Final Report - European Online Grooming Project

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2. Introduction This report presents findings from the European Online Grooming Project. The research was commissioned by the European Commission Safer Internet Plus programme and conducted by a collaboration that encompassed: Stephen Webster, NatCen Social Research; Julia Davidson and Julie Grove-Hills, Kingston University; Antonia Bifulco, Royal Holloway University of London; Petter Gottschalk, The Norwegian School of Management; Vincenzo Caretti, University of Palermo and Thierry Pham, University of Mons-Hainaut. This chapter outlines the research and policy context, the aims and objectives of the study, and the design and methodology used during the research. 2.1 Scale of the challenge The availability and widespread use of digital technology has transformed the way in which we consider children and young people to be at risk of harm. Despite the widely acknowledged benefits that Internet use provides in terms of school work and information seeking, as well as leisure in the form of games, communicating with peers and the development and maintenance of friendships through social networking sites, there are clearly risks that children can be exposed to, with the potential for personal harm. We now know from recent large scale European surveys (EU Kids Online) that online Internet activity is thoroughly embedded in children’s daily lives, with 93% of 9-16 year old users going online at least weekly with 60% going online every day or almost every day (Livingstone et al 2011a). Whilst traditionally this has been higher in teenage users, the age at first going online is now getting younger, with an average age of first Internet use of 7 in Denmark and Sweden and 8 in various Northern European countries including Norway and the UK (Livingstone et al, 2011b). Excessive Internet use is identified as high in Belgium and the UK (43- 44%), but with the lowest rate in Italy (17%) showing variability across the EC. However, the EU Kids Online survey, found that as many as 41% of European 9-16 year olds have encountered online risks (Livingston et al, 2011). The most common risky activity reported by children was that of communicating online with new people not met face-to-face, affecting 30% of European children aged 9-16. Particular risks have been identified in relation to use of Social Networking Sites (SNS) with 38% of 9- 12 year olds and 77% of 13-16 year olds having a profile online, but with age restrictions only partially effective and younger children more likely to have a public profile. Parental rules for SNS use are only partly effective, and a quarter of SNS users communicate online with people unconnected to their daily lives. One fifth of children whose profile is public, display their address or phone number and younger children are shown not to understand features designed to protect children using SNS. In terms of safety skills online, Italy is among the lowest in the EU study, with the UK slightly above average, but below Norway. Age is clearly an important factor with different developmental levels related to different exposure and risk status. 24 of 152 |Final report European Online Grooming Project_
Girls appear to be at higher risk, and more likely to have had a ‘threatening’ experience online, but boys are twice as likely to do nothing about such an experience. (Davidson, Lorenz, Martellozo & Grove-Hills, 2009). Girls are also more likely to make use of the social aspects of the Internet (notably instant messaging and social networking sites), and appear more willing to share personal information and to interact with strangers. In terms of risk for online grooming a large survey of 1718 young people across the UK aged 11-16 revealed that 42% had received electronic attachments from strangers; 37% had added a stranger to their instant messaging and 35% added a stranger to their social networking friends group. Online risk-taking by young people is therefore common (Davidson et al, 2009). Online offending Offenders who perpetrate technology mediated crimes against children, fall into two principal categories. Those who use the Internet and mobile phones to target and ‘groom’ children for the purposes of sexual abuse (Finkelhor et al, 2000); and those who produce and/or download indecent illegal images of children from the Internet and distribute them (Quayle & Taylor, 2001, 2002, 2003; Quayle, 2009; Davidson & Martellozzo, 2005, 2008: Davidson 2007). Although some recent research has been conducted that explores online offender behaviour (Martellozzo, 2009; Hernandez, 2009; Seto, 2009, Elliott & Beech, 2009) we have limited knowledge about the nature of sexual crimes against children mediated through information and communication technologies, those who perpetrate them and the impact of these crimes on children. We have even less knowledge regarding the nature of the link between online abuse and contact offending. This lack of knowledge understandably underpins insecurities and anxieties evidenced by those within the criminal justice system tasked with making decisions about the nature of these offences and the risk they pose to vulnerable groups within our society (Davidson, 2007, Quayle 2009). Existing offender research has focused almost exclusively on intrapersonal aspects of offending, ignoring the interpersonal, group and situational factors that influence the perpetration of online sexual offences against children. This research goes some way to address this gap exploring offender behaviour in the context of the use of technology. Quayle and Taylor (2003) comment on the possible motivations of online child sex abusers. It is suggested that sex offenders perceive the Internet as a means of generating an immediate solution to their fantasies. Factors including presumed anonymity, disinhibition and ready accessibility, undoubtedly encourage offenders to go online, it is also acknowledged, however, that the unique structure of the Internet may play a major role in facilitating online child abuse. This is not to suggest that the Internet creates online abuse, but situational theoretical approaches to sexual offending emphasise the importance of the context in which offending occurs and is facilitated (Wortley & Smallbone, 2006). It is probable that the Internet has unique characteristics that both sustain and direct child sexual abuse through image collection and online grooming - findings from our study certainly support this contention. 25 of 152 |Final report European Online Grooming Project_
Page 1 and 2: Final Report Stephen Webster, Julia
Page 3 and 4: Contents 1. Executive Summary......
Page 5 and 6: 1. Executive Summary Background •
Page 7 and 8: Online Spaces The Features of Onlin
Page 9 and 10: also described using webcams 3 as a
Page 11 and 12: Maintenance • Offence maintenance
Page 13 and 14: easons - here low self-efficacy und
Page 15 and 16: Typology of Young People Victimised
Page 17 and 18: ehaviours and strategies to stay sa
Page 19 and 20: Awareness and Perception of Online
Page 21 and 22: Content gaps • Some young people
Page 23: • Events with teachers were also
Page 27 and 28: off-line abusive contact with the c
Page 29 and 30: said activity was sexual intercours
Page 31 and 32: 2.5 Scoping Methods Literature revi
Page 33 and 34: 2.6 Interviews with Online Groomers
Page 35 and 36: and 14-16 years; a mix of boys and
Page 37 and 38: 3. Understanding Online Grooming Th
Page 39 and 40: turned off and daily life returned
Page 41 and 42: Social networking - For adults and
Page 43 and 44: Online Spaces Figure 3.3.1 - The fe
Page 45 and 46: The role of the online environment
Page 47 and 48: Online identities were described by
Page 49 and 50: Mode Before an approach to a young
Page 51 and 52: Extent of contact With technology a
Page 53 and 54: - Mentor: this refers to the way so
Page 55 and 56: extent of online disinhibition amon
Page 57 and 58: Providing gifts to young people cou
Page 59 and 60: It is not unreasonable to suggest t
Page 61 and 62: 4. Offender Maintenance and Risk Ma
Page 63 and 64: There are plenty of fish - you’ll
Page 65 and 66: conversations to escalate in a way
Page 67 and 68: In the literature, there has also b
Page 69 and 70: At the time… I said I’m not doi
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Page 73 and 74: However, as with images, it would b
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• how the young person behaved on
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children. Consequently, online groo
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forefront of their functioning. The
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achieved that allowed each groomer
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Risk Management Adaptable Style Dis
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Risk Management Hyper-Sexualised se
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6. Young People Online The chapters
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equally exploited. Thus the level o
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as having problems in family life o
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of themselves. As we have seen in t
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which are largely unformulated. Soc
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G: Pictures of you and I want you t
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If we begin with the example of the
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Figure 6.6 Resilient young people o
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make contact with young boys. In th
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to the people from schools with rob
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Plenty. Some I see around, they’r
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We have seen in chapter 3, 4 and 5
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Table 6.7: Young peoples perception
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Socialisation Information seeking O
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when appraising all potential conta
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evidence from parents’ that tends
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7. Implications: Applying the resea
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of online technology and mobile pho
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Targeted programmes for young peopl
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the grooming to which they were sub
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with particular regard to anonymity
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measures for online groomers. A key
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addition, the Good Lives Model-Comp
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References Andrews, D. A., Bonta, J
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Hayes, E., Archer, D. & Middleton,
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Taylor, M. & Quayle, E. (2006). The
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Appendices 139 of 152 |Final report
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Dear [insert name] Understanding on
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Understanding Online Grooming On be
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Understanding the process of online
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2. ONLINE GROOMERS OFFENDING BEHAVI
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Online presentation (here we are ex
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Contact offending and online groome
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Final Report - European Online Grooming Project

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