOVA 

Abstract 

The article presents the publication and an attempt at the analysis of the brooches from grave 165 of the Bol’shoe Isakovo 

(formerly Lauth) burial ground. These are special finds which produces pieces of animal-headed crossbow brooches of the 

Migration Period in Sambian-Natangian culture and the western Baltic region. Brooches from the grave of the Bol’shoe 

Isakovo burial ground should be one of the earliest examples of the animal style in the southeast Baltic, and an instance of 

contacts between northern Europe and the Sambian population in the Early Migration Period. 

Key words: Bol’shoe Isakovo burial ground, Sambian-Natangian culture, animal-headed crossbow brooches, Early Migration 

Period. 

228 

Crossbow animal-headed or zoomorphic brooches became 

widespread in the eastern Baltic and on the islands 

in the Baltic Sea in the fifth to seventh centuries. 

Multiple specimens are known in the Finno-Ugric area 

and in antiquities of Kiev culture (Kazakevičius 1983, 

p.189ff; Tautavičius 1996, p.201ff; Bitner-Wróblewska 

2001, p.195ff). These brooches play a special role in 

archaeological evidence of the Balts, as one of the reflections 

of the complex cultural situation in the region. 

It is worth devoting attention to any of them, especially 

to brooches of sub-types that were formerly unknown. 

The main subject of this article are two crossbow 

animal-headed brooches, found in grave 165 of the 

Bol’shoe Isakovo burial ground in the Guryevsky district 

of the Kaliningrad region (formerly Lauth, Kreis 

Königsberg), which belongs to Sambian-Natangian 

culture (or Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture). This work is 

also devoted to a material analysis of these ornaments, 

to the question of dating and identifying them in the 

context of already-known typological schemes. 

Grave 165 was uncovered during excavations of the 

Bol’shoe Isakovo burial ground conducted by the 

Sambian-Natangian archaeological expedition of the 

Kaliningrad State Museum of History and Art (KOI- 

HM) by K.N. Skvortsov 1 (Skvortzov 2003, p.31ff, 

* This work was carried out in the framework of the project 

RGNF № 09-01-00511а ‘Contacts and Interactions of the 

Forest and Forest-Steppe Zone Population of East Europe 

in the Late Roman Period and Migration Period (according 

to female costume)’. 

1 

The author is grateful to K.N. Skvortsov for the opportunity 

to use unpublished data from the Bol’shoe Isakovo 

(formerly Lauth) burial ground. 

Figs. 140-143). The grave was located in the eastern 

part of the burial ground, and was described as a cremation 

of 0.79 by 0.57 metres in size and 0.21 metres 

in depth. The remains of cremated bones were put in a 

ceramic urn 2 and placed in the lower part. The upper 

part of the urn was disturbed by ploughing. The grave 

goods consisted of clothes and personal ornaments. 

The finds were situated above the bones, and were 

affected by fire. In the centre were two bronze crossbow 

brooches with stylised animal heads on feet (Fig. 

1.1-2). Near them was a fragment of a third brooch, 

ornamented with wire coils (Fig. 1.3-4), which possibly 

belonged to the so-called Große Armbrustfibeln 

type. In the filling of the pit, a spiral bronze ring was 

found (Fig. 1.6). This belonged to the C. Beckmann 

Type 30 form (Beckmann 1969, Plates 2 and 30-38, 

Figs. 14-17). Near the southwest side of the urn, a clay 

biconical spindle-whorl was discovered (Fig. 1.7). The 

only find untouched by fire was a disc-shaped lathed 

amber bead ТМ 439 (Tempelmann-Mąçzynska 1985, 

p.75, Plate 67), found in the northwest part of the urn 

(Fig. 1.5). The character and combination of finds in 

this grave allow us to consider it as a female grave, and 

to date it to the Early Migration Period (phase D 1 

after 

the chronological system proposed by K. Godłowski). 

The brooches described above (Fig. 2, see Plate V) 

have a crossbow construction, with flat (about 0.3cm 

thick) feet with a short cast catchplate. They are small 

in size. The length of their body is about 4.9 and 4.6 

centimetres, the axis 2.7 and 2.5 centimetres, and the 

2 

A bone data anthropological analysis of grave 165 has not 

yet been done. The individual gender of the buried person 

is determined by identification of the grave goods.


Fig. 1. Bol’shoe Isakovo, female grave 165. Grave goods: 1–4, 6 bronze; 5 amber; 7 pottery. 1–4, 5 

(drawings by O. Khomiakova; 5, 7 after Skvortzov 2003, Fig. 143). 

height of the bows about 2.2 centimetres. The terminals 

of the axis are decorated by hemispherical knobs. 

At the head of the feet are small faceting notches. The 

side surface of the bow is decorated with relief decoration, 

zones of grooves. The ribs are also decorated with 

notches. The long foot of every such brooch has an imitation 

of an animal head. It is characterised by a slight 

rise in the profile, which is covered by an embossed 

belt with skew notches. There were also similar belts 

on the feet terminals. The side surface of the brooches’ 

feet between belts was filled by riffling. 

A classification of the crossbow animal-headed 

brooches was proposed for the first time by N. Åberg. 

The basis consists of examples from former East Prussia 

(Åberg 1919, p.94, Figs. 127-131). This scheme for 

the development of the type, which was completed by 

examples from other areas, is accepted today (Bitner- 

Wróblewska 2001, p.77ff, Figs. 15, 17). But it should 

be admitted that there is not a common viewpoint on 

the typology of crossbow animal-headed brooches of 

the Balts. Thus, in compliance with another classification, 

these fibulae are divided into three groups, characterised 

by their decoration and chronology: specimens 

with animal motifs and spirals, pieces decorated in the 

Germanic style, and brooches made according to Germanic 

prototypes (Bliujienė 2002, р.151ff, Figs. 6-12). 

Another typology of crossbow animal-headed brooches 

has been proposed by V. Kulakov (Kulakov 1990, 

pp.204-215), but this typology cannot be regarded as 

satisfactory. It has no clear classification criteria; in 

this case, brooches of the same type belong either to 

different variations (group 2 and 4), or combine into 

one (group 3) (Kulakov 1990, Figs. 3-4). 

Most similar to brooches from Bol’shoe Isakovo, according 

to morphology and stylistics, might be examples 

from Mrạgowo (formerly Sensburg) of the 

Masurian Lakeland (Åberg 1919, Fig. 12) (Fig. 3.1), 

which represent the earliest phase of the development 

of zoomorphic fibulae (Bitner-Wróblewska 2001, 

pp.79ff, 195). They were made of bronze, their corpus 

had a prolonged form, being decorated with relief 

ornament, and had a stylised snake’s head on the 

foot. Findings of such brooches have been known in 

Germanic areas: the islands of Öland and Bornholm 

(Magnus 2004, p.271ff) (Fig. 3.2). From here, as a result 

of different interactions, they came into the area of 

the Balts (Kazakevičius 1983, p.194ff; Bliujienė 2002, 

p.145ff; Šimėnas 2006, p.58). 

The main difference between the Bol’shoe Isakovo 

and Mrạgowo specimens is the major schematisation 

in the decoration of Sambian fibulae: the feet terminals 

here are represented by quite conditional animal head 

images (it seems like a ‘hint’ of a zoomorphic head). 

In addition, there are some morphological features uncharacteristic 

of these sub-types: facetings at the foot’s 

head, hemispherical knobs in the terminals of the axis, 

relief ornamentation and an elongated catchplate. 

These features are more appropriate to Schönwarling/ 

Skowarcz type (Tischler, Kemke 1902, Plate IV.16, 

VI 

CONTACTS 

ACROSS 

THE BALTIC 

SEA 

229

OLGA 

KHOMIAKOVA 







Fig. 3. Crossbow animal-headed brooches of Sensburg/Mragowo sub-type: 1 Mrạgowo, stray find (Warmian-Masurian 

voivodeship, Poland); 2 Bornholm, unknown site; 3 Wyszembork site IVa (Warmian-Masurian voivodeship, Poland); 4 

Bol’shoe Isakovo burial ground, grave 165 (Kaliningrad region, Russia); 5 Rubokai burial ground, grave 43 (Šilutė district, 

Lithuania) (1 after Åberg, 1919, Fig. 127; 2 after Bitner-Wroblewska 2001, Plate LII.5; 3 after Szymanski 2005, Plate V. 6; 

4-5 after Kazakevičius 1983, Fig. 5). 

230 

23, 25; Skvorzov 2007, Table 49, 72; Kulakov 2007, 

Figs. 50.1, 53.1; Bitner-Wróblewska 2001, pp.34-41) 

and Dollkeim/Kovrovo type brooches (Tishler, Kemke 

1902, Table V.14; Bitner-Wróblewska 2001, Plates 

V-VI), which became widespread in Sambian-Natangian 

culture at the beginning of the Migration Period 

(Godłowski 1974, Plate VII.7), or on Stufe IV of the 

Dollkeim burial ground (interface of phases D/E) after 

W. Nowakowski (Nowakowski 1996, p.20ff, Table 

17). Such a mixture, in my opinion, might be interpreted 

as a consequence of the Sambian Peninsula’s 

special situation. It was situated at a crossroads of 

different cultural influences. So Sambian craftsmen, 

in their production, could orientate towards different 

sets of traits. As a result of such ‘combinations’, a new 

sub-type of brooches could be produced. This phenomenon, 

known as ‘superimposition of influences’, has 

been noted earlier (Bitner-Wróblewska 2001, p.81ff). 

Crossbow animal-headed brooches similar to Sambian 

specimens are known from the Lower Nemunas 

region. They are considered to be a sort of imitation of 

Sensburg/Mrạgowo forms, with stylisation and roughening. 

Their forms become massive, their zoomorphic 

heads become shorter, they are more stylised now. The 

bow is additionally decorated by ‘cockscomb’, more 

usual for much earlier patterns from Öland and Bornholm. 

Their dating compares to the end of the fifth 

century to the beginning of the sixth century. A ‘classic’ 

example of this sub-type is a brooch from the region 

of the Lower Nemunas, from Rubokai, grave 43 

(Kazakevičius 1983, Fig.1.3) (Fig. 3.5). Such brooches 

also find analogies in materials from central Lithuania, 

particularly from the Plinkagailis burial ground, burial 

107 (Kazakevičius 1993, Fig. 172; Tautavičius 1996, 

Figs. 88, 89; Bliujienė 2002, р.155, Fig. 12.1). 

The brooches from Bol’shoe Isakovo described here 

do not have analogies in Sambian-Natangian culture. 

Specimens of zoomorphic fibulae from Osokino (formerly 

Gross Waldeck, Kreis Pr.-Eylau), Prudovka 

(formerly Popelken, Kreis Wehlau) and Yaroslavskoe 

(formerly Schlakalken, Kreis Fischausen) belong to 

another version of West Balt crossbow animal-headed 

brooches, which find parallels in Tumiany (formerly 

Daumen) (Åberg, 1919, Figs. 130, 131; Bitner- 

Wróblewska 2001, p.197, Fig. 17; Bliujienė 2002, 

p.152, Fig. 6). Such brooches, dated to the fifth and 

sixth centuries, are also known from survivals from the 

Lower Nemunas region: Vidgiriai grave 30 (Šimėnas 

2006, p.58, Figs. 42, 43) and Plinkaigalis graves 106 

and 107 (Kazakevičius 1983, Fig.1; Vaitkunskienė


Fig. 4. The distribution of crossbow brooches of Sensburg/Mrągowo sub-type: 1 Bol’shoe Isakovo burial ground and 

Wyszembork site IVa; 2 brooches of Sensburg/Mrągowo type; 3 brooches of Bornholm (Smørenge) variant; 4 brooches of 

Rubokiai variant (after A. Bitner-Wroblewska 2001, Fig. 16, with additions). 

1986, pp.38-39). This sub-type differs by morphology: 

the foot and the axis of the fibulae are of almost 

equal proportions, and there is a strong stylisation of 

the foot’s zoomorphic terminal. The axis is decorated 

with knobs in the shape of buds. Precious metals might 

have been used in the process of manufacturing these 

brooches. Probably, traditions of strong stylisation inherited 

by brooches from Bol’shoe Isakovo might have 

some influence on this sub-type, notably Sambian- 

Natangian fibulae. Maybe there was a common ‘field’ 

(or set of traits), in the framework of which West Balt 

craftsmen worked and created new forms of clothes fittings 

and ornaments. 

By the character of the main features, it should be mentioned 

that these specimens were not used exclusively 

by tribal elites. This might be topical only in the case of 

Daumen/Tumiany-type brooches (Vaitkunskienė 1987, 

pp.46-47; Šimėnas 2006, p.58), which were made from 

precious metals. Bronze goods from Bol’shoe Isakovo 

were discovered in a complex which was not noticeable 

against the background of other Early Migration 

Period burials of this site (Skvorzov 2007, Tables 28, 

40, 49, 58, 61). 

A fibula almost identical to the crossbow animalheaded 

brooches from Bol’shoe Isakovo is known 

among the finds from Wyszembork site IVa. The crossbow 

animal-headed fibula from Wyszembork IVa is a 

loose find. This fine ornament is just briefly mentioned 

among the finds of Bogaczewo culture (Szymański 

2005, Table V.6) (cf. Fig. 3.3-4). However, the brooch 

from Wyszembork site IVa is similar to ornaments 

from Bol’shoe Isakovo, by the similar decoration and 

the measurements of the foot (the foot’s length is about 

4.8cm, the bow’s height about 2.6cm, and the thickness 

of the bow’s cross-section about 0.4cm). Such a similarity 

of morphological features allows us to consider 

that the brooch found in Wyszembork site IVa might 

have been imported from the Sambian-Natangian culture 

area during period D 1 

. Of course, it is possible that 

the brooch from Wyszembork site IVa was produced 

locally, under the influence of Sambian-Natangian culture. 

During the Early Migration Period close connections 

between both regions are mentioned (Szymański 

2008, р.170). 

Thus, brooches from burial 165 of Bol’shoe Isakovo 

should be one of the earliest local specimens of Sensburg/Mrągowo 

type, and probably one of the earliest 

examples of animal-style in the southeast Baltic. The 

mapping of such zoomorphic brooches (Fig. 4) allows 

us to make clearer presumptions about the main vector 

of its progress. By this point, the Sambian Peninsula 

might be a major interaction area in the formation of 

this type. The west Lithuanian coast might also be such 

a zone of contact. Probably, new finds of brooches belonging 

to this type in the region will allow us to confirm 

or deny this suggestion. 

VI 

CONTACTS 

ACROSS 

THE BALTIC 

SEA 

231







OLGA 

KHOMIAKOVA 

232 

The appearance of such brooches in Sambian materials 

might be considered as one of many manifestations 

of the intensification of contacts between northern 

Europe (especially with islands in the Baltic Sea, like 

Öland and Bornholm) and the local population in the 

Early Migration Period. On the other hand, the brooches 

described here should be a striking example of the 

individuality of the art of Balt jewellers. 

Translated by Roman Shirouchov 

Abbreviations 

Arhiv IA RAN – Arhiv Instituta arheologii Rossiiskoi Akademii 

nauk, Moskva. 

MADA – Lietuvos TSR Mokslų akademijos darbai, A serija, 

Vilnius, from 1955 to 1989. 

References 

Manuscripts 

SKVORTSOV, K.N., 2003. Arhiv IA RAN. R-I. №25796. 

Otchet po raskopkam gruntovogo mogil’nika Lauth- 

Bol’shoe Isakovo Sambiisko-Natangiiskoi arheologicheskoi 

ekspeditsiei v 2003 godu. 

Literature 

ÅBERG, N., 1919. Ostpreusen in der Völkerwanderungszeit. 

Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksells Boktryckeri-A.-D. 

BECKMANN, C., 1969. Metallfingerringe der Römischen 

Kaiserzeit im Freien Germanien. Saalburg Jahrbuch, 37, 

7-106. 

BITNER-WRÓBLEWSKA, A., 2001. From Samland to Rogaland. 

East-west connections in the Baltic basin during 

the Early Migration Period. Warsaw. 

BLIUJIENĖ, A., 2002. The Main Stylistic Features of the 

Baltic Crossbow Brooches in the Migration Period. Archaeologia 

Baltica, 5, 145-161. 

GODŁOWSKI, K., 1974. Chronologia okresu późnorzymskiego 

i wczesnego okresu wędrówek ludów w polsce 

północno – wschodniej. Rocznik Białostocki, 12, 9-109. 

KAZAKEVIČIUS, V., 1983. A rare animal-headed crossbow 

brooch from Plinkaigalis in Lithuania. Fornvännen, 

78, 189-196. 

KAZAKEVIČIUS, V., 1993. Plinkaigalio kapinynas. Lietuvos 

archeologija, 10. 

KULAKOV, V.I., 2007. Dollkeim–Kovrovo. Issledovaniia 

1992–2002 gg. Minsk: Institut istorii NAN Belarusi. 

KULAKOV, V.I., 1990. “Zverinogolovye” fibuly baltov (V- 

VII vv.). Sovetskaia arheologiia, 2, 204-215. 

MAGNUS, B., 2004. Brooches on the move in Migration Period 

Europe. Fornvännen, 99, 271-283. 

NOWAKOWSKI, W., 1996. Das Samland in der römischen 

Kaiserzeit und seine Verbindungen mit dem römischen 

Reich und der barbarischen Welt. Veröffentlichung des 

Vorgeschichtlichen Seminars Marburg. Sonderband, 10. 

C. von CARNAP-BORNHEIM, ed. Marburg–Warszawa. 

ŠIMĖNAS, V., 2006. Etnokultūriniai procesai. Vakarų Lietuvoje 

pirmojo mūsų eros tūkstantmečio viduryje. Vilnius: 

Vilniaus universiteto leidykla. 

SKVORZOV, K., 2004/2005. Das Gräberfeld der römischen 

Kaiserzeit von Bolšoe Isakovo (ehemals Lauth, Kreis 

Königsberg). Katalog der Funde aus den Grabungen 1998 

und 1999. Offa, 61/62,111-219. 

SZYMAŃSKI, P., 2005. Mikroregion osadniczy z okresu 

wpływow rzymskih e rejonie jeziora Salęt na Pojezierzu 

Mazurskim. Światowit. Supplement. Series P: Prehistory 

and Middle Ages X, Warsaw. 

SZYMAŃSKI, P., 2008. Kurgannii mogil’nik sudavskoi 

kul’tury v Chervonom Dvore vozle Goldapa. In: O. 

RADJUSH, K. SKVORTZOV, eds. Germania-Sarmatia. 

Drevnosti Central’noi i Vostochnoi Evropy epohi rimskogo 

vliianiia i pereseleniia narodov. Kaliningrad, 166-179. 

TAUTAVIČIUS, A., 1996. Vidurinis geležies amžius Lietuvoje 

(V–IX a.). Vilnius: Lietuvos pilys. 

TEMPELMANN-MĄÇZYNSKA, M., 1985. Die Perlen 

der römischen Kaiserzeit und der fruher Phase der Völkerwanderungszeit 

im mitteleurohaischen Barbaricum. In: 

Römisch-Germanische Forschungen, 43, Mainz am Rhein. 

TISCHLER, O., KEMKE, H., 1902. Ostpreißishe Altertümer 

aus der Zeit der großen Graberfelder nach Christi Geburt. 

Konigsberg i.Pr. 

VAITKUNSKIENĖ, L., 1986. Mitologiniai ir ritualiniai simboliai 

m. e. 1 tūkstantmečio vidurio Lietuvos metalo plastikoje. 

MADA, 3(96), 37-50. 

VAITKUNSKIENĖ, L., 1987. Mitologiniai ir ritualiniai 

simboliai m.e. I tūkstantmečio viduri Lietuvos metalo 

plastikoje (2. Kosmogoniniai vaizdiniai). MADA, 4(101), 

44-55. 

Received: 20 September 2010; Revised 14 December 2010; 


Olga Khomiakova, 


Dm.Ulianova street 19 

Moscow, Russia 

E-mail: olga_homsy@mail.ru 

SEMBOS-NOTANGOS KULTŪROS 

LANKINĖS ZOOMORFINĖS 

SEGĖS IŠ BOLŠOJE ISAKOVO 

(BUV. LAUTH) KAPINYNO 

KAPO 165 

OLGA HOMIAKOVA 

Santrauka 

Lankinės zoomorfinės segės iš Bolšoje Isakovo (buvęs 

Lauth) kapinyno kapo 165 datuojamos D1 faze (1–2 

pav. įklija). Dabartiniu metu jos yra vienintelės panašios 

segės Sembos-Notangos kultūros archeologinėje 

medžiagoje. Schemiškas gyvulinės galvos ant kojelės 

atvaizdas, taip pat keletas kitų morfologinių požymių 

leidžia laikyti jas artimas Mrạgowo (buvęs Sensburg)

adiniams (3: 1 pav.). Kai kurie jų morfologiniai požymiai 

yra būdingi kitoms to laikotarpio kultūros segėms. 

Apžvelgiami papuošalai gali būti vienas ankstyviausių 

lankinių zoomorfinių segių pavyzdžių vakarų baltų 

areale. Šių segių tolesnė raida rutuliojosi Vakarų Lietuvos 

teritorijoje ir Nemuno žemupyje. Artimiausios 

analogijos Bolšoje Isakovo kapinyno segėms žinomos 

D1 periodu, datuojamame Wyszembork IV kapinyne, 

kur jos galėjo patekti kaip importas arba būti kultūrinių 

kontaktų pasekmė (3: 3 pav.). Panašių segių atsiradimas 

Semboje tautų kraustymosi laikotarpio pradžioje 

liudija bendravimo su Šiaurės Europos (ypač su Olando 

ir Bornholmo salų) gyventojais sustiprėjimą. 


Iš rusų kalbos vertė Roman Shirouchov 

VI 

CONTACTS 

ACROSS 

THE BALTIC 

SEA 

233

On the Track of the Ancestors 

of the Scalvians. The Remains 

of the Migration Period 

Cemetery at Tilsit 

ON THE TRACK OF THE ANCESTORS OF THE 

SCALVIANS. THE REMAINS OF THE MIGRATION 

PERIOD CEMETERY AT TILSIT 

WOJCIECH NOWAKOWSKI 

WOJCIECH 

NOWAKOWSKI 

Abstract 

The Early Medieval Scalva region, situated on the Lower Neman, * was, it seems, already relatively densely populated in the 

Migration Period. The concentration of Migration Period cemeteries on the eastern outskirts of the later city of Tilsit might 

indicate this. The Am Philosophengang necropolis was one of these sites. Completely unknown until recently, the cemetery 

is now being ‘rediscovered’ on the basis of archive records. 

Key words: archaeology, Scalva, Scalvians, Migration Period, Lower Neman. 

234 

In the research carried out by Vladas Žulkus, who celebrates 

his jubilee this year, archaeological studies of 

the west coast of Lithuania (Žulkus 2003), the history 

of the development of Klaipėda (Žulkus 1994), and the 

history of the Curonians (Žulkus 2000; 2004; 2006a) 

predominate. Also, his research into the Scalvians 

(Žulkus 2000, p.101), or more specifically studies of 

the prehistory of the valley of the Lower Neman, raises 

important issues that sometimes lead to far-reaching 

and surprising, and even controversial, conclusions 

(Žulkus 2004, Figs. 1-2; 2006b). 

This course of investigations into Scalva in the Lower 

Neman is an important continuation of the discoveries 

and research carried out in the 19th century and at the 

beginning of the 20th century around Tilsit (now Sovetsk). 

That city had a special position on the map of 

Germany: the multi-cultural and multi-national character 

of the population of the city and of its surroundings 

used to attract the German intellectual elite, which can 

be seen, for instance, in the short stories dating from 

that time written by Hermann Sudermann (1921). Tilsit 

simultaneously played a very specific role in the development 

of Lithuanian culture, as it was the seat of the 

Litauische Literarische Gesellschaft. This association 

came into being in 1879, and at the beginning it had 

only a few members, mainly Germans, not Lithuanians. 

It flourished between 1899 and 1918, when it was 

chaired for the first time by a Lithuanian, Alexander 

Kurschat, a professor at a gymnasium in Tilsit and the 

author of a German-Lithuanian dictionary (Forstreuter 

1971, p.62ff) which was published after his death. After 

the First World War, a dispute arose about the land 

located on the Lower Neman, an example of which in 

archaeology could be the booklet written in a hysterical 

tone by E. Hollack (1919), which thwarted the chance 

for the further development of the association, which 

was regarded as an organisation of Lithuanian nationalists 

by the Germans, and as a clique of collaborators 

by the Lithuanians. This situation led to the association’s 

voluntary dissolution in 1927 (Kurschat 1928). 

The Litauische Literarische Gesellschaft focused 

mainly on research into linguistics and folklore, this 

way contributing to the Lithuanian national revival. 

Despite this fact, it collected a small but rather interesting 

collection of antiquities, most of which were found 

in the environs of Tilsit (cf. Hoffheinz 1887, p.426ff; 

1889, p.195). After the dissolution of the association, it 

was moved to the Prussia-Museum in Königsberg, and 

then, together with the rest of the Prussia-Museum collection, 

it was lost in the turmoil of the war. 

In this situation, all information concerning archaeological 

discoveries 1 in Tilsit and its area are interesting, 

especially as the finds seem to form a distinct concentration. 

Emil Hollack, the author of a monumental catalogue 

of archaeological sites in the former East Prussia 

which was published in 1908, mentions numerous 

sites dating from the Bronze Age and the Early Middle 

Ages which were situated in Tilsit or around the city 

(Hollack 1908, pp.165-166; cf. Grenz 1971, p.36). We 

should add to the last group an inhumation cemetery 

in Splitter, a western suburb of Tilsit (Hollack 1908, 

* In Lithuanian this river is called the Nemunas; the lower 

reaches of the river are known as Memel (DEMERECKAS, 

K. Memelis – Klaipėdos vardas. In: V. ŽULKUS, ed. 

Vakarų baltų istorija ir kultūra, II. Klaipėda, p.34ff). 

Editorial note. 

1 

I would like to thank all my colleagues who have helped 

me with searching for archive materials referring to 

the finds discussed in this paper, and have made them 

available for publication: Prof. Wilfried Menghin, Prof. 

Mathias Wemhoff, Horst Junker MA and Horst Wieder 

MA from Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Berlin, 

Arnis Radiņš PhD and Jānis Ciglis MA, from Latvijas 

Nacionālais vēsturas muzejs in Rīga.


Fig. 1. Cemeteries on the western outskirts of Tilsit: 1 Tilsit Splitter, Am Schwedenfriedhof; 2 Tilsit-Splitter, Am 

Mühlenteich; 3 Tilsit, Stolbeckerstraße 99; 4 the approximate location of the Tilsit-Splitter cemetery Am Philosophengang. 

p.154). Hollack also mentions some finds dating from 

the Roman Period and the Migration Period: attention 

should be paid to the eye fibula which was discovered 

on the western outskirts of the city (‘Hakenfibel, Zeit: 

B, vom westlichen Stadtende’, Hollack 1908, p.166; cf. 

Grenz 1971, p.37). 

The concentration of archaeological sites on the western 

outskirts of the city, in the suburbs of Stolbeck and 

Splitter more to the west, around the lower reaches and 

the mouth of a small river, which even in the interwar 

period had the Baltic name of Smolupp[e] (now Uzkaja/ 

Узкая), is especially interesting. In this area, a Medieval 

inhumation cemetery mentioned by Hollack (1908, 

p.154) was located (Fig. 1.1), situated in those days 

by a millpond (‘Am Mühlenteich’), which was studied 

relatively quickly and published (Peiser 1909; Peiser, 

Luckmann 1919). Less well-known are two other sites, 

which were investigated in the 1930s. One of them is a 

necropolis in Stolbeck discovered near the main street 

in the outskirts, and later included within the borders of 

the city (Fig. 1.2). This site is called Stolbecker-Straße 

99 in literature. Unfortunately, it is known only from a 

few short notices, which hopefully allow us to date it to 

the Late Roman Period and the Migration Period (Neue 

Bodenfunde 1936a, p.238; Waetzoldt, Urbanek 1937, 

p.76; Waetzoldt 1939, p.119, Fig. 7). 

Even less information has been available for years 

about the multi-phase cemetery Am Schwedenfriedhof 

(Fig. 1.3) in Splitter (cf. Neue Bodenfunde 1936b, 

p.33; Bohnsack 1938, p.29). Excerpts from excavation 

documentation that are accessible now in a discovered 

part of the Fundarchiv of the Prussia-Museum 

in Königsberg allow us to establish that the necropolis 

was founded in the Early Roman Period, and was in 

use until the Middle Ages (Nowakowski 2006). 

The discoveries described show that on the eastern outskirts 

of Tilsit, in the suburbs called Stolbeck and Splitter, 

the relatively dense and stable settlement that has 

been dated to the first millennium AD should be taken 

into account. In this context, even limited information 

which suggests the presence of another site in this region 

dating from this period of prehistory is important. 

Discoveries of this kind were documented in the archive 

of Felix Jakobson. This young Latvian archaeologist, 

who died a violent and early death (Ciglis 2009), 

was preparing a doctoral dissertation in the 1920s on 

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WOJCIECH 

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Fig. 2. A card from Jakobson’s archive with sketches of the Schlußkreuzfibel and the so-called Armbrustsprossenfibel from 

Tilsit (Am Philosophengang). 

236 

two Masurian cemeteries in Tumiany and Kielary dating 

from the Late Migration Period (Jakobson 2009), 

and for the purpose of his work he prepared a large file 

which includes finds from the Late Roman Period and 

the Migration Period discovered in regions located far 

beyond Masuria (Bitner-Wróblewska 1999). 

Out of the several hundred record cards from Felix 

Jakobson’s archive, there are two which contain very 

schematic drawings of brooches discovered in the 

western part of Tilsit. On the first card, there are only 

sketches of two brooches, without any precise information, 

apart from the caption ‘Tilsit, am Philosophengange’, 

which indicates that they were found on a plot 

near that small street, on the western outskirts of the 

city (Fig. 1.3). On the basis of Jakobson’s methods for 

preparing his files, we can assume that the finds were 

stored in the Prussia-Museum in Königsberg. The first 

documented brooch is the Schlußkreuzfibel (cf. Åberg 

1919, p.120ff, Figs. 173-179). Despite the fact that the 

drawing is schematic, it can be stated that the brooch 

has a facetted foot ending with a metope decorated 

with a slanting cross and a massive metope on its head 

(Fig. 1.2). This allows us to treat it as a later version 

of Schlußkreuzfibel, and to date it to the end of phase 

E 1 

and phase E 2a 

of the Migration Period, so approximately 

to the sixth century (cf. Rudnicki 2008, p.295, 

Fig. 3). 

The second brooch sketched on the same card is the 

Armbrustsprossenfibel (Fig. 2.2), which probably presents 

a late version with a long Sprossen, a trapezoidal 

plate on a head and with an imitation of spring cord 

made of metal sheet. Such brooches should be dated to 

the final part of the Late Migration Period (the end of 

phase E 2b 

and phase E 3 

, Rudnicki 2008, pp.297-298), 

which corresponds to the seventh century or even the 

beginning of the eighth century (cf. Brather 2001). 

On the second card from Jakobson’s archive, we find a 

very slightly more thorough description of the find: ‘am 

Philosophengange, Streufund’. The inventory number 

of the Prussia-Museum was also noted, V 7226, which 

lets us assume that documented finds were added to the 

collection at the end of the 19th century. An additional 

note ‘Baron Prinzsche Slg., Samland’ suggests that before 

that, they were kept in the private collection of a 

landowner, an enthusiast for antiquities. On the card, 

there is a very schematic drawing of the late version of 

Armbrustsprossenfibel (Fig. 3), similar to the specimen 

illustrated on the previous card. A note under the drawing 

‘Bügel von solcher’ indicates that a piece of another 

brooch representing the mentioned version from the 

collection of the mysterious baron-archaeologist was 

donated to the Prussia-Museum. 

Simple annotations on the cards from Jakobson’s archive 

do not permit us to determine unambiguously the


Fig. 3. A card from Jakobson’s archive with a sketch of the Armbrustsprossenfibel from Tilsit (Am Philosophengang). 

origin of the four brooches mentioned. However, it can 

be assumed that if the term ‘am Philosophengang’ was 

used on both cards, the brooches were discovered near 

each other, probably at the same site dating from the 

Migration Period located near that street. It was presumably 

a cemetery, as it is hard to expect a chance 

discovery of as many as four brooches in one settlement. 

A confirmation of this hypothesis can be found in the 

preserved part of the Fundarchiv of the Prussia-Museum. 

In a note made in 1938, a previous discovery 

of a cemetery ‘am Philosophengang’ was mentioned 

(in 1883), with skeleton graves furnished with bronze 

necklaces, bracelets and figurines (Fundarchiv, № 683/ 

Tilsit-Stadt, Bd. 2/19). One of the bracelets was better 

described, as a specimen ending with transverse 

plates. It cannot be excluded that this was the specimen 

published a little earlier with the annotation ‘bei 

Tilsit’ (Fig. 4, Gaerte 1929, Fig. 268.c), which presents 

a local form which existed in the Lower Neman region 

in the Late Migration Period (cf. Engel 1931, p.38, Fig. 

8.e; Vaitkunskienė 1995, p.129, Fig. 188.1). 

One of the graves also yielded ‘ein eisernes Schwert 

mit breitem Rücken’, probably a single-edged sword 

with a massive blade back, analogous to specimens 

existing on a large scale on sites dating from the Late 

Migration Period on the Samland Peninsula and in Natangen 

(Berendt 1873, pp.10-11, pl. I.9a; Klebs 1877, 

p.53, pl. I:5; Kulakov 1990, p.69, pl. XIX:7), as well as 

in the Elbląg Group (Dorr 1898, pp.15-16, pl. I:16, 21- 

22) and in Early Medieval cemeteries situated on the 

Lower Neman and on the coast of Lithuania at the end 

of the Late Migration Period and the beginning of the 

Middle Ages (Engel 1931, p.38, Fig. 8g; Kazakevičius 

1988, pp.93-96, 99-104, Figs. 37.2-8, 38, 41, 43; map 

XVI). 

In the same note, two brooches found in the ‘am Philosphengang’ 

cemetery were mentioned. One of them 

was described enigmatically as a specimen ‘mit oberer 

Sehne, Spiral- und Nadelhülse’, which does not allow 

for any speculation about its classification. The second 

one, however, was described as a ‘Sprossenfibel’, so 

probably this was the Armbrustsprossenfibel, analogous 

to the two specimens documented in Jakobson’s 

archive. 

In the preserved part of the Fundarchiv from the former 

Prussia-Museum, there is also a note made in 

1942 about a fragment of a bronze brooch ‘Achse 

einer bronzenen Fibel, etwas im Feuer verschmolzen’ 

(Fundarchiv № 683/Tilsit-Stadt, Bd. 2/26), handed 

over to the museum in Tilsit that was found near the 

street called Philosophengang. It is possible that this 

find came from the same site, but any attempt to determine 

the type of brooch it is is hopeless. 

Here we have to recall a brooch mentioned by Hollack, 

dating from the Early Roman Period, found ‘vom westlichen 

Stadtende’ (Hollack 1908, p.166), so maybe also 

in the vicinity of the street called Philosophengang. 

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WOJCIECH 

NOWAKOWSKI 

238 

Fig. 4. A bronze bracelet with transverse plates found ‘bei 

Tilsit’ (after Gaerte 1929, Fig. 268c). 

To sum up, we can accept that all the finds mentioned 

were found on one site, ‘Am Philosophengang’. This 

was probably a cemetery which was presumably destroyed 

towards the end of the 19th century. Repeated 

chance discoveries made on a relatively densely builtup 

area indicate this. It seems that a precise determination 

of the extent or the period of existence of the 

cemetery will probably not be possible. The chronological 

frameworks of the nearby Schwedenfriedhof 

and Stolbecker-Straße 99 sites indeed allow us to guess 

that the hypothetical ‘Am Philosophengang’ necropolis 

could have been founded as early as the (Early?) 

Roman Period, and was in use until the beginning of 

the Early Middle Ages, but there are no premises to 

support such a risky theory. However, it seems quite 

certain that, as in the case of the two neighbouring necropolises, 

the most extensive development of the ‘Am 

Philosphengang’ cemetery took place in the Late Migration 

Period. 

There is also no doubt that in the Migration Period a 

great concentration of settlement took place in the region 

described, which created the basis for the later development 

of Early Medieval Scalva (cf. Engel 1935, 

pp.100-101, 120, Fig. 54; Sedov 1987, pp.409-411; 

Powierski 2004, p.157ff) as a Prussian tribal territory, 

and simultaneously as an important political and economic 

centre on the east Baltic coast (Jankuhn 1952, 

p.12ff). 

Translated by Agata Chilińska-Drapella and 

Anna Mistewicz 

References 

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F. JAKOBSON, Archive–Scientific archives of Felix Jakobson, 

currently stored at the Latvijas Nacionalāis Vēstures 

Muzejs, Rīgā. 

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Received: 3 October 2010; Revised 12 December 2010; Accepted 

28 December 2010. 

Wojciech Nowakowski 


University of Warsaw 

Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28 

PL-00-927, Warsaw, Poland 

E-mail: samland@wp.pl 

SKALVIŲ PROTĖVIŲ PĖDSAKAIS. 

TAUTŲ KRAUSTYMOSI LAIKOTARPIO 

KAPINYNO LIEKANOS PRIE TILŽĖS 

WOJCIECH NOWAKOWSKI 

Santrauka 

Tilžės miesto ribose ir priemiesčiuose XX a. pradžioje 

buvo užfiksuota daug archeologinių gyvenviečių, tarp 

jų ir kapinynų, datuojamų tautų kraustymosi laikotarpiu, 

buvusių vakariniame miesto pakraštyje, prie Smolupės 

(Uzkaja) žiočių, kur ji įteka į Nemuną. Vienas 

iš nekropolių – „Stolbecker-Straße 99“ – datuojamas 

romėniškuoju ir tautų kraustymosi laikotarpiu. Kita 

gyvenvietė, literatūroje minima kaip „Am Schwedenfriedhof“, 

buvo įkurta vėlyvuoju romėniškuoju laikotarpiu 

ir gyvavo iki viduramžių (2–4 pav.). 

Šiuolaikiniai archyviniai duomenys rodo, kad šiame 

regione būta ir kito kapinyno, datuojamo tautų kraustymosi 

laikotarpiu. Jis buvo minimas netoli gatvės, 

XX a. pradžioje vadinamos Philosophengang. Felix 

Jakobson archyve yra nupieštos trys segės. Viena jų 

įvardyta „Schlußkreuzfibel“, datuojama E1 periodo 

pabaiga ir E 2a 

laikotarpiu, apytikriai VI amžiumi. Kitos 

dvi segės vadinamos „Armbrustsprossenfibeln“ su 

ilga „Sprossen“ – trapecine plokštele ant galvutės, su 

imituota susukta kojele, pagaminta iš metalinės vielos. 

Šios segės gali būti datuojamos vėlyvuoju tautų kraustymosi 

laikotarpiu (E 2b 

ir E 3 

periodai, kurie atitinka VII 

a. ir VIII a. pradžią). F. Jakobson mini ir daugiau tokių 


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segių fragmentų, rastų tikriausiai toje pačioje vietoje. 

F. Jakobson nustatytos vietos atitinka kapinyną, įvardijamą 

„Am Philosophengang“, kuris minimas Prūsijos 

muziejaus archyve. Kaip tik šiame kapinyne aptikti 

radiniai datuojami tautų kraustymosi laikotarpiu. Koncentracija 

trijų kapinynų, įvardijamų „Stolbeckerstraße 

99“, „Am Schwedenfriedhof“ ir „Am Philosophengang“, 

rodo, kad tautų kraustymosi laikotarpiu ši 

tankiai gyvenama vietovė Nemuno žemupyje galėjo 

priklausyti ankstyvųjų viduramžių skalviams kaip viena 

iš Prūsijos genčių teritorijų, dariusių didelę politinę 

ir ekonominę įtaką rytiniame Baltijos jūros pakraštyje. 


240

A SCANDINAVIAN TRACE: A BEAK FIBULA FROM 

THE LATE MIGRATION PERIOD CEMETERY AT 

NOWINKA IN NORTHERN POLAND * 

BARTOSZ KONTNY 

Abstract 

This paper presents an item that has been mentioned in archaeological literature a few times, but never in a detailed analysis: 

the beak brooch from grave 38 in the cemetery of the Elbląg group at Nowinka. It is a south Scandinavian import that came 

to northern Poland around the middle of the sixth century, but was in use for quite a long time, which is suggested by traces 

of wear, as well as introducing a hinge construction that is untypical of that type. 

Key words: beak brooch, Nowinka, the Elbląg group, Migration Period, Scandinavia. 


The cemetery at Nowinka, Tolkmicko com., is attributed 

to the Elbląg group of the West Balt Circle (Okulicz 

1973, p.471; 1989, pp.89-90), and the name is generally 

accepted by scholars, although there are opinions 

that this group was subordinate to a cultural unit from 

the Sambian-Natangian area called Dollkeim-Kovrovo 

culture by W. Nowakowski (Nowakowski 1996, 

pp.96-97; Bitner-Wróblewska 2001, pp.21-25, 132), or 

that it indicates the mixed Balt-German-Scandinavian 

character of the culture of that area, resulting in its 

lack of an independent character (Bitner-Wróblewska 

2008, p.109). So far, it is the only necropolis of this 

cultural unit that has been wholly excavated since the 

Second World War. It is in a state of preparation to be 

printed; nevertheless, single papers concerning it have 

been published (Pietrzak 1977; Kontny, Okulicz, Pietrzak 

2009; Okulicz, Pietrzak 2009; Kontny 2010). 

The necropolis yielded several items of great interest, 

proving obviously foreign influences, namely belt 

parts and brooches. One of them was found in grave 

38. It was a cremation pit burial with the remains of 

a pyre and the remnants of a pavement disturbed by 

ploughing. At its centre, a brooch, a piece of a bronze 

ring, a piece of an amber bead, and several uncharacteristic 

pieces of a clay vessel were found. According 

to an anthropological analysis done by Professor J. 

Gładykowska-Rzeczycka of the Centre for Anatomy 

and Anthropology at the Śniadecki Academy of Physical 

Education and Sport in Gdańsk, the human remains 

belonged to a child. 

The bronze beak brooch has a hinge construction (Fig. 

1-3). The profiled bow was cast together with pseudocord 

and pseudo-spring (shallow incisions imitate the 

spring). On the imitation cord, a hole was made, probably 

to attach a chain. The bronze pin was attached by 

the wider end to an iron axle, which was fixed on either 

side in socket-shaped parts of the imitation spring. The 

catchplate is solid and low. The bow is decorated with 

pearl-like lines along the edges; in the centre, there is a 

triple pearl-like line, blurred in the upper part (clearly, 

we are dealing with traces of wear). The zones delimited 

by the pearl-like lines are filled with lengthwise 

rows of alternating stamped triangles inside the triangles, 

is a texture of regularly distributed dots. On the 

foot is an imitation cord decoration of stamped circles. 

The dimensions of the brooch are as follows: length 

4.6 centimetres, width 2.8 centimetres. 

The brooch has already been mentioned in literature 

(Godłowski 1980, p.83, Fig. 15.2; Godłowski 1981, 

p.114, Fig. 28a; Kulakov 1990, p.62, Plate VI.3; Kowalski 

1991, p.77; Jagodziński 1997, Pl. IX.1; Bogucki 

2006, p.101, Fig. 10). It was generally described 

as proving Scandinavian influence (Godłowski 1980, 

p.83; Godłowski 1981, p.114; Kowalski 1991, p.77; 

Bogucki 2006, p.101). Nevertheless, no further analysis 

has so far been offered. 

The beak fibula from grave 38 generally fits the Scandinavian 

model (Fig. 4.1-3), 1 but a comparison with 

Scandinavian finds shows that brooches from there 

have almost only crossbow constructions of iron wire, 

in which the cord is placed between socket-shaped fas- 

* This paper was written as part of a research grant from 

the Ministry of Science and Information Technology: ‘The 

burial ground of the Elbląg group from the West Balts 

Cultural Circle at Nowinka, Tolkmicko com. The complete 

study and preparation for the publication’ (Project No.: N 

N109 0362 33; Contract No.: 0362/B/H03/2007/33. It is 

financed by the Fund for Science for the years 2007-2010. 

I would like to express my gratitude to Mirosław Pietrzak 

MA and Professor Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn, with whom I 

have worked in research on the cemetery at Nowinka, for 

letting me present the results of my analysis here. 

1 

Cf. Ørsnes 1966, p.296. 

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241

A Scandinavian Trace: a Beak 

Fibula from the Late Migration 

Period Cemetery at Nowinka 

in Northern Poland 

BARTOSZ 

KONTNY 

Fig. 1. The beak brooch from grave 38 at Nowinka: the 

outer side (photograph by Michał Dąbski, Miron Bogacki). 

Fig. 2. The beak brooch from grave 38 at Nowinka: the inner 

side (photograph by M. Dąbski, M. Bogacki). 

tenings of the axle. 2 It is also worth noting the presence 

of stamped (triangles and dots) and pseudo-pearl-like 

decoration on the bow, and pseudo-pearl-like decoration 

on the pseudo-cord. Also, the hole, which was 

probably used for attaching a decorative element, 

such as a chain, should be noted. Although the grave 

goods did not contain links (except for a piece of a ring 

of twisted bronze wire), such uses of beak brooches 

have been confirmed for Bornholm cemeteries in 

Nørre Sandegård Vest, grave 54 (Jørgensen, Nørgård 

Jørgensen 1997, p.41, Plate 21:54) and perhaps also 

in Bækkegåd, grave 14 (Jørgensen 1990, p.119, Plate 

4.14). The brooch from Nowinka represents variant 

G1 3 , with holes for fixing the axle in the pseudo-spring 

(Ørsnes 1966, p.296, Figs. 101-103; Høilund Nielsen 

1987, p.76). Such forms are especially typical of 

southern Scandinavia, i.e., the Jutland Peninsula, the 

Danish islands, Skåne and Gotland (Høilund Nielsen 

2000, p.163, Fig. 3). They were particularly frequent 

on Bornholm and Skåne, e.g., in Uppåkra, Uppåkra sn. 

A total of 132 beak brooches were registered by 1998 

(Hårdh 1999) and around 180 by 2001 (Hårdh 2001, 

Fig. 5), and they had the closest analogies in Bornholm, 

cf. Sorte Muld, Bornholms amt (Hårdh 1999; 

cf. Lund Hansen 2009, pp.68-69). On the basis of the 

technical details, they can be classified in two groups: 

a western and an eastern one, including Bornholm and 

Skåne (Hårdh 2001; 2002, pp.47-48). 

Brooches of this type are also known from other sites 

of the Elbląg group: recently two brooches of the type 

were discovered during rescue excavations in Janów 

Pomorski (Truso), Elbląg com., 4 and two more in the 

cemetery at Komorowo Żuławskie, Elbląg com. (they 

are later, and they could be determined as type G3 5 ). 

A very late form comes from a ‘Viking’ assemblage 

from grave 41 at the Elbląg-Pole Nowomiejskie cemetery, 

site 37 (Neugebauer 1938, Fig. 6.f; 1975, Fig. 3; 

Jagodziński 1997, p.69, Plate XIV.9). Late forms were 

242 

Fig. 3. The beak brooch from grave 38 at Nowinka: a detail 

of the decoration (photograph by M. Dąbski, M. Bogacki). 

2 

The result of inquiries I conducted in the National Museum 

in Copenhagen and the Bornholm Museum in Rønne. I 

would like to express my gratitude to Professor Poul Otto 

Nielsen (National Museum in Copenhagen, or NMK) and 

to Professor Finn Ole Nielsen and Maria Tuniszewska- 

Ringby MA (Bornholm Museum in Rønne, or BM) for 

giving me access to items stored in the above museums. 

3 

It was probably variant G1c, but the decoration, on the 

basis of which these brooches are determined as respective 

variants, does not have exact analogies in Scandinavia (cf. 

Ørsnes 1966, p.296; Høilund Nielsen 1987, p.76). 

4 

One of them had almost identical decoration on the bow 

as the item from Nowinka; the pseudo-cord, however, has 

different decoration (the remaining brooches are too poorly 

preserved for it to be possible to analyse their decoration). 

5 

Personal communication: Mateusz Bogucki PhD (Institute 

of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of 

Sciences).


VI 

Fig. 4. Examples of beak brooches (1-5), crayfish fibulae (6), and a proto-animal-head fibula: 1, 2 Bækkegård, grave ‘b’ (after 

Jørgensen 1990, Plate 2.7-8); 3 Nørre Sandegård Vest, grave 22 (after Jørgensen, Nørgård Jørgensen 1997, Plate 11.1); 4 

Wulfen, stray find (after Schmidt 1976, Plate 64:1.1); 5 Menzlin an der Peene, settlement find, not to scale (after Jöns 2006, 

Fig. 11.3); 6 Vainionmäki (after P. Purhonen 1996, Plate 2.3); 7 Tác-Fövenypuszta, grave 6 (after L. Schilling 2009, Fig. 4). 

CONTACTS 

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SEA 

243





BARTOSZ 

KONTNY 

244 

also sporadically found in other formally Balt sites, although 

they are Scandinavian in character, or at least 

with a strong Scandinavian influence, cf. Grobiņa, 

Rudzukalni I, Liepāja district, grave I from the midseventh 

century (Nerman 1958; Bogucki 2006, pp.95, 

97, Fig. 3). Also, local Balt imitations were discovered: 

Grobiņa, Rudzukalni, Liepāja district, grave 3 and Priediens 

2, Liepāja district, grave 5 (Bogucki 2006, p.97, 

Fig. 5.2-3). Inasmuch as the brooch from Priediens 

may have indeed been a local imitation, due to its ornamentation 

(although similar motifs, such as stamped 

concentric arches, can also be found in Scandinavia, 

such as the stray find from Møllegård on Bornholm, 

NMK inv. no. C31832), the item from Rudzukalni may 

be a Scandinavian form (the suggested differences in 

construction can hardly be considered as definitive, 

especially as they have not been explained in detail, 

cf. Bogucki 2006, p.97). Theoretically, Scandinavian 

beak brooches may have been locally copied, or they 

may even be a starting point for gradual changes in 

the forms of respective generations of fibulae, which is 

suggested by the crayfish brooches (Fig. 4.6) that were 

popular in western Finland in the seventh and eighth 

centuries (Purhonen 1996, pp.37-38) which formed 

from beak brooches. The local imitation of beak fibula 

is also proven for as distant a region as the Avar cemetery 

at Tác-Fövenypuszta (Fig. 4.7), where in grave 6, 

dated to the late sixth or early seventh century, a surely 

locally made item was found (Schilling 2009, pp.265- 

266, 268, Fig. 4). It was made of gilded bronze with 

glass inlay, and there was an image of an animal head 

between its arms. However, there are no grounds to believe 

that a mechanism of gradual alterations existed in 

the case of the Elbląg group. 

So far, they have not been found, e.g., in the Olsztyn 

group. Besides, beak brooches are known from 

the Elbe region (Fig. 4.4, 5): Menzlin an der Peene, 

Lkr. Ostvorpommern (Mangelsdorf, Rausch 2000), an 

item linked with Scandinavian influence documented 

for that trading settlement (Jöns 2006, p.127, Fig. 

11.3), two items from Wulfen, Lkr. Anhalt-Bitterfeld 

(Schmidt 1961, p.133, Plate 30.k, l; 1976, p.85, Plate 

64.1.1-2; 2005, p.410, Fig. 5.2, 4) and the ones from 

Altenzaun, Kläden, Sanne and Unglingen 6 (Schmidt 

2005, p.410). We should add here also the find from 

Usedom, Lkr. Ostvorpommern (Schoknecht 2008, 

pp.123-126). They are treated as Scandinavian imports 

from the second half of the sixth century (Schmidt 

1961, p.133) to circa 600 AD, which is tentatively 

linked with the influx of Scandinavian population to 

the central Elbe region through Mecklenburg (Schmidt 

2005, pp.414, 417). 

6 

All: Lkr. Stendal. 

In Scandinavia, brooches of this type are found in 

women’s graves (Jørgensen 1990, pp.30-31; Jørgensen, 

Nørgård Jørgensen 1997, p.41). In the case of the item 

from Nowinka, the sex of the dead child buried here 

has not been determined, so it is impossible to confirm 

this principle for that area. 

There arises the question whether the item from Nowinka 

is an import or a local imitation. It is most likely 

that it is an imported artefact, which is suggested by the 

discovery of two brooches almost identical to the find 

from Nowinka, type G1c, in grave ‘b’ from Bækkegård 

on Bornholm (Jørgensen 1990, pp.30, 117, Plate 2.7- 

8). They have the same stamps and arrangement of the 

decoration as in the case of the item from Nowinka 

(more similar than in the case of the find from Janów 

Pomorski mentioned above), and there are more analogies 

on Bornholm (Bornholms amt): stray finds from 

Sandegård (unpublished, NMK inv. no C31512, BM 

inv. no 1371x43), Rabekkegård (unpublished, NMK 

inv. no C32554, BM inv. no 1764x4), Mulebygård (unpublished, 

BM inv. no 2812x106), 7 and from Skåne, 

Önsvala, grave 2 (Hårdh 2001, pp.193, 204, Fig. 7). 

However, there is a surprising difference in the construction 

of the fastening: it seems that a different solution 

(hinge construction) and raw material (bronze) was 

used, because the brooch was locally repaired; also, the 

imitation of the spring in the form of notchings on the 

caps in which the axle was fixed was probably added 

by a local craftsman. This could be a result of the long 

and continuous use of the fibula, which seems to be 

confirmed by a blurring of the decoration in the upper 

part of the bow (traces of wear). 

The beak fibula from Nowinka was similarly dated to 

the chronology of the necropolis, i.e., to the second 

half of the sixth century and the first half of the seventh 

century (Godłowski 1980, pp.82-83; Godłowski 1981, 

p.114), but also to the middle of the sixth century (Bogucki 

2006, p.101) or the seventh century (Kulakov 

1990, p.62). Kowalski places it in the period equivalent 

to phase E 2b 

of the Olsztyn group (1991, p.77), 

i.e., from the Seventies of the sixth century up to the 

early seventh century (Kowalski 1991, p.77, Fig. 8). 

These proposals demand some rearrangement. In the 

Scandinavian area, such forms are considered to be 

characteristic of phase VIIA after K. Høilund Nielsen, 

and dated to 530-600 AD (Høilund Nielsen 2000, 

pp.162-163), or phases 1A-1C distinguished for the 

area of Bornholm, dated to 540 to circa 630 AD (Jørgensen, 

Nørgård Jørgensen 1997, p.41, Figs. 24, 26). 

On Bornholm, brooches of type G1 occurred only in 

phases 1A-1B, i.e., from 520/30 to 600 AD (Jørgensen 

1990, p.30; Jørgensen, Nørgård Jørgensen 1997, p.28, 

7 

In the last-mentioned case, besides the triangular stamps, 

rhomboid ones were used.

Figs. 18, 24, 26). Unfortunately, the closest analogies, 

i.e., brooches from Bækkegård and Janów Pomorski, 

were not accompanied by any other dating elements 

(Jørgensen 1990, p.117), which makes it impossible to 

establish any more precise chronology. Grave 38, in 

which the fibula in question was found, could be cautiously 

attributed to phase 1 of the cemetery at Nowinka, 

which is linked with the second third of the sixth 

century (Kontny, Okulicz-Kozaryn, Pietrzak, forthcoming). 

These observations suggest that the brooch 

came to the area occupied by the Elbląg group as early 

as the sixth century. Nevertheless, if it is assumed that 

the fastening was repaired after the long-term use of 

the object (which is also suggested by traces of wear 

visible on the bow), then perhaps the later part of the 

time span should be excluded. Therefore, it was put in 

the ground probably in the later part of the second third 

of the sixth century. However, we cannot exclude the 

possibility that it came here quite late in the above time 

span, and was in use for an even longer period than 

we assume (the lack of other precisely dating elements 

in the grave furnishings makes us base our judgement 

only on the relative chronology of the Nowinka cemetery). 

Despite this, it seems improbable to link it with 

the seventh century. 

The find from grave 38 shows that Scandinavian elements 

came to northern Poland as early as the middle 

of the sixth century, i.e., before the peak of the wealth 

of the population using the necropolis at Nowinka, 

which could be joined with its third chronological 

phase (dated to the early seventh century: Kontny, 

Okulicz-Kozaryn, Pietrzak, forthcoming). It seems to 

be of great interest also to Lithuanian scholars, since 

foreign, including Scandinavian, influences have been 

traced here. 

Translated by Sylwia Twardo and Bartosz Kontny 

Abbreviation: 

Transformatio mundi – Transformatio mundi The Transition 

from the Late Migration Period to the Early Viking Age in 

the East Baltic. M. Bertašius, ed. Kaunas, 2004. 

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SKANDINAVIšKAS PĖDSAKAS: 

VĖLYVOJO TAUTŲ 

KRAUSTYMOSI LAIKOTARPIO 

SEGĖ SU SNAPO FORMOS 

ATAUGOMIS Iš NOWINKA 

KAPINYNO šIAURĖS LENKIJOJE 

BARTOSZ KONTNY 

Santrauka 

Straipsnyje apžvelgiama archeologinėje literatūroje 

minima, bet detaliau neanalizuota Elbląg grupei priklausanti 

Nowinka kapinyno kape 38 aptikta unikali 

segė, užsibaigianti snapo formos ataugomis (1–3 pav.). 

ši segė yra importuota iš Skandinavijos ir pasiekusi 

šiaurės Lenkijos teritoriją VI a. viduryje dar prieš laidosenos 

piką Nowinka kapinyne; ji siejama su trečiąja 

kapinyno chronologine faze VII a. pr. Tokių segių 

aptikta ir kituose Elbląg grupės kapinynuose. Dvi jų 

pastaruoju metu aptiktos Janów Pomorski (Truso) ir 

dar dvi Komorowo Żuławskie kapinynuose. Skandinavijoje 

šio tipo segių aptinkama moterų kapuose. Minimu 

atveju Nowinka kapinyno kape 38 buvo palaidotas 

nenustatytos lyties vaikas. 


246 

Received: 13 September 2010; Revised: 18 November 

2010; Accepted: 28 December 2010. 

Bartosz Kontny 


University of Warsaw 

Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28 00-927 

Warszawa, Poland 

E-mail: bartosz.kontny@uw.edu.pl


VI 

CONTACTS 

ACROSS 

THE BALTIC 

SEA 

247

Guidelines for Authors 

248 

Guidelines for Authors 

Archaeologia Baltica is a semiannual academic refereed 

journal published in english about the archaeology 

of the regions around the Baltic sea, with the focus 

on the eastern shore of the Baltic. the editorial policy 

is to publish a wide range of contributions in all fields 

of archaeology related to the Baltic sea region, from 

methodology to synthesis and theory. these may take 

the form of substantial research papers (up to 8,000 

words) or shorter research reports. short papers may 

include, for instance, new techniques, philosophical 

discussions, current controversies and suggestions for 

new research, as well as conventional research papers. 

review or overview papers are welcome, as long as 

they are sufficiently critical, succinct and make a conceptual 

contribution to the field. The submission of a 

paper will be held to imply that it represents an original 

article, not previously published, and that it is not being 

considered for publication elsewhere. only professionally 

translated articles will be accepted 

separate volumes publish materials of international 

conferences concerned with archaeological research in 

the Baltic sea region. 

Articles for Archaeologia Baltica should be typed 

in english, double-spaced on A4 paper, with at least 

30-millimetre margins. submitted articles must include: 

• the name(s) and address(es) of the author(s), as 

well as an abstract of up to 100 words, and up to 

eight key words; 

• a summary up to an eighth of the length of the 

whole text, for translation into lithuanian; 

• captions for figures and tables supplied separately 

and appended to the disc copy of the text; 

• numbers and labelling on figures should be in 

publishable form, the font size of the numbers and 

letters should not exceed 12, figures and tables 

should not be bigger than 16 centimetres wide and 

24 centimetres high, with thin frames. 

three hard copies and a computer version (in Word for 

Windows) of contributions must be submitted to the 

Managing editor. Computer-generated drawings must 

be provided in hard copy and digital format (tiff, ePs 

or Cdr), the resolution should be not less than 300 

dpi. 

references should be arranged using the harvard citation 

system (for a full explanation, see http://www. 

bournemouth.ac.uk/library/using/harvard_system. 

html): 

• citation in the text, eg thomas 1996, p.10. 

• references at the end of a piece of work 

• eg thoMAs, J., 1996. Time, Culture and Identity. 

london: routledge (reference to a book). 

• eg Bantz, C.r., 1995. social dimensions of software. 

In: J.A. Anderson, ed. Annual review of 

software management. newbury Park, CA: sage, 

502-510 (reference to a contribution in a book). 

• eVAns, W.A., 1994. Approaches to intelligent 

information retrieval. Information processing and 

management, 7 (2), 147-168 (reference to an article 

in a journal). 

references in Cyrillic should be transcribed in roman 

letters according to the following system: 

Cyrillic Roman 

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footnotes and endnotes should be avoided if at all possible. 

Authors will be contacted by one of the editorial team. 

Articles will be submitted to two referees and to a 

professional language reviser. Manuscripts will then 

be returned with comments. After the completion of 

suggested changes (the computer version should be 

corrected too), a new manuscript should be sent to the 

editors for distribution. text proofs of papers will be 

provided to authors, to which only minor corrections 

are allowed. 

the whole contents of each publication will be put for 

open use. When presenting his/her article for publiction 

the author declares passing all the non-material 

rights to the publisher and agrees with paper (or abstract) 

electronic publication. 

one free hard copy of Archaeologia Baltica of each 

paper will normally be supplied to the authors. 

the contents of Archaeologia Baltica volumes are available 

at: http//www.ku.lt/leidykla/leidiniai/archaeologia 

More detailed information is available from the editors. 

Contact us at: 

Klaipėda University, 

Institute of Baltic Sea Region 

History and Archaeology 

Herkaus Manto street 84, LT-92294 Klaipėda 

tel. +370-46-398806 

fax +370-46-398805 

e-mail: sakaliske@gmail.com 


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Archaeologia Baltica can be purchased or ordered from: 

Herkaus Manto g. 84, LT-92294 Klaipėda 

tel. +370 46 398892 

fax +370 46 398999 

e-mail: alfonsas.jankantas@ku.lt 

the volume cost is 35 lt (10 eur) plus postage.

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