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Evaluation of General Budget Support: Synthesis Report - Belgium

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6. Thematic Issues<br />

rights. There has been a clear trend to make these principles more visible in the MOUs that<br />

underlie collective budget support arrangements, as well as in the bilateral understandings<br />

between individual international partners and partner governments.<br />

6.93 There is consensus, reflected in the DAC good practice guidelines that political<br />

conditionality should not be specifically linked to budget support or any individual aid instrument,<br />

but rather should be handled in the context <strong>of</strong> the overarching policy dialogue between a partner<br />

country and its donors (OECD DAC 2005d). Nevertheless, experience tends to demonstrate<br />

that budget support, and general budget support in particular, is especially vulnerable when<br />

there is a political deterioration in relations. This potentially undermines PGBS as a long-term<br />

instrument. Apart from immediate disruptive effects (and their effects on the poor), there is likely<br />

to be an effect on the partner government's perspective. An instrument that is seen as<br />

especially vulnerable in this way is less likely to be treated as a reliable source <strong>of</strong> financing for<br />

medium and long-term planning, and this in turn may undermine some <strong>of</strong> the distinctive benefits<br />

associated with PGBS.<br />

6.94 We have advocated more donor attention to country-specific political analysis generally,<br />

as a basis for a better understanding <strong>of</strong> what may or may not be achieved through aid in general<br />

and PGBS in particular. This would be an important input to the joint donor assistance<br />

strategies that are becoming more common. Such analysis would not prevent crises in aid<br />

relationships, but more careful political risk assessment might motivate better design <strong>of</strong> budget<br />

support instruments (e.g. to provide options for graduated responses to political crises as well as<br />

for other aspects <strong>of</strong> performance that donors find unsatisfactory). At present an aid portfolio that<br />

comprises a series <strong>of</strong> specific projects or sector programmes at different stages in the project<br />

life cycle <strong>of</strong>fers obvious options for graduated response when the donor wishes to send a highly<br />

visible political signal: 121 a withholding <strong>of</strong> new project grants or loans is more commonly resorted<br />

to than the extreme measure <strong>of</strong> suspending or terminating projects in mid-implementation, for<br />

example. We noted (6.73 above) that re-balancing an aid portfolio from projects towards<br />

budget support potentially increases the amount <strong>of</strong> aid that is hostage to macroeconomic<br />

conditionality. A similar point applies to political risk. A tranche <strong>of</strong> budget support that is subject<br />

to a single, annual decisions, requiring positive approval by a minister, is especially vulnerable<br />

to demands for public signalling. 122 This apparent special vulnerability <strong>of</strong> PGBS to political risk<br />

is part <strong>of</strong> a more general issue about predictability and risk management in relation to PGBS,<br />

which we consider next.<br />

Predictability and Managing Risks<br />

6.95 We have highlighted the distinctive characteristics <strong>of</strong> PGBS (6.6), and stressed that<br />

these make PGBS an inherently long-term instrument (6.31). Our comments on predictability<br />

and risk are based on this perspective.<br />

6.96 We noted (Section 5, under EQ3) some <strong>of</strong> the problems that PGBS in the study<br />

countries experienced with predictability. Useful measures have been taken to make PGBS less<br />

vulnerable to short-term unpredictability. These include agreements to base disbursements on<br />

121 The signal may be as much for the donor's domestic constituency as for the partner government.<br />

122 Conversely, there is less <strong>of</strong> a "hair-trigger" involved if funds are identified in the public mind with specific (popular)<br />

sectors, if there are longer intervals between decisions, if funds are disbursed via a third party, if there is a joint<br />

agreement with other partners, and so forth. There are precedents, too, for politicians deliberately insulating<br />

themselves from day-to-day disbursement decisions (delegation <strong>of</strong> monetary policy to central banks is a famous<br />

example; appointments <strong>of</strong> more or less independent boards to distribute various grants, etc), and agencies which<br />

make a point <strong>of</strong> assessing likely poverty impact before commencing funding should be equally assiduous in<br />

transparently assessing the poverty impact <strong>of</strong> suspending funding.<br />

(113)

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