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From the Editor - Prison Legal News

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Cost Shifting (cont.)<br />

shift costs or cut <strong>the</strong>m. At a minimum<br />

we must evaluate whe<strong>the</strong>r cost-recovery<br />

sanctions are achieving <strong>the</strong> stated goals<br />

of policymakers. This article’s review of<br />

<strong>the</strong> evidence suggests <strong>the</strong>y are not.<br />

Does Imposition Of Cost-Recovery<br />

Sanctions Limit The Public’s<br />

Financial Burden?<br />

Evidence suggests <strong>the</strong>y may not for<br />

two main reasons. First, recovering monies<br />

from people may be akin to drawing<br />

blood from a stone. When one cannot<br />

find a job and when one is faced with<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r mandatory financial obligations,<br />

like child support, one simply may not<br />

have money left to pay <strong>the</strong> system’s costs.<br />

The public savings suggested in <strong>the</strong> budget<br />

ledgers, <strong>the</strong>refore, may never materialize.<br />

Moreover, because cost-recovery sanctions<br />

are often levied against <strong>the</strong> poor,<br />

fur<strong>the</strong>r research is needed to determine<br />

whe<strong>the</strong>r payments made actually come<br />

from o<strong>the</strong>r sources of public dollars –<br />

like public benefits. Whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> public<br />

is paying <strong>the</strong> cost of <strong>the</strong> criminal justices<br />

system directly or indirectly, through <strong>the</strong><br />

transfer of public benefit dollars to pay<br />

down criminal debt, <strong>the</strong> evidence suggests<br />

cost-recovery sanctions do little to relieve<br />

<strong>the</strong> public’s financial burden.<br />

Does Imposition Of Cost-Recovery<br />

Sanctions Limit Tax Payer Burden?<br />

The evidence suggests tax payers, albeit<br />

a potentially narrower slice of <strong>the</strong>m, are paying<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir taxes as well as <strong>the</strong> cost-recovery<br />

sanctions that allegedly reduce <strong>the</strong>ir tax<br />

burden. Individuals assessed <strong>the</strong> fees may<br />

also be taxpayers, holding down tax-paying<br />

jobs while on work release or under community<br />

supervision, and still be assessed<br />

additional costs to cover <strong>the</strong> system. Family<br />

members of those in <strong>the</strong> system face a triple<br />

threat – <strong>the</strong>y pay taxes (that cover <strong>the</strong> cost<br />

of <strong>the</strong> system), contribute to jail and prison<br />

inmate accounts (that officials intercept to<br />

cover <strong>the</strong> cost of <strong>the</strong> system), and may help<br />

released bro<strong>the</strong>rs, mo<strong>the</strong>rs, daughters, and<br />

fa<strong>the</strong>rs to repay old fees and new ones (like<br />

probation supervision costs).<br />

Does Imposition Of Cost-Recovery<br />

Sanctions Ensure Crime Victims Are<br />

Properly Compensated?<br />

Imposition of cost-recovery sanctions<br />

actually seems to undermine <strong>the</strong> penological<br />

goals of <strong>the</strong> system – including crime<br />

April 2008<br />

victim compensation. These additional<br />

financial burdens create competition<br />

among victims and justice system administrators<br />

for pieces of a small pie.<br />

Does Imposition Of Cost-Recovery<br />

Sanctions Allow Policy Makers To<br />

Appear Fiscally Responsible?<br />

This rationale for promoting costshifting<br />

to people in <strong>the</strong> system is an<br />

interesting one, focused on appearances<br />

ra<strong>the</strong>r than sound policy. Even if appearances<br />

were a legitimate basis for<br />

making policy, <strong>the</strong> evidence suggests<br />

<strong>the</strong>se impositions do not reflect favorably<br />

on policymakers. To <strong>the</strong> contrary,<br />

cost-shifting demonstrates willingness<br />

to place political expediency over true<br />

fiscal responsibility which requires tough<br />

decisions about cutting costs and raising<br />

revenues. The ability to impose costs on<br />

<strong>the</strong> criminal system’s captive audience<br />

allows policymakers to avoid <strong>the</strong>se hard<br />

questions, and to avoid disappointing<br />

those with a fiscal interest in keeping jails<br />

and prisons full.<br />

Does Imposition Of Cost-Recovery<br />

Sanctions Teach Moral Lessons<br />

And Fiscal Responsibility?<br />

For many people leaving prison,<br />

criminal financial obligations hang over<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir heads like <strong>the</strong> Sword of Damocles,<br />

ready to drop at any moment. High<br />

criminal debt and low earning potential<br />

combine to frustrate efforts to achieve<br />

financial and social stability, and to live<br />

up to one’s obligations to family and community<br />

after involvement in <strong>the</strong> system.<br />

Research in <strong>the</strong> child support context<br />

illustrates a tipping point at which <strong>the</strong><br />

size of debt relative to income creates an<br />

unwanted backlash. Studies show that<br />

compliance with child support orders is<br />

strongly linked to abilty to pay, and that<br />

compliance was significantly lower when<br />

monthly orders were more than 20 percent<br />

of a parent’s income, than when orders<br />

were 15 percent or less of income 101 . If<br />

criminal financial obligations are aimed at<br />

fur<strong>the</strong>ring responsibility, <strong>the</strong>y cannot be<br />

so burdensome as to make work futile.<br />

Policymakers Must Reconsider The<br />

Use Of Cost-Recovery Sanctions<br />

20 dollars here, 15 dollars <strong>the</strong>re -- for<br />

a busy legislator focused on ending <strong>the</strong> fiscal<br />

year in <strong>the</strong> black, enacting <strong>the</strong>se types<br />

of monetary sanctions may appear to be<br />

sensible, relatively painless, financial fixes.<br />

But as lawmakers continue to shift more<br />

10<br />

and more of <strong>the</strong> costs of <strong>the</strong> criminal justice<br />

system onto those arrested, charged,<br />

prosecuted, and incarcerated, it is critical<br />

that <strong>the</strong>y understand <strong>the</strong> entire economic<br />

sanctions picture, and resist <strong>the</strong> current<br />

piece-meal approach. Across <strong>the</strong> country,<br />

both those burdened with <strong>the</strong> debt,<br />

as well as state policymakers, probation<br />

officers, judges, and court administrators<br />

increasingly understand <strong>the</strong> big picture,<br />

and are troubled by it. They are urging<br />

reconsideration of existing cost-recovery<br />

fees and cautioning against creation of<br />

new ones.<br />

Policymakers can heed <strong>the</strong>ir call by:<br />

1) conducting (and regularly updating) an<br />

inventory of all criminal fees, fines and<br />

economic sanctions on <strong>the</strong>ir books; 2)<br />

performing an impact analysis when a new<br />

economic sanction is proposed that includes<br />

assessment of <strong>the</strong> population most<br />

likely to face <strong>the</strong> sanction, <strong>the</strong> amount of<br />

sanctions already paid by that population,<br />

and <strong>the</strong> proposal’s effect on public safety;<br />

and 3) instituting a moratorium on new<br />

sanctions or sanction increases until <strong>the</strong><br />

proper research and impact procedures are<br />

in place. Without protections like <strong>the</strong>se,<br />

responsible decision-making in <strong>the</strong> area<br />

of criminal economic sanctions is simply<br />

not possible.<br />

Endnotes<br />

1 The author wishes to thank Nora Christenson,<br />

a Brennan Center summer intern, and Bran<br />

Noonan, a volunteer lawyer, for <strong>the</strong>ir essential<br />

research and drafting for this article, as well as Brennan<br />

Center colleagues Lynn Lu, for her tireless work<br />

on all aspects of this chapter, and Chris Muller for<br />

his always helpful review and insights. Finally, <strong>the</strong><br />

author thanks Rene Kathawala, Mick Peters, and<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir firm, Orrick, Harrington, and Sutcliffe, LLP,<br />

for <strong>the</strong>ir expert cite-checking.<br />

2 Michigan State Senator Alan Cropsey, chair of<br />

<strong>the</strong> Judiciary Committee and member of <strong>the</strong> Appropriations<br />

Committee, Karen Imas & Rachel McLean,<br />

The Council of State Governments Eastern Regional<br />

Conference, Issue Brief, “Policymakers Discuss Practical<br />

Solutions to Financial Obligations of People<br />

Released from <strong>Prison</strong>s and Jails,” 1, May 2006.<br />

3 The Honorable Judge John Andrew West of<br />

<strong>the</strong> Court of Common Pleas in Ohio, Karen Imas &<br />

Rachel McLean, The Council of State Governments<br />

Eastern Regional Conference, Issue Brief, “Policymakers<br />

Discuss Practical Solutions to Financial<br />

Obligations of People Released from <strong>Prison</strong>s and<br />

Jails,” 2, May 2006.<br />

4 NAACP <strong>Legal</strong> Defense and Educational<br />

Fund, Inc., website, http://www.naacpldf.org/content.aspx?article=524.<br />

5 Appeals Court Decision and Opinion Va-<br />

<strong>Prison</strong> <strong>Legal</strong> <strong>News</strong>

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