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Edited by Chris Jenks - carlosmoreno.info

Edited by Chris Jenks - carlosmoreno.info

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AN INTRODUCTION<br />

etymology of the word ‘advertising’, charting its development from the<br />

original and supposedly innocent sense of ‘<strong>info</strong>rming’ up to the more<br />

suspicious and potentially reprehensible sense that it has acquired through<br />

modernity of ‘persuading’ and ‘influencing’. Barnard’s analysis constitutes<br />

a deconstruction of this development and the conceptual gap that it has<br />

enabled. He argues that the supposedly innocent sense has never and can<br />

never have existed apart from the sense of influencing. Such reasoning has<br />

a significant impact on the ideas contained within certain canonical texts on<br />

advertising, such as those of Raymond Williams and Judith Williamson,<br />

which still appear to imply that a more innocent form of advertising is both<br />

desirable and possible. Barnard draws out the implications of this debate for<br />

advertising in general, but most particularly for cigarette advertising where<br />

the issues of innocence and persuasion are most sharply and poignantly felt,<br />

interwoven with issues of morality, health and ecology, and political<br />

economy.<br />

Foucault <strong>info</strong>rmed us that the origins of modern sociology are not to be<br />

found in the works of Comte or Montesquieu but rather in the mundane<br />

practices of doctors. Early nineteenth-century doctors were ‘specialists in<br />

space’. They practised in the enclosed spaces of hospitals, medical schools<br />

and operating theatres but also in the open spaces of cities and towns. And<br />

they raised questions not just about the health and pathology of the<br />

individual body, but about the environment of the collective body; the<br />

quality of hygiene and climate, the density of habitation and the rate of<br />

migration of peoples and diseases—in short, the social context. From this<br />

inspiration Andrew Barry sets out on an analysis of the practices of<br />

visualising and reporting.<br />

Barry suggests in his chapter that the translation of the doctor’s expertise<br />

from the hospital and the bedside to the city is, perhaps, one symptom of<br />

a more general historical phenomenon. As a number of writers have noted<br />

the nineteenth century saw a vast increase in efforts to observe and document<br />

the wider social and natural environment, whether on the part of government<br />

inspectors, statisticians, political economists, sociologists, botanists,<br />

geologists or hygenists. While the technical and social apparatus of<br />

experimental science developed rapidly in the nineteenth century, so also did<br />

a range of disciplines concerned with the observation of social, biological<br />

and physical phenomena as they ‘naturally’ occurred. The typical scientific<br />

observer of the nineteenth century was to be found, then, as much outside<br />

as inside the artificial space of the laboratory.<br />

In discussing the development and consequences of ways of knowing<br />

distant events many contemporary writers, such as Jay and Giddens, have<br />

drawn upon Foucault and in particular his ideas on surveillance. Thus the<br />

extended territory of the nation or the empire is conceived of as<br />

‘panoptical-instrumental space’ ruled through techniques of surveillance.<br />

In this chapter Barry questions whether modern techniques for<br />

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