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From the Editor - Prison Legal News

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Cost Shifting (cont.)<br />

charged with a felony in <strong>the</strong> United State<br />

are indigent” based on Department of<br />

Justice data collected in 2000. 26 Saddling<br />

those least able to pay with an extra cost<br />

– beyond that assessed in general taxes<br />

– for running a justice system ostensibly<br />

designed to serve <strong>the</strong> public is both<br />

inequitable and unlikely to generate <strong>the</strong><br />

desired revenues. Predictably, researchers<br />

have found that “[s]taggering amounts<br />

of economic sanctions are unpaid, more<br />

than $4.5 billion in fines at <strong>the</strong> federal<br />

level and more than $166 million in New<br />

Jersey alone.” 27<br />

The current approach of levying costs<br />

has a particularly devastating effect on<br />

populations of color, communities disproportionately<br />

represented in <strong>the</strong> criminal<br />

justice system. At <strong>the</strong> end of 2005, 60<br />

percent of state and federal prisoners were<br />

African-American or Latino. 28 African-<br />

American women were more than twice as<br />

likely as Latina females and over 3 times<br />

more likely than white females to have<br />

been in prison on December 31, 2005. 29<br />

The Census Bureau’s most recent income<br />

and poverty figures show that African-<br />

American households had <strong>the</strong> lowest<br />

median income in 2005 ($30,858), 61 percent<br />

of <strong>the</strong> median for non-Latino white<br />

households ($50,784). 30 Median income<br />

for Latino households was 71 percent of<br />

<strong>the</strong> median for non-Latino, white households.<br />

31 In 2005, <strong>the</strong> poverty 32 rate was 24.9<br />

percent for African-Americans, with 9.2<br />

million people in poverty, and 21.8 percent<br />

of Latinos, with 9.4 million in poverty. 33<br />

For non-Latino whites, <strong>the</strong> poverty rate<br />

was 8.3 percent, or 16.2 million people in<br />

2005. 34 These prison and economic demographics<br />

show that communities of color<br />

are both disproportionately incarcerated<br />

EXECUTIVE CLEMENCY<br />

April 2008<br />

For Info on Sentence Reduction through<br />

Executive Clemency:<br />

NATIONAL CLEMENCY PROJECT<br />

8624 CAMP COLUMBUS ROAD<br />

HIXSON, TENNESSEE, 37343<br />

(423) 843-2235<br />

(33-Years of Clemency & Parole Assistance)<br />

and disproportionately impoverished.<br />

Legislators often create new fees<br />

and increase existing assessments without<br />

much, if any, information about <strong>the</strong><br />

system-imposed debts criminal defendants<br />

already face, or how those debts<br />

affect people’s lives. In 2003 alone about<br />

a third of <strong>the</strong> states enacted laws assessing<br />

costs against criminal defendants for<br />

court security, probation supervision,<br />

appointed counsel, transfer of parole or<br />

probation supervision to ano<strong>the</strong>r state,<br />

inmate medical and dental expenses, sex<br />

offender registration, electronic monitoring<br />

fees, and costs of incarceration, like<br />

room and board. In addition to enacting<br />

new fees some states increased existing<br />

assessments. 35 Illinois doubled its monthly<br />

probation fee (to $50), 36 Kansas doubled<br />

its assigned counsel application fee (to<br />

$100), 37 (which all defendants seeking a<br />

court appointed lawyer to represent <strong>the</strong>m<br />

at trial must complete). Minnesota upped<br />

its assigned counsel fee from $25 to $200, 38<br />

and Oklahoma quadrupled its monthly<br />

electronic monitoring fee to $300. 39<br />

George Keiser, Chief of <strong>the</strong> Community<br />

Corrections/<strong>Prison</strong> Division at<br />

<strong>the</strong> National Institute of Corrections, has<br />

studied <strong>the</strong> issue for decades. “Legislation<br />

imposing financial obligations has typically<br />

been passed incrementally,” Keiser<br />

observes, creating “a danger in tacking<br />

fees upon fees with no end in sight.”<br />

He suggests reviewing “<strong>the</strong> mandates in<br />

place before introducing new financial<br />

penalties.” 40<br />

With <strong>the</strong> growth of <strong>the</strong> adult correctional<br />

population – over seven million<br />

adults are in jail, prison, or supervised<br />

in <strong>the</strong>ir community 41 -- in <strong>the</strong> near term<br />

policymakers will continue to feel pressure<br />

to balance large, costly criminal justice<br />

system budgets. The temptation to shift<br />

<strong>the</strong> financial burden to <strong>the</strong> most politically<br />

powerless among us<br />

– those caught up in<br />

<strong>the</strong> criminal justice<br />

4<br />

system – is fierce.<br />

While <strong>the</strong> move may<br />

be popular with<br />

taxpayers and legislators<br />

eager to avoid<br />

raising taxes, any<br />

short-term gains in<br />

revenue come at <strong>the</strong><br />

cost of long-term<br />

community survival.<br />

Even <strong>the</strong> courts and<br />

criminal justice administrators<br />

who are<br />

<strong>the</strong> intended beneficiaries of cost-shifting<br />

economic sanctions are beginning to<br />

realize <strong>the</strong> futility of saddling those who<br />

reenter society with debt so crippling that<br />

any chances of successful reintegration<br />

may be impossible.<br />

An Overview of Criminal Financial<br />

Assessments<br />

“I’ve never seen so many people interested<br />

in $15!” 42<br />

— Probationer’s disbelief at paying<br />

multiple fees, as expressed on <strong>the</strong> wall of<br />

a probation office bathroom. 43<br />

A first step in understanding whe<strong>the</strong>r<br />

assessing cost-related fees is <strong>the</strong> appropriate<br />

way to defray <strong>the</strong> skyrocketing budget<br />

costs of state criminal justice systems is<br />

identifying <strong>the</strong> actual fees being assessed.<br />

An increasingly popular method for meeting<br />

<strong>the</strong> costs of expensive criminal justice<br />

systems is to recoup administrative costs<br />

from those arrested, prosecuted, incarcerated<br />

and supervised within criminal justice<br />

systems. 44 While states usually enact legislation<br />

authorizing assessment of fees at<br />

each stage of <strong>the</strong> criminal justice process,<br />

<strong>the</strong>se charges resemble landmines – <strong>the</strong>y<br />

are “hidden” and “scattered throughout<br />

every state code,” 45 and have <strong>the</strong> capacity<br />

to destroy financially those <strong>the</strong>y come in<br />

contact with. As a result, it is difficult for<br />

any given defendant, defense attorney, or<br />

even policymaker to fully comprehend <strong>the</strong><br />

financial sanction attached to a conviction<br />

or sentence.<br />

The National Institute of Correction’s<br />

first comprehensive analysis of economic<br />

sanctions, released in 1988, provided an<br />

overview of <strong>the</strong> types of financial consequences<br />

levied upon arrest, conviction,<br />

and sentence. 46 Fines, costs, and restitution,<br />

perhaps <strong>the</strong> most familiar forms of<br />

economic sanctions, are usually formal<br />

penalties explicitly set forth in <strong>the</strong> court’s<br />

Judgment and Sentence of <strong>the</strong> defendant,<br />

like <strong>the</strong> assessments Mr. Rideau faced.<br />

Fines are <strong>the</strong> traditional monetary penalty,<br />

usually imposed according to severity<br />

of crime, to punish an individual. Court<br />

costs are fees adopted and imposed by jurisdictions<br />

on most convicted persons, to<br />

cover a variety of court expenses that may<br />

include maintenance of court facilities,<br />

service of warrants, and law enforcement<br />

officers’ retirement funds. 47 Restitution<br />

is a court-ordered “payment by <strong>the</strong> offender<br />

to <strong>the</strong> victim for financial losses,<br />

and embodies both <strong>the</strong> just deserts notion<br />

of offense-based penalties and concern<br />

for <strong>the</strong> victim,” 48 and may be collected at<br />

<strong>Prison</strong> <strong>Legal</strong> <strong>News</strong>

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