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THE JOURNAL OF THE HISTORICAL 

L4 C tC a! ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA 

Editor 

Charlton W. Tebeau 

Associate Editors 

Arva Moore Parks 

Dr. Thelma P Peters 

NUMBER XLI 1981 

CONTENTS 

The John DuBois Family of Jupiter: 

A Florida Prototype, 1887-1981 5 

By Harry A. Kersey, Jr. 

The Seminole Women of Florida 23 

By Mary Barr Munroe 

Introduction by Arva Moore Parks 

Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida, 1822-1840 33 

Part II: Fitzpatrick's Miami River Plantation 

By Hugo L. Black, III 

Sugar Along the Manatee: Major Robert Gamble, Jr. and the 

Development of Gamble Plantation 69 

By Michael G. Schene 

List of Members 83 

COPYRIGHT 1981 BY THE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA 

I 

Le I 

is published annually by the Historical Association of Southern 

est'i^: Florida. Communications should be addressed to the Corresponding 

Secretary of the Society, 3290 South Miami Avenue, Miami, Florida 

33129. The Association does not assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions 

made by contributors.

This Page Blank in Original 

Source Document

Historical Association of Southern Florida, Inc. 

FOUNDED 1940--INCORPORATED 1941 

Joseph H. Fitzgerald 

President 

James Apthorp 

First Vice President 

Sherrill Kellner 

Second Vice President 

Barbara Skigen 

Recording Secretary 

Joseph H. Pero, Jr. 

Treasurer 

Charlton W Tebeau, Ph.D. 

Editor Tequesta 

Arva Moore Parks 

Associate Editor Tequesta 

Thelma Peters, Ph.D. 

Associate Editor Tequesta 

Marie Anderson 

Editor Update 

Randy F Nimnicht 

Executive Director 

TRUSTEES 

Marie W Anderson C. T. McCrimmon 

B. J. Arnsparger R. Layton Mank 

James K. Batten David Mesnekoff 

William O. Cullom Jose R. Montalvo, Jr. 

Linda Sears D'Alemberte Charles P. Munroe 

James L. Davis Arva Moore Parks 

Kathy Ezell Tom Pennekamp 

Ray Fleites Thelma Peters, Ph.D. 

Hazel Reeves Grant Mrs. Joseph Robbie 

John C. Harrison, Jr. Yvonne Santa-Maria 

Judith Hernstadt Richard H. Simonet 

Suzanne Jones Vivian P. Smith 

Stephen A. Lynch, III Mitchell Wolfson, Jr. 

Jesse McCrary, Jr. Mrs. James S. Wooten


Source Document

The John DuBois Family of Jupiter: 

A Florida Prototype, 1887-1981 

By Harry A. Kersey, Jr.* 

One of the most striking vistas on the east coast of Florida today is the 

panoramic view from the old DuBois home, perched high atop an ancient 

Indian shell mound in northern Palm Beach County. To the northwest 

across the broad Loxahatchee River the stately old Jupiter Lighthouse, 

which was first lit in 1860, stands sentinel on a high point 6f land at the 

confluence of the Loxahatchee and Indian Rivers. The tidal basin thus 

formed flows swiftly to meet the Atlantic Ocean some three quarters of a 

mile to the east at the treacherous and beautiful Jupiter inlet. Upstream 

beyond the town of Jupiter the river also branches into a north and south 

fork, each of which meanders for miles through stands of native palm and 

hardwood hammocks. The north fork of the Loxahatchee, in particular, is 

counted among the significant "wild rivers" remaining in this country. 

Despite the influx of population which has recently begun to crowd the 

water's edge, this picturesque region still retains much of the charm 

which attracted young Harry DuBois when he first saw it in the 1880's. 1 

Since that time the DuBois family has been an integral part of the Jupiter 

area's social history, and in many respects they reflect a life-style typical 

of many other pioneer families whose fortunes rose or declined in 

*Dr. Kersey is a professor of education at Florida Atlantic University. His previous 

articles in Tequesta include "The 'Friends of the Seminole Society,' 1899-1926" 

(XXXIV) and "The Dania Indian School, 1927-1936" (Dr. Kersey with coauthor Mark S. 

Goldman) (XXXIX). 

This study was made possible in part by a grant from the Council on Humanistic 

Values for Palm Beach County which is supported by the Chastain Foundation.

6 TEQUESTA 

successive stages of the state's evolution. Moreover, it has been a family 

possessed of an unusual sense of its own and the region's cultural history, 

probably due in great part to the fact that their homestead contained one 

of the most significant archaeological sites along the southeast coast of 

Florida: the great shell mound location of the Hobe Indian village where 

the Quaker merchant Jonathan Dickinson and his party were taken as 

captives in 1696. 2 

Harry DuBois, a native of Monmouth County, N.J., was the son of a 

farmer who could trace his lineage back to two French Huguenot 

brothers who arrived in America during the 1690's. Harry first came 

south to Florida at age 16 to work throughout the winter months in the 

orange groves around Titusville and Merritt Island. 3 The natural beauty 

and lure of the warm climate ultimately led him to relocate permanently 

in the Jupiter area about 1892. The inhabitants of the little settlement 

which had grown up around the old lighthouse depended primarily upon 

farming and fishing as a source of income, and life was slow paced. Then 

in 1889, through a political quirk, the voters of Dade County opted to 

move the county seat from Miami to Juno on the north shore of Lake 

Worth. This move catapulted Jupiter into the role of an economic and 

transportation center. The steam boats operating on the Indian River 

could navigate no farther south than the Loxahatchee River, then cargo 

had to be transported overland and reloaded on the lake steamer and 

sailboats plying Lake Worth. A hack line operated between the two 

points after 1885, but it was not sufficient to meet the transportation 

needs of the area, so in 1890 the Plant System completed a narrow gauge 

railroad to haul freight and passengers over the seven and one-half miles 

which separated Jupiter from Juno.4 The line was inevitably dubbed the 

"Celestial Railroad" with its terminals in Jupiter and Juno, and nominal 

stops at Venus and Mars. The quaint line soon gained national attention 

for its three colorful miniature engines and rolling stock, as well as 

personnel who played tunes such as "Dixie" on the train whistle or 

stopped for impromptu hunting excursions. Another oddity was the lack 

of a turntable which made it necessary that the train back up the entire 

way on the Juno to Jupiter leg. 

In 1892 business was booming and the town of Jupiter was platted 

around the area of the railroad docks on the south bank of the 

Loxahatchee opposite the lighthouse. Two years later H. M. Flagler's 

Florida East Coast Railway, which had been working its way down.the 

east coast from St. Augustine, bypassed Jupiter to the west laying a track 

to West Palm Beach. With this, the fortunes of Juno began to decline.

The John DuBois Family of Jupiter 7 

Most of the law and business firms left Juno for the growing new city at 

the temporary terminus of the railroad which would eventually extend to 

Miami. When another vote was held in 1899, the county seat would be 

returned permanently to Miami. Jupiter also suffered an economic reversal 

when the "Celestial Railroad" ceased operating in 1895, and the 

Indian River steamers no longer brought freight and passengers to the 

docks on the Loxahatchee. The community returned to its sleepy existence 

and became just another stop on the Florida East Coast Railway, the 

station being located in West Jupiter near the site originally designated as 

Neptune. 5 While the DuBois family had no direct involvement with the 

"Celestial Railroad'" many of the other townspeople were adversely 

impacted by its demise. 

As a young man, Harry DuBois engaged in a variety of occupations 

and economic ventures to sustain himself. For example, when the Flagler 

railroad began to build southward from Titusville, he acquired a 40-foot 

"sharpie" rigged with twin leg o' mutton sails and hauled building 

materials into the Palm Beach docks. Perhaps the most glamorous 

position that he held was as a member of the U.S. Life Saving Station 

crew which operated at Jupiter Inlet from 1886-96.6 Under the command 

of Captain Charles R. Carlin, the station was located on the beach south 

of the inlet, and its main function was to provide assistance to vessels 

caught in the tricky seas near Jupiter. The six members of the crew were 

all powerful swimmers and excellent seamen who knew the vagaries of 

the local water which could bring disaster to unwary boaters. The Life 

Saving Station was closed after the extension of the railroad to Miami and 

the opening of the Intracoastal Waterway made it unnecessary for travelers 

to venture outside the inlet. 

The Life Saving Station always shut down during the summer 

months, so DuBois of necessity turned to other pursuits. In the 1890's he 

purchased 18 acres of land known as Stone's Point on the Loxahatchee 

River. The central feature of this tract was the massive oyster shell mound 

some twenty feet high and over six hundred feet long. On the level ground 

he planted numerous orange trees and, later, banana plants. The citrus 

never thrived due to their proximity to the ocean, since the salt air tended 

to retard growth. However, the bananas flourished enough to become 

profitable - DuBois sold them for 1 l per finger in West Palm Beach, 

which was a good price for that era. Earlier he had bought twenty acres 

which was planted in pineapples along the Intracoastal Waterway; there 

was also a small packing house on the property. The building was later 

dismantled and moved to the shell mound, and is probably the oldest

8 TEQUESTA 

120 

The crew of the Life Saving Station at Jupiter about 1895. Harry DuBois is at the 

right with folded arms. 

frame building surviving in Jupiter to this day. The pineapples were 

packed and shipped north by train; a cider press was also employed to 

extract the juice which was bottled and sold. It was difficult to raise 

pineapples on the low land where frost settled and often killed the crown


Earliest known photo of DuBois house atop the shell ridge. About 1896. A second 

story was added a few years later. 

or bloom of the fruit, and lath sheds had to be built to prevent freezing. 

Even so, the prices for pineapples began a steady decline, due in part to 

competition from Cuban growers starting around the turn of the century. 7 

It soon became more profitable for DuBois to turn to raising bees for 

honey. He also began off-shore commercial fishing, catching pompano 

which could be sold for 25o per pound at the Royal Poinciana Hotel in 

Palm Beach. 

In 1898, Harry DuBois married a young teacher, Susan Sanders, and 

brought his bride to the new home he had built on the shell mound. She 

was a graduate of a Kansas normal school who had come to Florida the 

previous summer to join her father and brother at their homestead on 

Lake Worth. In her memoirs she recounts "There were five men to every 

woman and school teachers were very scarce. The teacher's examination 

for that year had been held before I arrived so they sent me to Titusville to 

take the examination there.... The school house west of Stuart was an 

8x12 palmetto shack with no floor and no desk for me but a box to sit on. 

The children sat on a long backless bench with a continuous slanting 

board in front to prop their books against. There was a desk and bench 

down each side of the room and a place for me to walk up and down in the 

center. When it rained the roof leaked so badly I had to put up my 

umbrella. I taught children, just beginners to some almost as old as I was, 

for the princely sum of $40 per month. My board and washing was $10 a 

month." 8 

The young teacher's living conditions were not much better, for in 

the home where she stayed it was necessary to share a bed with a 

twelve-year-old girl. Only a hanging boat sail separated them from the 

other members of the family who occupied the single-room dwelling. 

Luckily, within six months she was transferred to the school in Jupiter

10 TEQUESTA 

and soon met her future husband. The story is told that they met on a 

blind date on a dark night, and it was not until they rowed over to the 

lighthouse and climbed to the top that they got a good look at each other; 

apparently it was love at first sight. As with succeeding generations, 

much of their courting took place around the Jupiter Lighthouse and on 

the beaches, as there was little else to do in those days. Apparently only 

the first floor of their home on the shell mound was completed prior to the 

wedding, and a second story was added at a later date. Their first child, 

John, was born there in 1899, followed by Henry, Anna and Neil. All are 

still living with their families in the vicinity of Jupiter and West Palm 

Beach. Nevertheless, it is the family of John Rue DuBois which has 

remained at the original shell mound homestead over the ensuing decades, 

and provides the historical linkage between the site and the 

DuBois name. 

John's earliest memories are of playing about the shell mound, or 

fishing and boating in the Loxahatchee and along the Atlantic beaches. 

His childhood years were an almost idyllic existence for a young boy in 

turn-of-the-century Florida. He and his brothers and sister attended the 

elementary school at Neptune beginning in 1905. The post office at the 

south end of the railroad bridge retained that name until it was merged 

with the Jupiter post office in 1908, and Neptune passed into history. 9 The 

youngsters who lived along the river were transported there each day on a 

"school boat" originally operated by C.P. Jackson. This unique craft was 

a converted lifeboat from the battleship Maine, and bore the same 

name. 10 The DuBois children often had to meet the boat at a point about a 

half-mile from their home, when the current was too swift near the inlet 

for the boat to come to their own dock. Nor was the daily trip to school 

always boring, as the children often fished along the way. John remembers 

that he caught his first bluefish trolling from the back of the school 

boat. In 1911, a new school was built in Jupiter with elementary grades 

housed on the ground floor, and secondary instruction being offered 

through the 10th grade upstairs. A student wishing to complete high 

school had to go to West Palm Beach for the remaining two years of 

schooling. John DuBois completed his work at the Jupiter school, then 

joined his father in the family enterprises. 

One of his first tasks was to supervise the removal of a good portion 

of the shell mound, which was sold in 1917 as road building material for 

the town of Lake Park. John took great care to see that any artifacts found 

in the mound were carefully preserved, and many items were later 

examined and classified by scientists at the Florida State Museum." One


piece of fibre-tempered pottery was dated from the era 500 B.C. In the 

mound it was found that blackened ash from fires formed layers between 

the oyster shells, bones of fish and animals, celts, shell tools and sherds 

of pottery which gave evidence of the people who lived on the boundary 

of the inlet for centuries before Europeans arrived. The first on-site study 

of the mound was made in 1896 by a noted archaeologist but the findings 

were never published. In 1965 a systematic excavation of the greatly 

attenuated mound was made by archaeologists from Florida Atlantic 

University, but the site yielded no additional significant material. 12 

The DuBois, father and son, were acknowledged to be expert 

seamen, and engaged in numerous rescue and salvage missions around 

the Jupiter Inlet. 13 There was little profit derived from these ventures, but 

they did create an extensive family collection of ships' bells, sextants, 

sounding leads, log books, and similar paraphernalia. This collection 

represents a historical cross section of the Jupiter maritime tradition 

which would be valuable to any future museum in the area. The only real 

money to be made from the sea, however, came from the less glamorous 

chore of fishing. 

For many years John had worked with his father in their commercial 

fishing operation. Just off Jupiter the Gulf Stream reaches one of its 

closest points to the Florida shore, bringing benefits of a mild climate and 

unparalleled fishing. They would set their nets several hundred yards 

off-shore at night, and the natural drift of the Gulf Stream would sweep 

them northward and toward the shore line. If they caught just five or six 

pompano or other expensive fish each evening, that was considered 

"making wages". John always received 10% of the profit from the catch, 

which he banked, so he generally had cash to fund other undertakings. 

For example, after he left school his father suggested that they expand 

their apiary business, so John moved to the Delray-Boynton area and 

began buying up hives. He built an 8 x 10 building on cleared land as a 

collection center, and used an old Model-T open body truck to transport 

the raw honey for extracting in Jupiter. When World War I started, honey 

sold for 35o a gallon and the bees were soon paid for; in one year the 

DuBois shipped over 90,000 pounds of honey to northern markets. The 

honey business was continued until the hurricanes of 1926 and 1928 

dispersed most of the bees across the peninsula. 14 Unfortunately, Harry 

DuBois had developed pernicious anemia and passed away in 1925. He 

had been his son's mentor and business partner, and left a legacy of 

independence, initiative and self-reliance which became a family tradition. 

When most of the family holdings were purchased for a Palm Beach

12 TEQUESTA 

County Park in 1972, one of the conditions was that the site be named in 

honor of Harry DuBois' Family. 

In the year preceding his father's death, John acquired another 

partner who was to remain with him for over fifty years: his wife. In 1914, 

eleven-year-old Bessie Wilson moved to Jupiter with her family from 

New Jersey. Her father was a wholesale florist who came to raise plants in 

a warm climate, and he established a fernery on fifty acres at Limestone 

Creek. Although there were business difficulties and her mother died 

three years after their arrival, the Wilsons remained, with young Bessie 

assuming many of the household duties for her family. She soon met the 

tall DuBois boy while attending the local school, and a romance began 

which was to last a lifetime. In 1919, John Wilson purchased a car so 

Bessie could finish high school in West Palm Beach, and she graduated 

in 1923. On June 23, 1924, Bessie and John DuBois were married. 

Following their marriage John brought Bessie home to a "honeymoon 

cottage" which he had built to the west of the shell mound and fronting 

the river. It was not long before they began to raise a family. A daughter, 

Susan, was born in 1925, followed by Doris (1926), Louise (1926) and 

Harry (1929). 

Like other youngsters growing up in south Florida early in this 

century, John and Bessie fondly recall the visits of the colorful Seminole 

Indians who came to trade with local merchants. They usually arrived in 

covered wagons drawn by oxen or horses, and traded such items as otter 

pelts, 'coon skins and alligator hides, as well as livestock. Around 1914 

the Indians brought live pigs to the store of Pennington "Pa" Kitching, 

brother of the famous Indian trader Capt. Walter Kitching of Stuart, and 

everyone knew they were in town by the raucous squealing. At Frank 

Bowers' store similar items were traded, and John remembers that the 

Seminoles came with large tin cans to be filled with lard which they used 

for cooking. He also confirmed that the Indians bought and paid for one 

item at a time, which was their pattern of conducting business at other 

trading centers during this era. 15 Aside from their transactions with the 

store keepers, the Indians had very little contact with other people in the 

community - although it was recalled that as late as the 1930's they 

continued to sell deer meat and huckleberries to the townspeople. In later 

years a well-known Seminole, Billy Bowlegs III, visited the DuBois 

home in Jupiter. His portrait, drawn by the famous artist of Indian life in 

Florida, Jim Hutchinson, is a treasured family memento. 

It seemed that when the Indians traveled they brought everything 

that they owned with them. They made temporary camps on a spot of


high ground at present day Center Street, near to Kitching's store. At 

certain times of the year schools of large fish would enter the inlet and 

become trapped there by shifting sand bars and tides; then the Seminoles 

appeared in their canoes off the DuBois home on the shell mound, 

spearing the fish in great numbers. John never discovered how the 

Seminoles learned the fish were in the inlet, but the Indians always 

seemed to arrive when they were there. At one time it was possible for a 

Seminole to pole a canoe all the way from Indiantown to Jupiter using the 

backwaters of the Loxahatchee River. 

By 1926 the federal highway was completed to Miami, and a bridge 

spanned the Loxahatchee at Jupiter. Almost immediately the DuBois 

property which was closest to the inlet became accessible to sportsmen, 

and a fishing camp operation was developed. This was a natural outgrowth 

of the family's ability to derive a living from the inlet and river 

environs. Furthermore, it provided the only steady source of income for 

the young couple during some lean years. 

There were times when John, hard pressed to meet the needs of his 

family, wondered if he had not made a mistake in abandoning the apiary 

business prematurely. In 1929, to supplement their income from renting 

boats and selling bait, the DuBois opened a restaurant in a 30 x 40 gray 

shingled building; it became an immediate success with a well-deserved 

reputation for fine seafood. The restaurant was a family affair, with 

Bessie supervising the kitchen and dining room, and the children doing 

all manner of odd jobs. John personally supplied most of the fish, 

harvested oysters from the upper Loxahatchee and Hobe Sound, and 

even dug clams in a little stream which ran through the eastern end of 

their property. The restaurant remained open until 1942, when the 

gasoline rationing and blackout restrictions imposed by World War II 

made it impossible to continue operating. 

The 1920's marked the era of Prohibition in the United States, and 

the Jupiter Inlet was a central point of entry for rum runners operating 

from the Bahamas. "Often in the night," Bessie wrote, "the sound of a 

high-powered motor could be heard above the breaking of ground swells 

as the heavily laden rum boats entered the inlet. The three branches of the 

Loxahatchee, the inland waterway and the Indian River offered coves and 

dense cover where the liquor could be concealed or unloaded. One dark 

and windy night in February, 1925, such a boat loaded with choice 

liquors, capsized on the bar. The rum runners jumped for their lives. As 

they swam in the chilly water, the boat unbelievably righted itself, circled 

them and then ran aground upon the beach south of the inlet. At daybreak

14 TEQUESTA 

another boat arrived and began to salvage the precious 'hams' of liquor, 

as the burlap sacks holding the bottles were called. When townspeople 

and fishermen began to arrive the rum runners withdrew. Fishermen 

hooking into the burlap bags spilled into the surf had a memorable day 

of sport." 16 

During part of the "Roaring Twenties" John DuBois was the 

Constable of District One in Palm Beach County. He first assumed the 

post in 1928 and served more than twenty years. One of his duties entailed 

working with federal agents sent to stanch the flow of illicit alcohol into 

the country through the inlet. They also attempted to find and destroy the 

stills of bootleggers in the woodlands around Jupiter; these duties led to 

some memorable incidents. One moonlit night dogs were barking and 

people were sneaking around, and a federal agent came to John for 

support in apprehending a boat which was coming through. In the dark 

they became separated, but John waited until the boat came under the 

bridge then he jumped down onto the bow, pulled his gun and placed the 

two occupants under arrest. Unfortunately, the boat was continuing on its 

way down the river and away from the federal agent who was calling out 

for John. Eventually he got the boat under control, handcuffed the 

prisoners, and took them over to the Coast Guard station at the lighthouse 

where a call was placed to Miami for assistance. 

Occasionally he accompanied the "prohis", as the prohibition enforcement 

officers were called, on forays into the back country to break 

up stills. In one instance, a still was on the land of Bill Ashley at Fruita, 

north of Hobe Sound. Ashley was the last surviving brother of John 

Ashley, head of the notorious gang of bank robbers and rum runners 

which had terrorized the southeast coast of Florida during the 'teens and 

early twenties. 17 Most of the Ashley gang had been killed in a shootout at 

Sebastian Inlet in 1924; nevertheless, given the family's known propensity 

for violence, one did not undertake lightly the destruction of a still 

within sight of an Ashley house. After chopping up the still and burning 

the mash boxes, the party drove up to the house where they were greeted 

cordially by old Bill Ashley, had a drink of water, and left without 

incident- much to John's relief. For the most part, the rum running days 

around Jupiter Inlet were spared the bloodshed that marked the liquor 

traffic along other parts of the Florida coast. 

Over the centuries, the Jupiter Inlet had been closed numerous 

times due to natural causes, a condition reported in many historical 

accounts. As early as 1775, the Dutch cartographer Bernard Romans 

visited the inlet while it was sealed, and many military men who fre-


quented the region during the Second Seminole War (1835-42) provided 

graphic descriptions of the silted up entrance being forced open by 

natural pressure of the river, only to be closed up again due to adverse 

winds and tides. Moreover, the mouth of the inlet also seems to have 

changed periodically for, according to Bessie DuBois, "In early days the 

inlet was several hundred yards south of the present location. The map of 

the Fort Jupiter Reservation dated 1855 shows the inlet in this position. 

The present location of the inlet was fixed when by a special act of the 

Florida Legislature, a Jupiter Inlet District was formed in 1921. In 1921 

land values were very low and only a few hundred people lived in the 

newly formed district. The deepening of the Inland Waterway north and 

south of the inlet relieved much of the pressure that in olden days had 

burst the inlet open in times of fall floods. Funds for dredging were not 

always available. There were sad times when the inlet was closed." '1 

John DuBois was first elected to membership on the Jupiter Inlet 

Commission in 1936. There were three members and they made $2 per 

meeting up to a maximum of $100 annually. The other two members 

elected themselves secretary and treasurer respectively, and John became 

the odd vote more often than not. Although keeping the inlet open was a 

vital concern to all interests in the region, the commission often made 

political decisions to placate the tax payers and land owners of the 

district. 

The financial problems of the Inlet District became particularly 

acute during the Depression years. As Bessie DuBois described the 

situation, "The 1930's were a period of great frustration for the men who 

served as inlet commissioners. One of these, John R. DuBois, served for 

twenty of the leanest years. There were times during the depression when 

the Inlet District barely had money to pay the interest on bonds. There 

was no money for maintenance or improvements. Appeals to Washington 

brought a concerned response from Congresswoman Ruth Bryan Owen 

who visited the inlet several times and did all in her power to secure 

government aid without success.... Several surveys have been made but 

the sad conclusion was that the benefits did not justify the expense. Since 

1921 when the Jupiter Inlet was formed the northern part of the District, 

Hobe Sound, had been made into part of Martin County. Although two 

thirds of the area drained by Jupiter Inlet District was in Martin County, 

the tax paying citizens did not want to be taxed for an inlet in Palm Beach 

County so they withdrew from the district in 1945. For many years the 

sand dredged from the inlet had been pumped on the north side of the 

inlet filling in what had been a marshy area. In 1954 this large tract of

16 TEQUESTA 

wilderness fronting on the ocean and river was purchased by developer 

Charles Martyn. It became the Jupiter Inlet Beach Colony, an area of 

beautiful homes. In 1956 Mr. Martyn developed Tequesta farther up the 

Loxahatchee." 19 

The dredging of the inlet also contributed to the expansion of the 

DuBois holdings, although on a minor scale by comparison to the 

development of the north shore of the inlet. Those members who had 

consistently ordered the fill dumped on the north shore found that this 

was no longer possible after the land was sold and the profit made. Only 

then did they turn to the DuBois family for permission to dump the fill on 

their shore line. This was not without its complications, however, as an 

overzealous dredge operator blocked the access from the DuBois marina 

to deep water. After prolonged negotiations the channel was reopened 

but even then the family had to bear part of the cost. Moreover, they also 

had to purchase the newly created land from the Florida Internal 

Improvement Fund. Eventually the fill from the dredging added some 

eight acres to the DuBois waterfront properties. 

Like other Floridians during the Great Depression, the DuBois 

found themsleves in severe financial straits. Although their home and 

property were secure, there was little hard cash available in the community. 

To generate additional income John took a job in 1936 as a guard at the 

estate of Harold G. Vanderbilt in Manalapan. His $60 per month salary 

was helpful in keeping the restaurant open, but he felt that he was wearing 

out his Ford automobile making the daily trip. When Vanderbilt refused 

his request for a salary raise, John resigned the position and turned it over 

to his sister's husband. 

Another source of income for the DuBois family during this era was 

renting out the old family home to wealthy winter visitors in the Jupiter 

area. Perhaps the most memorable family to lease the house was that of a 

Yale professor emeritus, Dr. Charles M. Andrews and his wife 

Evangeline, who first came in the winter of 1935. The Andrews soon 

became enthralled with the old Indian mound site as the result of a 

unique gift. "They," according to Mrs. DuBois, "were visited by one of 

Dr. Andrews' former students, Mr. Louis Capron of West Palm Beach. 

He brought, as a gift to the Andrews, one of the old copies of the Jonathan 

Dickinson Journal. When Dr. and Mrs. Andrews learned that they were 

indeed living on the very site of Dickinson's captivity, they became 

completely fascinated and engrossed in the Journal. The next seven years 

were spent in exhaustive research, editing and preparing the Dickinson 

Journal which was published in 1945 by Mrs. Andrews who shared in the 

labor, and of course by Yale University Press. Dr. Andrews, alas, did not


live to see this, his last book, in print. He left his legacy to Florida and 

Jupiter Inlet, a record of the aboriginal Indians of this lower coast of 

Florida, their customs and appearance. He researched that memorable 

journey with all the skill of a dedicated historian. Due to this book, the 

nearby state park has been named Jonathan Dickinson Park." 20 

Dr. and Mrs. Andrews returned to Jupiter each winter through 1941, 

after which travel problems attendant to World War II made the trip 

impossible. The DuBois' remember them as people of charm and culture, 

and wealth - they always brought their own chauffeur and housekeeper. 

They also entertained many famous and interesting visitors, such 

as the noted historian Samuel Eliot Morison of Harvard. The Andrews 

also spent a large sum of money in refurbishing the home on the shell 

mound, especially by having the fireplaces constructed with native stone 

provided by John DuBois. On George Washington's Birthday, which was 

also his own, Dr. Andrews hosted a birthday party replete with cake and 

balloons for the children of the DuBois family. Although Dr. Andrews 

passed away in 1943, his wife remained in touch with the DuBois until her 

death and their children still occasionally visit Jupiter. 

The era of World War II brought dramatic changes to the Jupiter 

area which found itself in the middle of the war effort. In one sense the 

military build-up provided employment opportunities for local people, 

but there was also overcrowding, food and gasoline shortages, as well as 

blackout regulations to contend with. Over 10,000 army personnel were 

brought into Camp Murphy, a few miles north of Jupiter, while the Coast 

Guard Station at Jupiter Lighthouse was expanded and fortified as a 

radar/communications center. Due to the disruption of his normal occupation, 

John was employed by the civil engineering department at Camp 

Murphy for five years; for the first time in his life he had to apply for a 

social security card in order to work for someone else. 

Through the early years of the war the conflict was brought home 

with dramatic impact as German U-Boats were sinking allied shipping 

within sight of Jupiter Inlet. During a two-day span in 1942, two tankers 

were torpedoed and the community was involved in rescue operations. 

On February 21, the petroleum tanker Republic traveling in ballast, went 

down off Hobe Sound with a loss of five lives. The explosions rocked the 

shore-front community breaking windows and china, but the residents 

aided the captain and surviving crewmen ashore. The following day, the 

fully loaded tanker WD. Anderson went up in a sheet of flame seven 

miles off the inlet. Thirty-five crew members perished in the sinking of 

the largest ship to be lost along that stretch of the Florida coast. 

During the remainder of 1942 another six ships would go down in

18 TEQUESTA 

the vicinity of Jupiter Inlet, and there seemed to be little that could be 

done to prevent the attacks. As Bessie DuBois later described the 

situation, "After the first ships were torpedoed, persons driving along the 

ocean highway sometimes reported sighting submarines on the surface. 

Excited telephone calls to Morrison Field in West Palm Beach had to be 

relayed to Washington. By the time permission had been granted to send 

a plane, the submarine would have submerged. At first the planes were 

not equipped to sink submarines, and there was little they could do. 

Pleasure yachts patrolled the ship lanes rescuing survivors of the torpedoed 

vessels. One captain boasted that he would ram a submarine if the 

opportunity offered, but when one day a 200-foot submarine arose before 

him, he became completely unnerved. Many deeds of heroism were 

performed by these volunteers. At first our peacetime navy was fighting 

battles on every front, and for a time it seemed the Nazis had things their 

own way. But presently the tide turned, and blimps sailed slowly over the 

clear water tracking the submarines below. One submarine crew was 

captured and landed at Jupiter Inlet, where a Marine guard put them 

aboard a train for a Kentucky prisoner-of-war camp." 21 By 1943, the 

development of convoy tactics had virtually eliminated U-boat attacks 

close to the Florida coast and the war moved away from the Jupiter 

Inlet. 22 The DuBois' remember standing on the porch of the house on the 

shell mound near the war's end and seeing the lines of ghostly gray ships 

of the convoys stretching away to the horizon. 

One happier result of the war years was that a young Marine 

stationed at the Jupiter Lighthouse facility, Charles Kindt, fell in love 

with the oldest DuBois daughter, Susan. The two were married following 

his discharge from the military in 1946. The Kindts maintain a home next 

to her parents, and one of their sons operates the marina facility adjacent 

to DuBois Park. In fact, there is what amounts to a DuBois family 

compound on the west side of DuBois Road which forms the entrance to 

the park. The marina site is in that portion of the original Harry DuBois 

purchase which was not included in the park proper. 

With the end of the war, a normalcy returned to the Jupiter region - 

with the obvious exception that the population was growing; many 

former G.I.'s who had been stationed there returned to settle in an equable 

climate. The DuBois fishing camp benefited from this population growth 

in Palm Beach County. An accomplished handyman, John soon expanded 

the operation into a private recreational park and beach facility, 

adding covered picnic, pavilions and bath facilities along the shoreline to 

the east of the bait house and marina. It soon became one of the most


popular spots in the north end of the county for young and old alike. John 

also enjoyed a reputation for having the best recipe for smoked fish, and 

drew customers from miles around. He was a master with a casting net, 

and improvised special fish smokers fashioned from discarded refrigerator 

boxes. He was an ultimate entrepenuer, and dabbled in all sorts 

of money-making ventures as had his father before him - although none 

produced any great wealth until the land was sold. 

Despite his business ventures John maintained his association with 

many colorful local characters, such as the reclusive "Trapper Nelson" 

who maintained a camp up the Loxahatchee River. Nelson was a rugged 

individualist who survived pretty much off the land, maintained a small 

zoo for visitors and occasionally sold some animal furs he had trapped. 

When the "Trapper" died under mysterious circumstances in 1968, it was 

John DuBois who discovered his body at the camp, so to this day he still 

questions the official verdict that the death was a suicide. The case still 

holds a fascination for the local press which periodically recounts the 

"Trapper Nelson" story, embellishing it with an aura of mystery. 

By the 1950's the DuBois children had all completed school, 

married, and moved away to pursue their own lives. This left Bessie 

DuBois with an opportunity to return to one of her old loves: The 

gathering and writing of local history. Since her childhood she had doted 

on tales of the Jupiter Inlet region and the people who settled there over 

the centuries. Being married into one of the pioneer families had only 

heightened this interest. Therefore it must have been a disappointment 

when, in 1946, the old DuBois home on the shell mound was sold to the 

Leo Vickers family of Ocean City, N.J. 23 Susan Sanders DuBois had 

vacated the house in 1925, the year following her husband's death, and 

moved to West Palm Beach to be with her aged father; she would remain 

there until her own death in 1977 at 101 years of age. After her departure 

the home was leased to a succession of tenants, many of whom occupied 

it seasonally. John and Bessie maintained the property and forwarded the 

rental monies to his mother, but they were never in a financial position to 

make a bid on the house - nor had they really considered that it could 

possibly pass out of the family. For still unexplained reasons Mrs. DuBois 

decided to sell the house and a limited right-of-way to the Vickers family, 

while John purchased the remainder of the property. 

When Palm Beach county passed a $50 million bond issue for the 

purchase of waterfront park lands in 1970, it was necessary to acquire 

both Vickers and DuBois holdings to form a county park. For a long 

period of time before the county provided a live-in caretaker the house

20 TEQUESTA 

remained unoccupied and was vandalized extensively, but through the 

efforts of the Loxahatchee Historical Society it has been restored and is 

now open to the public on weekends. In 1979, the shell mound site was 

nominated to be placed on the National Register of Historical Places 

based upon historical documentation provided by Bessie DuBois and the 

local historical society 24 This may have been her most significant act in 

the preservation of local history, although she was equally active in 

having the Jupiter Lighthouse placed on the National Register. As an 

officer of both the Palm Beach Historical Society and a Director of the 

Florida Historical Society, she came to know and work with most of the 

leading historians and preservationists in Florida. Her own specific 

contributions to the literature on Florida are found in two booklets: 

Shipwrecks in the Vicinity of Jupiter Inlet (1975), and A History of Juno 

Beach and Juno, Florida (1978), both privately published. In addition, she 

had four articles appear in Tequesta, the annual journal of the Historical 

Association of Southern Florida. These were "Jupiter Lighthouse" 

(1960), "The Wreck of the Victor" (1963), "Jupiter Inlet" (1968), and 

"Two South Florida Lighthouse Keepers" (1963). The Florida 

Anthropologist carried her report "Celt and Pendant from Jupiter Inlet 

Mound" in 1957, and a mimeographed study "Early Martin County Post 

Offices" was issued in 1962. A brief series of historical sketches were 

carried in Gateway The Magazine of the Port of Palm Beach (1978-80). 

Her publications were supplemented by innumerable speeches to civic 

clubs, school groups, and various local historical societies throughout 

south Florida. By their own estimate, John and Bessie had given their 

slide presentation over 125 times, until declining health forced them to 

curtail that activity. Nevertheless, both remain loyal attenders at the 

annual meetings of the Florida Historical Society. By the late 1970's 

Bessie DuBois was acknowledged as one of the most significant nonprofessional 

historians active in South Florida. 

John and Bessie DuBois now live quietly at their home across from 

the park and are frequently visited by students and reporters seeking 

information on the history of the Jupiter Inlet. Indeed, their Florida room 

is a veritable museum of artifacts covering a broad cross-section of the 

region's history. The family has been the subject of numerous newspaper 

accounts, and was recently featured in an interview broadcast on Channel 

2 public television in Miami. Although hampered by failing eyesight, 

Bessie Wilson DuBois is busily collecting information for her latest work 

- a history of the pioneers who settled on the Loxahatchee River. John, a 

spry octogenarian, is active in the efforts of the Loxahatchee Historical


Bessie and John DuBois at their home on DuBois Road, Jupiter. 

Society to secure a suitable historical museum for the Jupiter area, 

preferably in DuBois Park. Such a facility, he believes, would provide an 

appropriate setting which would induce other pioneer families to donate 

their collections for public display. Despite the numerous political and 

financial obstacles which stand in the way of this goal, the DuBois' agree 

that the Jupiter area is unique and deserving of its own historical identity. 

"They don't realize, though" Bessie argues, "that Palm Beach County 

History begins right here....What was here in 1853, 1860? In 1870 there 

were two settlers down on Lake Worth..... Even a lot of the older families 

in this county like the Spencers and the Pierces, a number of those people 

began as assistant keepers over at the lighthouse. They got a good chance 

to look around from the top of the lighthouse, and they eventually took up 

homesteads and became pioneer residents of the county." 25 

The history of Palm Beach County and southeast Florida is richer 

today because young Harry DuBois, too, ascended the lighthouse, shared 

that vision, and chose to remain forever on the Loxahatchee.

22 TEQUESTA 

NOTES 

1. The greatest part of this article is based on a set of oral history interviews conducted with 

Mr. and Mrs. John R. DuBois at their home in Jupiter, Florida. The dates of the taped interviews were 

July 18, August 15, and September 12, 1980. These interviews were supplemented by access to the 

DuBois family papers and photograph collection. 

2. Jonathan Dickinson's Journal, God's Protective Providence, Being the Narrative of a 

Journey from Port Royal in Jamaica to Philadelphia between August 23, 1696 and April 1, 1697, eds. 

Evangeline Walker Andrews and Charles McLean Andrews (New Haven, 1961), pp. 10-17, Map 1. 

Charles M. Andrews, "The Florida Indians in the Seventeenth Century," Tequesta, III1(1943), 39-41. 

3. Harry DuBois to Anna D. and John DuBois, 17 November, 4,11,18 December 1887; 8,22, 

29 January, 5, 9,10,19, 26 February, 4, 11 March 1888, DuBois Family Papers, Jupiter, Florida. These 

letters provide significant insights into the Florida citrus industry during the 1880's, and were 

utilized by Dr. Jerry Weeks in his paper "Eldorado, Indian River Style" presented to the Florida 

Historical Society on May 11, 1973, at Port St. Lucie, Florida. 

4. Nathan D. Shappee, "The Celestial Railroad to Juno," The Florida Historical Quarterly 

XXX (April, 1962), 329-49. Bessie Wilson DuBois, "The Celestial Railroad," Gateway, The 

Magazine of the Port of Palm Beach, Vol. 2., No. 4. (May/June, 1977), 10-11, 22. 

5. Dora Doster Utz, "Life on the Loxahatchee,"Tequesta, XXXLI (1977), 47-50. 

6. Bessie Wilson DuBois, Shipwrecks in the Vicinity ofJupiter Inlet (Privately printed, 1975), 

11-12. Bessie Wilson DuBois, "Jupiter Inlet," Tequesta, XXVIII (1968), 29-30. 

7. Mary Collar Linehan, Early Lantana, Her Neighbors, and More (St. Petersburg, 1980), 

25. George E. Pozzetta and Harry A. Kersey, Jr., "Yamato Colony: A Japanese Presence in South 

Florida," Tequesta, XXXVI (1976), 68-70. 

8. Susan Sanders DuBois, "Pioneer Teacher Tells of Hardships in Early Days at 'Leesville', 

Here," The Stuart News, January 9, 1964, 5J. 

9. Alfred G. Bradbury and E. Story Hallock, A Chronology of Florida Post Offices (Florida 

Federation of Stamp Clubs, (1962), 18. 

10. History of Martin County, comp. Janet Hutchinson, ed. Emeline K. Paige (Martin 

County Historical Society, 1975), p. 178. Bessie Wilson DuBois, "Children Went to School on the 

Jungle Waterways in the Early Days; No Roads and No School Buses," The Stuart News, January 9, 

1964, 1J. 

11. Bessie Wilson DuBois, "Celt and Pendant from Jupiter Inlet Mound," The Florida 

Anthropologist, X (November, 1957), 15-16. 

12. DuBois, "Jupiter Inlet," 20-21. 

13. DuBois, Shipwrecks, 16-17. 

14. Newspaper clipping headlined "Jupiter News," no name, no date. DuBois Family 

Clipping Book, Jupiter, Florida. 

15. The Seminole trading pattern at Kitching's store in Stuart and Bowers' store in Jupiter is 

detailed in Harry A. Kersey, Jr., Pelts, Plumes and Hides: White Traders Among the Seminole 

Indians, 1870-1930 (Gainesville, 1975), 87-96. 

16. DuBois, "Jupiter Inlet," 32. 

17. Hix C. Stuart, The Notorious Ashley Gang (Privately printed, 1928). 

18. DuBois, "Jupiter Inlet," 20. 

19. Ibid., 34. 

20. Ibid., 24. 

21. DuBois, Shipwrecks, 26. 

22. Samuel Eliot Morison, The Oxford History of the American People (New York, 1965), 

1004-06, 1019-20. 

23. DuBois, "Celt and Pendant," 15. 

24. Jupiter Inlet Midden I site is not currently listed on the National Register of Historic 

Places. The nomination was approved by the Florida Review Committee in 1979, and forwarded to 

the keeper of the National Register. After a time the nomination was returned with a request for 

further information. The Florida Division of Archives, History and Records Management is the state 

agency which must research the matter further and resubmit the nomination. At the time of this 

writing (1981) the National Register program is temporarily closed. Thus, the historic marker placed 

in DuBois Park which notes that the midden site is listed on the National Register was placed there 

prematurely. For further information see: Carl McMurray to John Dance, March 3, 1981. 

25. Interview with Mr. and Mrs. John DuBois, Jupiter, Florida, September 12, 1980.

The Seminole Women of Florida 

By Mary Barr Munroe 

Introduction 

By Arva Moore Parks* 

Mary Barr Munroe was one of the most interesting and influential 

women in Miami's early days. She and her husband, Kirk Munroe, 

renowned author of boys books, moved to Coconut Grove in 1886 where 

she continued to live until her death in 1922. 

Mary Barr Munroe was the daughter of Amelia Barr, who was a 

famous and prolific writer of romantic novels. Mrs. Barr who penned 

eighty-eight books, undoubtedly influenced her oldest child's development 

into an independent and outspoken woman. Feisty and fearless, 

Mary Barr Munroe was never neutral. She cared deeply about many 

things and once a supporter never waivered in her zeal to convince others 

to her point of view. 

She worked tirelessly to protect the environment. In 1915 she 

founded the first local chapter of the National Audubon Society in 

Coconut Grove and became its first president. She helped lead the fight 

to protect plume birds and went so far as to snatch egret plumes from 

women's hats and lecture the startled women on what a whim of fashion 

was doing to the birds of the Everglades. In 1916 she was one of the 

leaders of a group of women who led the effort by the Florida Federation 

*Arva Moore Parks, associate editor of Tequesta, is currently working on a 

biography of Mary Barr Monroe.

24 TEQUESTA 

of Women's Clubs to create Royal Palm Park (the first effort to preserve 

the Everglades). 

Mary Barr Munroe also worked diligently to better her community. 

As a charter member of the Housekeepers Club of Coconut Grove 

(founded 1891) she was responsible for many important civic projects. 

She founded the Pine Needles Club for young girls in the community and 

along with her husband, helped them to establish the first public library 

in the Miami area. 

Kirk and Mary Barr Munroe had a warm, close marriage. She 

shared his enthusiasm for the outdoors and frequently accompanied him 

on his trips into the wilderness and around the world. Although she too 

had writing talents and published many articles under her own name, her 

chief occupation was as a helpmate to her husband. Although the 

Munroes never had any children of their own, they were favorites of local 

children. Every Sunday all the children from the Coconut Grove black 

community came to their house for storytelling and ice cream. Often she 

cared for black children while their mothers worked. 

The following article is taken from a handwritten manuscript found 

in the Library of Congress. It is part of a larger work she was probably 

preparing for publication. Her first hand contact with what Kirk Munroe 

called "The Forgotten Remnant" gives us a warm and personal view of 

the Seminole culture. This manuscript, along with forty years of her 

diaries not only illuminates the late 19th and early 20th Centuries but also 

reveals the personality of an extraordinary woman - a woman ahead of 

her time. 

The Seminole Women of Florida 

By Mary Barr Monroe 

The name Seminole means wanderer or runaway and that explains what 

they were, although they call themselves "the red men of the peninsula or 

Long Land." Their history really begins with their separation from the 

Creeks of Georgia in 1750. When they came to Florida and were joined 

by other runaways, or wanderers from various tribes, principally the 

Miccoosoocus, Creek and Tallahassees, they formed a confederacy of 

Florida. Today there are the Tallahassee, the Big Cypress, the 

Okeechobee and the Miami bands all known as Seminoles. Living in 

groups apart, each independent of the other but on friendly relations and 

with family connections.


The Miami band is the one I know most about, and except for a few 

tribal differences, principally in form of speech - the result of having 

descended from various tribes -the bands are all alike in customs. 

The Miami Indians of today are the descendants of some half dozen 

families who escaped to the Everglades at the end of the last Seminole 

War. At that time, 4,420 Indians were sent out west (370 in one party) 

and are said to have done better than any other tribe there. 

Those refusing to go made a treaty with General Worth to remain 

South of the Caloosahatchee River. The Miami band is part of those who 

accepted General Worth's treaty, although their ancestors had at the time 

escaped to the vast untrodden wilderness of the Everglades and had 

become in a way a "Forgotten Remnant." They have led an almost ideal 

life of back to nature until civilization in the form of railroads and land 

agents took possession of the Long Land. 

Some thirty years ago it was estimated that there were about 700 all 

told. Today there are certainly many less. Whiskey and sickness playing 

sad havoc among their ranks. Also, their food supply is greatly diminished; 

the deer is scarce. 

Much of the land where they gathered coontie roots is now under 

cultivation and set in orange groves (not theirs, of course). The fields 

where they raised corn and potatoes and pumpkins have been homesteaded 

by the white man and the Indians told to move on. Alligator 

hides, once a great source of income to them, are no longer fashionable 

and the white plume hunters had almost monopolized that work even 

before the law forbid the killing of plume birds. 

These Indians have kept their bond with General Worth and have 

troubled no one-taking care of themselves and living an honest peaceful 

life with a form of government that recognizes the rights of women, 

honors old age and family ties. Up to within very recent years there have 

been no white half-breeds among them and black blood is but one of the 

gens. As far as is known there is only one black slave, a woman belonging 

to the Tallahassee group. 

Of course a great deal that we know about the Seminoles has been 

gathered bit by bit and from many sources for very few white men have 

ever really been in their home places. What may be perfectly correct 

about the Tallahassee group may not tally with something someone 

knows of the Big Cypress camps or the Miami band. 

The gens of the tribe or confederacy are the Tiger, the Wolf, the 

Wind, the Bird, the Snake and the Otter. The Alligator gen, a large and 

powerful one, went at the end of the war to the western reservation and 

are among the most successful tribes there.

26 TEQUESTA 

Geneology is traced through the mother, the children belong to her 

and to the gen or clan she represents. The mother rules the household and 

where there is more than one squaw, it is the old one whose word is law. 

The older squaws do all they can to protect the young prospective 

mothers. The children are taught strict obedience and respect for parents, 

and for the aged people of the camp. 

Two women once spent the morning with me: both had children and 

although one saw the other's little one destroying some flowers that she 

had corrected her own for touching a few moments before, not one word 

would she say to either the children or their mother, who happened to be 

attending to a cut foot, (as they wear no shoes and had walked many miles 

that morning). The men would have interfered, but not the women. 

I have seen the most perfect delight in a mother at any praise 

bestowed on her baby, change at once into dignified resentment at the 

mention of herself or anything she had on. They dislike to be touched, 

and they never touch anything without permission, but would point to it. 

When a squaw is too old to work she is taken care of first by one 

camp for so long a time and then by another irrespective of family ties 

and she is provided with every comfort possible. This is the case also 

with men. I remember seeing "Old Alec" when he was said to be over a 

hundred years old and no human being could have been better cared for. I 

also saw the signal smoke announcing his death to the various bands. 

It is only a few years ago since "Big Charlie" and his family 

camped on our front lawn. They were on their way to the Big Hunting 

Ground, now called Cutler, and stopped for the night to deliver some deer 

skins Mr. Munroe had ordered from Charlie's squaw the year before. I 

watched them make camp. Big Charlie and his eldest son cut the wood 

for the fire and pumped the water and carried some of the outfit up from 

the wharf where their canoes were. Then Big Charlie took the baby from 

its mother's arm and crooned to it as he walked back and forth while she 

cooked supper. After supper they all came into the house to spend the 

evening during which Big Charlie discovered among other curious things 

decorating our sitting room wall a long bladed knife of some western 

tribe. Taking it from its rattlesnake sheath he stepped into the middle of 

the room and delivered a speech or recited some tradition of the tribe that 

kept us spellbound for nearly half an hour, although we understood not a 

word of what he was saying. Suddenly, he stopped, his squaw giving a 

sign as he returned the knife to its sheath, and turning to me, he said 

"Thank You." 

His squaw surrounded by her children listening to him made a


picture never to be forgotten. I noticed the next morning that the squaw 

carried away a small piece of one of the burnt logs of their campfire of the 

evening before. 

The boy who helped his father cut the wood and carry things was 

killed in Miami in 1907, by the train and was the first of the Miami 

Indians to receive white man's burial. His father, when talking of him, 

spoke with the greatest pride and tenderness of his "good boy." 

A brave may not marry in his gen but he may have as many wives as 

he can provide for. An old settler tells the story of Big Head Tiger. "I 

found Big Head Tiger talking to a pretty young Indian girl. I asked Young 

Tiger what it meant and he answered, 'Big Head Tiger want to catch 

young squaw.'" 

"Who's squaw is that?" I said, pointing to a woman standing near. 

"Big Head Tiger's old squaw, not like it." 

There stood a pathetic group in bronze - the maiden and man and 

the unwilling old woman. It is needless to say that Big Head Tiger got the 

young squaw. 

Old Jumper, one of the war chiefs, told me that he had "old squaw, 

half-old squaw and young squaw." But there is no intermarrying. The 

young people must be of different gens or families. Last summer one of 

the Big Cypress men seduced a near relative. When it became known a 

council was held and he was ordered shot after the green corn festival. 

There are two other important cases but the men in both instances were 

white. In the first the squaws of the women's gen killed both mother and 

child. In the second, which happened only a few years ago, the squaws of 

the gen pulled out every hair of the girl's head, thereby disgracing her for 

life. They threw the poor little half-breed baby into the palmettos for the 

buzzards to eat. A white woman living near Fort Myers told me that this 

squaw whom she knew, was allowed by the gen to marry again and that 

she now has two children but that she is the most unhappy looking 

creature. Perhaps the cry of her baby still haunts her and it was not her 

fault. 

The domestic life of these people of the Everglades is a very busy, 

happy one. Their permanent or established homes are (or have been) on 

the keys or islands in the Everglades and Big Cypress Swamp where 

there are several villages, and the very few white people who have seen 

them say they are well kept according to the Indian's means. The women 

pride themselves on their cooking and are just as much slaves to wash day 

as their white sisters. 

Four or six families form a camp under one head as for instance

28 TEQUESTA 

"Jimmie Doctor's Camp," "Tom Tiger's Camp," or "Miami Billy's 

Camp." Each family in the camp has its own palmetto thatched hut 

although some of them are now shingled. The floor is always raised some 

two or three feet above the ground and covered with deer skins. Three 

sides of the hut are left open for light and air but provided with canvas or 

bagging curtains to keep out the wind and rain. Once a day in their 

permanent homes every member of the camp indulges in a bath in the 

pool which is always to be found in their Everglades established homes. 

Meals are served as a rule at regular hours and the members of the 

camp are sometimes called to dinner by ringing of the camp bell. But the 

sofkie pot is always full and ready for the belated ones. The men are 

served first then the women and children and then the dogs. One of the 

best stews I ever tasted I got in Cypress Tiger's Camp made by his young 

squaw. It was Indian sofkie and was made of sweet potatoes, venison, 

onions, rice and I do not know what else - seasoned to a turn. I was 

enthusiastic enough then to follow Indian custom in eating it, so I did not 

hurt my Seminole hostess' feelings although she insisted on my eating 

when my husband did. In another camp we were served with little cakes 

made of coontie root and mashed sweet potatoes fried to a turn. No white 

housekeeper could have shown more anxiety to please or have been more 

pleased than Miami Billy's squaw was at our appreciation of her sweet 

potato biscuit. 

I have a corn sifter made of seeds which was bought from the squaw 

who was using it when we reached her camp, and who very reluctantly let 

me have it in exchange for two dollars and a new wire one that I had 

provided myself with as a possible gift. The corn is broken first by 

pounding and then sifted for either flour or grits. 

Once on a visit to Miami Billy's Camp- as proud a young Indian as 

ever wore a turban - we found him busy doing work which he knew was 

his squaw's. He did not stop, or seem the least embarrassed. "My squaw 

sick," was his courteous explanation. 

Some years ago a little girl said to me when she heard I was coming 

to Florida and would see Indians, "Won't you be afraid of squaws and 

Indian chiefs?" 

"Why?" I asked. 

She answered, "They are so wild." 

But I said, "Would you be afraid of a little Indian girl?" 

She thought a moment and said, "No, I would talk to her." 

Remembering my little friend's advice I talked to the first squaw I 

saw as hard and fast as I knew how and although she listened to me most 

attentively, I never got one word from her in reply.


A year later I met her again in her own home on the bank of the 

Miami and found out that she had never seen but two white women 

before. I was a curiosity. The first time we visited the camp where this 

squaw was, every woman and child disappeared into the bushes. That was 

many years ago. The squaw was a handsome woman with the most 

musical voice and really fine manners. She was killed while trying to 

protect her husband from the attack of a crazed Negro by putting herself 

in front of her chief and receiving the stab that was intended for him. I 

have a basket that she made for me and a silver ornament she sent too. 

"My squaw, your squaw, no money." The words came in clear 

silvery tones and glancing through my open window to the far corner of 

the piazza I saw that the speaker was a tall and fine looking young 

Seminole brave who was in the act of handing to my husband a silver 

ornament of the kind I had seen the Seminole Indian women wearing. I 

knew better than to appear upon the scene as much as I wanted to, until 

I was called. That would not have been Indian etiquette, besides which I 

was enjoying the picture that these two Americans were making for me as 

they stood exchanging courtesies in the blaze of the afternoon sun as it 

sifted through the branches of the pomegranate and guava trees near by. 

Both tall, straight and fine looking, the Indian wearing a costume that 

would have rivaled the most brilliant of tropical sunsets in fine contrast to 

the white clothes of the other American. 

In a few moments I was called as I knew I should be to receive the 

gift that my squaw friend had sent me in return, I suppose, for a lot of 

odds and ends from my work basket that I had given her a few weeks 

before. 

The young chief smiled at my very clumsy attempt to fasten the 

trinket to my waist and finally offered to show me how but waited for my 

permission to do so. I do not wear the gift everyday but I always try to 

appear with it when any of our Indian friends visit us, and it always 

commands attention, especially from the women and some of them can 

tell me who sent it to me. 

I heard a pathetic story the other day of a squaw who had allowed 

her baby to be photographed by a young woman at whose home the 

squaw had often visited on the way from the camp to Miami. The baby 

died last summer and the girl who took the picture offered it to the mother 

to keep. But she would not take it but instead makes special trips to look 

at it long and lovingly. 

The women are treated unusually well. They work, it is true, but 

they are always considered and in many cases dearly loved. The young 

Indian boy who was sent a few years ago from Florida to the Indian

30 TEQUESTA 

school at Carlisle gave his chief excuse for deserting and coming back - 

his great longing to see his mother and sister. These red men have a great 

affection for their sisters and have been known to really sacrifice a good 

deal for them. They are proud of them and never lose a care for them. One 

handsome young Seminole drew my attention to his sister, a girl of 

sixteen with fine eyes by saying "Heap pretty, my sister." 

Perhaps as good an illustration of what's mine is my own in 

connection with each one's possessions was told to me by a friend who 

was present. An Indian called at a wayside cottage and asked for dinner 

which he wished to pay for. The mistress of the house asked him where 

his squaw was and if she was not coming for her dinner. "No," he 

answered, "my squaw, no money, no eat get camp." He had fifty cents for 

his dinner but she had spent all of her money in town and was waiting 

patiently by the roadside until he was ready to continue their journey. It is 

needless to say that a plateful of dinner was furnished by the white 

woman for the squaw in spite of her saying, "No money, no got." 

The money a squaw makes by tanning deer skins, raising vegetables 

or chickens to sell is her own and she may do as she pleases with it. I 

have been told by the merchants of Miami that the squaws are far more 

prudent in how they spend their money than the men. 

The squaw's principal bit of household pride is the wooden sofkie 

spoon and each gen has a different shaped spoon. Some have a long 

bowl, some a short round one, and often the handles are carved. It is used 

not only to stir the sofkie stew while it is cooking but to eat it with. Each 

member of the family taking his or her turn. Etiquette demands that only 

one helping be taken at a time and then the spoon is passed to the next on 

the right. Many of the spoons now used are manufactured ones coming 

from Connecticut but the real Indian sofkie spoon is made of guava 

wood. 

Not long since I saw two squaws cooking over an out of door fire 

and they were very much amused at me for wanting to know what was in 

the pots they were watching so carefully. One pot was covered with a 

large cabbage leaf and when I asked what was in the pot the older woman 

lifted the cover and showed me green bananas steaming. 

At the death of a husband, the wife pulls her hair over her face and 

wears it in that way for a year. At the death of a squaw the husband can not 

hunt for four days and removes his neck hankerchief and his turban for 

four moons. 

"Co-na-waw?" the question came in a soft musical voice as a small 

brown hand almost but not quite touched the string of beads about my


neck. The speaker was a Seminole Indian squaw who had been attracted 

by the bright red and gold string beads which I wore. They were nothing 

more or less than a native wild bush bean strung with gold glass beads 

that I had persuaded a black woman from the Bahamas to give me in 

exchange for a blue and white gingham dress. I took them from my neck 

and put them about the squaw's. They were long enough to hang outside 

of the yards and yards of glass beads that she wore. She never for a 

moment doubted but that I meant she should keep them as I did. She told 

me she was young Tigertail's squaw. I had once seen her in her 

Everglades home and while I had forgotten or did not know her, she 

remembered me. 

"Okeechobee squaw?" she asked, that being the name given to my 

husband by his Indian friends. 

We exchanged courtesies and then picking up the package of cloth 

she had been purchasing, for we had met in one of the department stores 

of Miami, she said, "Hie-pus," (I go), and was gone. 

Why she coveted the beads was a question, for she owned and wore 

more beads- glass beads of many colors than I had ever seen at one time. 

I afterwards learned that "Ma-ki," for that was her name, had 200 strings 

that filled, when taken off, a six quart measure and these she wore most 

of the time. 

"Heap beads, heap good squaw," so they say. So we know a 

Seminole woman's standing by her beads. They are in a way to her what a 

wedding ring is to the white woman. The primitive standard of value 

among the Seminoles is suggested by their word for money - "Teat-toco-na-wa." 

"Conawa" means beads, and "teato," while it is the word for 

iron and metal, is also the name for stone. So teat-to-co-na-wa means 

stone beads and they were the primitive money. 

Varnassi Jimmy had one string 80 yards long that weighed nearly 

twenty-five pounds. The women care much more for beads than the silver 

ornaments fashioned from silver 25 cent pieces and half dollars. There is 

also a fashion in the beads worn. One year they will be a majority of 

green and another blue but they must be of good quality and matched as 

to size and shape. 

At the death of a squaw her beads are buried with her but her silver 

ornaments belong to her family. When a squaw passes middle life she 

begins taking off her beads and by the time she reaches very old age and 

has to be cared for she wears but one string made of the life beads, and 

this is buried with her. But the old squaws are of late years imitating their 

white sisters in demonstrating that there is no old age. I saw not long ago

32 TEQUESTA 

a very old squaw with many strings that must have weighed pounds but 

she was not helpless therefore not old. 

They do not wear all their beads at home but never appear without 

some. When a baby girl is a year old she is given a string of beads - 

among which is the life beads of a different color from the rest - usually 

white. Every year a string is added until the girl is going to be married 

then she takes off all but six strings and the discarded beads are put into a 

jar and buried - all but the life beads which have been taken from the 

strings. They believe that if the beads are scattered the girl will be ill and 

have no children. 

Once when "Snake Creek Charlie" and his squaw came to Coconut 

Grove they were invited to see a two-day-old white baby and were told 

that it was a little girl. The squaw took from her neck a string of beads and 

presented it to the mother, this being the greatest mark of respect she 

could possibly show-as every Indian mother is allowed an extra string at 

the birth of a child. 

I have in my possession a baby's first string showing the life bead 

and one of the the last strings worn by an old squaw who took them off 

when she found the "long sleep" overtaking her. The Indian left them 

believing she would come for them and I expect their disappearance 

confirmed the belief. There must be something about a dead woman's 

beads that they fear or respect for no squaw will touch them. Perhaps the 

life beads have something to do with the feeling. 

The string I have is very old and shows years and years of wear. The 

beads are also old fashioned. It used to be that large beads were the ones 

mostly desired but I have noticed on several squaws lately that strings of 

small beads are worn on top of the large ones. Anyway, as long as the 

Seminole squaw owns and wears "Co-na-wa" she will be "Heap good 

squaw." 

The Seminole women of today are far more responsible for the 

good or evil in the tribe than ever and it will be through them that the 

government and church must reach the tribe. They are always taken into 

the council meetings and their advice is respected if not obeyed. A few 

years ago a young man stepped beyond the Seminole law and went to live 

with a white family. He was repeatedly warned to return. At length when 

all else failed to bring him back, he was promised the daughter of Charlie 

Osceola for a wife. No Indian girl in all the nation could boast of the 

beauty of "Nan-ces-a-wee" and who could refuse such a prize. He 

returned and is happy today in his forest home with the "Belle of the 

Nation," who is also noted for her wisdom.

Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida, 

1822-1840 

Part II: Fitzpatrick's Miami River Plantation 

By Hugo L. Black III* 

During the 1820's, most of the land in southeast Florida was owned by the 

government. By 1825, only six private claims from the Spanish period 

had been validated: the Polly Lewis, Jonathan Lewis, and Rebecca 

Hagan (Egan) Donations on the South side of the Miami River, the James 

Hagan (Egan) Donation on the North side of the Miami River, the Mary 

Ann Davis Donation on Key Biscayne, and the Frankee Lewis Donation 

on the New River. 1 

Notwithstanding the lack of settlement, even during this period, 

southeast Florida's suitability for plantations was recognized. James 

Egan emphasized this suitability in the following advertisement run on 

numerous occasions in the Key West Register during 1829, in which he 

offered his land on the Miami River for Sale: 

For Sale 

A Valuable Tract of 

LAND 

Near Cape Florida 

Situated on the Miami River. The Land is very good and will produce Sugar 

Cane and Sea Island Cotton, equal if not superior to any other part of the 

*Hugo Black, III, is a resident of Miami, a former state legislator, a graduate of 

Yale, and presently attending law school at Stanford University. This is the second part 

of an article written as a senior paper at Yale. For Part I see Tequesta, XL.

34 TEQUESTA 

Territory. There is at present a number of bearing Banana and Lime trees 

and the fruit is inferior to none raised in the Island of Cuba. The forest 

growth consists principally of Live Oak, Red Bay and Dog Wood. 

Any person desirous of purchasing a valuable plantation will do well 

to visit the Land. 2 

On December 1, 1830, Fitzpatrick took James Egan up on his offer, 

paying $400.00 for "640 acres more or less" on "the Sweet water or 

Miami River." 3 Fitzpatrick continued to buy land in the area, and by 

April 21, 1835, he had acquired the title to every inch of privately held 

land in southeast Florida except for the previously mentioned Mary Ann 

Davis Donation on Key Biscayne. 4 Fitzpatrick's total purchases 

amounted to 2,660 acres on both sides of the Miami River (over four 

square miles), and another 640 acres, one square mile, on the New River. 

The $2,690.00 he had spent in total averaged out to only 81 cents per 

acre, far less than what agricultural property was selling for in the 

comparable sugar lands of East Florida. Fitzpatrick not only had acquired 

good land for a plantation with a minimal capital outlay, he had 

also placed himself in a good speculative position. If he could firmly 

establish and then make known that the area was fit for plantations, then 

he would stand to profit enormously from the appreciation in value of the 

land to a price even remotely approaching the price common in East 

Florida. 

The people who owned the land in southeast Florida before Fitzpatrick 

were yeomen farmers like those who made up so much of the 

population of Florida at the time. Although these farmers were not 

wealthy and owned few if any slaves, their improvements were by no 

means negligible. An investigation of the Lewis family tract on New 

River by the Spaniards stated that: 

... Mr. Lewis had lived in that house for several years... had a plantation two miles 

to the west of this house... [and] had five horses. The house stands on a pine bluff 

south of the river-a small fowl house opposite-about 30 yards from the dwelling 

house up the river stands a small house which we found to be a blacksmith's shop 

with a forge, bellows... [and] a small anvil-a chest with sundry tools in it belongs 

to Lewis.s 

Dr. Benjamin Strobel visited Cape Florida in 1829 and left another 

description of one of these yeomen farmers' properties: 

... The point of land to which we steered our course was steep and perpendicular, 

consisting of a wall of limestone rock, twelve or fifteen feet above the level of the 

water. At one of these we landed, and ascending a rude flight of steps, I found 

myself at the door of a new palmetto hut which was seated on the brow of the hill. 

It was quite a romantic situation. The cottage was shaded on its western aspect by

Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 35 

several large West Indian fruit trees, whilst on its eastern side we found a grove of 

luxuriant limes, which were bowing to the earth under the weight of their golden 

fruit. This was the residence of the old lady to whom I had been recommended and 

who was bordering on 80 years of age. I entered the house and made my devoirs. 

She received me graciously and placed before me some Palmetto and Icaca plums 

and after refreshing, politely conducted me herself over her grounds and showed 

me a field of potatoes and corn which she had cultivated. She generally employed 

several Indians for this purpose, who for their labor received a portion of the 

products. 6 

In the New River area on Frankee Lewis' Land, William Cooley had 

established the most ambitious project in the southeast Florida area. 

With the help of two negro slaves, Cooley had since 1825 been farming 

and manufacturing arrowroot starch. 7 Fitzpatrick apparently rented the 

land to Cooley after Fitzpatrick bought the Frankee Lewis tract, for 

Cooley continued his operations until the whole area was deserted in 

1836. The account of what the Indians had destroyed of Cooley's plantation 

in 1836 included "20 acres of Land cleared - six acres planted in 

Sugar Cane - two acres of Bermuda Arrow Root - the balance of land 

planted in corn, potatoes, pumpkins and etc.," as well as citrus fruits and 

coconuts. In 1836 the Cooley farm was valued at $12,700, including a 

house, 20 x 55 feet, "one story high built of cypress logs sealed and 

floored... ", a storehouse full of provisions, including flour, pork, beets, 

coffee, corn, grits, rice, salt, sugar, butter and 21 gallons of wine; a 

"Machinery House 27 x 14 with all the machinery for making arrow root, 

with a wharf attached..."; and livestock which included eighty head of 

hogs, five sheep, three horses, and "a lot of Fowls". 8 

The plantation Fitzpatrick established on his lands on the Miami 

River differed from these yeoman farmer's efforts not only in scale, but 

also in kind. Fitzpatrick's agricultural effort, like Fitzpatrick himself, 

was of a totally different class - not a farm, owned by a yeoman farmer, 

but a plantation, owned by a planter. Fitzpatrick's plantation was the 

same type of agricultural effort which all over the south was the cornerstone 

and pinnacle of a distinct economic system, presided over by a 

distinct class, the planters. The establishment of Fitzpatrick's plantation 

held out the promise of firmly grounding a planter society in South 

Florida in the economic system most compatible with that society. 

Fitzpatrick's agricultural improvements concentrated on sugar 

cane. By January of 1836, Fitzpatrick had 100 acres of sugar cane under 

cultivation, as well as a wide variety of other crops. He had thirty acres of 

corn and pumpkins, five acres of sweet potatoes, four thousand plantain 

and banana trees, twelve acres of Bermuda arrow root, "a fine lime

36 TEQUESTA 

grove, yielding at that time from three to five hundred barrels of limes per 

annum," one hundred coconut trees, and an additional "nursery of 

tropical fruit trees." For livestock, Fitzpatrick had one hundred head of 

hogs, and ducks, fowl, turkeys, and guinea fowls. The wooded areas of 

Fitzpatrick's land were also of value, for Fitzpatrick kept on hand large 

quantities of previously cut wood from his plantation with which to 

supply fuel for passing steamers? The following schedule made to 

support his late claim for reimbursement from the U.S. Government for 

the occupation of his plantation during the Second Seminole War included: 

everything Fitzpatrick had on the plantation in 1836, each with its 

approximate value. Not listed were the "fifty or sixty" slaves Fitzpatrick 

had working the plantation. ' 

1 

One Hundred acres of sugar cane, worth $100 per acre ............. $10,000 

Thirty acres of corn and pumpkins, worth ....................... 1,200 

Five acres of sweet potatoes, worth ............................ 500 

Four thousand plantain and banana trees ........................ 4,000 

Twelve acres of Bermuda arrow root ........................... 500 

Lime grove destroyed ...................................... 2,000 

One hundred coconut trees destroyed .......................... 500 

Nursery of tropical fruit trees destroyed ........................ 2,500 

Six hundred bushels of flint corn .............................. 1,500 

One hundred head of hogs ................................... 1,000 

Poultry, viz: ducks, fowls, turkeys and guinea fowls ............... 200 

One large flat boat, sixty feet long (cost) ........................ 1,300 

One clinker-built boat ............ ......................... 120 

O ne cedar boat ............................................ 60 

One schooner ................. .......................... 1,500 

One framed house .............................. .......... 2,300 

Two corn cribs ..................................... ...... 200 

S O ne kitchen .............................................. 50 

O ne poultry house ......................................... 50 

One hewed log house ....................................... 100 

Twelve negro houses ....................................... 1,500 

One framed house, south side Miami River ..................... 300 

One framed house, smaller .................................. 100 

Two framed houses and out-buildings purchased from Lewis ........ 2,500 

Plantation tools, blacksmiths' tools, carts, ploughs, axes, hoes, 

grubbing hoes, cooking utensils, etc. and etc. ................. 500 

Furniture, bed clothes, books, etc ............................. 2,000 

Three years' occupation of my plantation by the United States 

troops at Fort Dallas, Miami River .......................... 18,000 

Four thousand shingles .................................... 240 

Three hundred cords of wood, cut from my land to the first of April, 

1840 for the use of the United States steamers employed on the 

coast of Florida, at $6 per cord ............................. 1,800 

Two hundred cords of wood, cut from my land at New river for the 

United States steamboats, at $6 per cord ..................... 1,200 

House and improvements, including fruit trees, wharf, etc. 

purchased of William Cooley, on Little River .................. 2,500 

$60,320"


The soil and climate of southeast Florida were remarkably suited 

for the growth of tropical products. Speaking in response to an Army 

Colonel who had tried to denigrate the productiveness of Fitzpatrick's 

land, Stephen R. Mallory wrote about the munificent bounty of the soil 

in the southeast Florida area: 

... His entire statement relative to the unsuitableness of Fitzpatrick's plantation for 

the culture of tropical fruits, is an error. The place and the country around it are 

admirably adapted to their culture, and many of them, as the orange, lime, lemon, 

sugar apple, coconut, and guava, had been growing there for forty years, when the 

troops took possession. He is in error, also, in relation to all that he says about the 

culture of the banana and plantain and a market for them. While Fort Dallas was 

thus occupied by troops, I with a company of forty men, in seven boats, visited a 

banana grove near the Miami, and found the fruit in greatest abundance. We took 

as much of it as we could dispose of in our boats, without making much impression 

upon the quantity in the grove. He is equally in error in relation to the quantity and 

character of the pine timber at the Miami. It is a superior article for steamboats.. 12 

Mallory, who lived on the plantation for a year in 1831 and later became a 

U.S. Senator from Florida, described the value of the actual plantation 

itself thus: 

I am well acquainted with "Fitzpatrick's plantation", in Florida. It occupies both 

banks of the beautiful little River Miami, at its mouth, and is known as Cape 

Florida. The climate is tropical, and all the fruits of the tropics grow, or will grow 

without replanting.... but for the Indian war it would now have been one of the 

most beautiful and productive plantations of the south. It is remarkably healthy. 

When the war broke out, in 1836, this plantation was in beautiful condition, 

worked by some fifty or sixty servants... 

Of the value of the plantation in dollars and cents, I do not know. If I owned 

it I would not takefifty thousand dollars for it. 3 

The security of Fitzpatrick's land was reflected in the annual profit 

Fitzpatrick was making from the plantation. Fitzpatrick's overseer, 

James Wright, testified "that the estimate of six thousand dollars a year 

for the use of the plantation is less than the same, with the force employed 

on it, would have produced to the owner." 14 Such a return on investment 

was comparable with the plantations of Middle Florida, where it was not 

unusual for cotton planters to average from $5,000 to $15,000 annually. 15 

We can only speculate about the life Fitzpatrick's slaves led on his 

plantation. Most likely, Fitzpatrick's slaves were comparatively better off 

in the Winter than they would have been in the colder climates and we do 

know that game was abundant in the area surrounding the plantation, 

with which the slaves could supplement their diets. On the other hand, 

the slaves' opportunities to interact with a broader slave community, such 

as by visiting other plantations or through hearing itinerant preachers, 

were almost non-existent because of the plantation's isolation.

38 TEQUESTA 

The slaves' personal relations with Fitzpatrick were undoubtedly 

shaped and mediated by paternalism. While Fitzpatrick was in Tallahassee 

or Key West much of every year, he apparently did spend a great deal 

of time on the plantation. Mallory, in speaking of the year he spent on 

Fitzpatrick's plantation at Cape Florida, said that "Col. Fitzpatrick, Mr. 

Cooley, and family, and a few frontier people were settled there..." and 

again, "At the beginning of 1830 I went with Col. Fitzpatrick to New 

River, on the coast of Florida to aid him in establishing a plantation..."16 

The whole planter ideology grew out of this life of patriarchal planter 

whose plantation was as much home as economic enterprise, a home of 

which the entire white and black population formed parts of the planter's 

extended family. The significance of Fitzpatrick's plantation in South 

Florida's history was that its establishment brought the concrete foundation 

of this paternalistic ideology to South Florida, and held out the 

promise that this foundation would be strengthened through the immigration 

of other planters who would establish other plantations. 

The possibility that other planters would move to South Florida was 

a very real one. Fitzpatrick certainly believed in the possibility; it was the 

reason he speculated on land in the area. While cotton was the major 

plantation product in North Florida during the territorial period, sugar 

plantations had begun to appear and prosper in great numbers in East 

Florida in the Matanzas, Tomoka, and Musquito areas in the 1830's. 17 

Fitzpatrick made efforts to let other planters know about the suitability of 

South Florida's land for sugar cane and other crops, trying to include 

South Florida in the movement toward sugar cultivation. The following 

report Fitzpatrick made to the Legislative Council in 1837 was representative 

of his efforts to publicize South Florida among the planters. 

... The South of Florida, is now particularly adapted to the culture of the Sugarcane, 

and many of the tropical fruits are produced there as abundantly, and in as 

great perfection, as in the West-Indies; the plantain, banana, pineapple, lime, 

lemon, and other fruits are there produced, because from latitude 24 degrees frost 

is not known, and as far as latitude 29 degrees north, the sugar-cane is cultivated 

with the best success. In these latitudes also, the Spanish tabacco not inferior to 

that of the Island of Cuba, is produced, and the Vine, Olive, and mulberry trees, 

have been upon fair trial, found to flourish there, equal to any other country. It is a 

fact not very generally known to the people of this Territory, that they possess a 

country of the character herein described, running miles, with the Bahama 

Islands, and separated from them by a channel of not more than fifty miles, and 

that the Islands between Cape Florida and the Tortugas, are situated and lie to the 

south of the largest of the Bahamas, upon all of which the tropical fruits of every 

description have been cultivated and have been produced in perfection, nor is it 

known generally, that the towns of Key-West and Indian Key lie to the south of 

Nassau, in the Island of New Providence, and within twelve hours sail of Havana


and Matanzas in the Island of Cuba, from which that part of our Territory is 

separated by the Gulph Stream, not more than ninety miles wide. These facts are 

within the knowledge of your committee and they respectfully submit them. 18 

Fitzpatrick tried to remove one major obstacle to the settlement of 

South Florida by attempting to have South Florida surveyed. He wrote to 

Simonton on December 20, 1831: 

Dear Sir: Having heard that you intend returning to Washington soon, I have to 

request that you will see the Commissioner of the Gen'l. Land office, and 

ascertain from him whether or not he has given any direction to the Surveyor 

General for the survey of this part of Florida viz. the Tract of Country from Cape 

Sable to this place [Cape Florida] and from here to New River. Col. White in a 

letter to me last winter mentioned that the order would be given to survey those 

Lands. It is really a matter of astonishment to me that such an immensely valuable 

tract of Country should have been so long neglected, for besides the great variety 

and fertility of the soil it has an advantage of near five degrees of latitude over the 

lands in Middle Florida which are so highly esteemed for the culture of Sugar and 

Cotton and strange as it may appear it is a fact that there is a very large proportion 

of the best lands in the United States within this section aluded to; besides much 

more which is adapted to the production of Sugar, Spanish Tobacco and the finer 

qualities of Sea Island cotton...19 

Fitzpatrick's efforts and South Florida's natural advantages would 

certainly have resulted in the immigration of planters into the area had it 

not been for the onset of the Seminole War, as the following letter from 

Fitzpatrick to government authorities in Washington in August of 1832 

indicates. Fitzpatrick told them that South Florida was: 

... decidedly the richest land I ever saw and will certainly produce more sugar to 

an acre than any land in Florida or Louisiana when properly cultivated; as proof of 

which I will take occasion to observe that a few weeks ago a party of gentlemen 

from the neighborhood of Tallahassee came to New River and Cape Florida to 

examine the land and so well satisfied were they, that they immediately picked out 

such places for their plantations and will remove their negroes the ensuing fall...20 

On December 20, 1835, defying the threat to remove them to the 

West, the Seminoles killed Major Francis Dade and more than one 

hundred of his men near the Withlacoochee River, and at Fort King killed 

General Wiley Thompson and four others. The Seminoles then "moved 

south, destroying almost everything of value in their course, burning 

every house and destroying every plantation between St. Augustine and 

Cape Florida, a distance of two hundred and fifty miles." 21 On January 6, 

1836, before word of the Dade and Thompson killings had reached South 

Florida, the Indians attacked the home of William Cooley at New River, 

killing Mrs. Cooley, the three Cooley children, and the children's tutor, 

and carried off with them Cooley's two negro slaves and "a Spanish man

40 TEQUESTA 

named Emmanuel" who apparently must have been working for 

Cooley. 22 

Word of the Indians' attack on the Cooley family reached the Miami 

River area quickly. James Wright, Fitzpatrick's overseer, reported: 

... that on the 6th day of January, 1836, during the absence of his said employer, the 

intelligence reached him about noon, that the Indians had killed the family of Mr. 

William Cooley, on New River, and were on their way to the settlement on the 

Miami; that deponent [Wright] immediately embarked on board of such boats as 

were most convenient, and took with him all the negroes and a number of families 

of white persons, and was unable to carry away any of the property of his 

employer, nor could he save his own clothing or that of the negroes. 3 

Wright, the rest of the white population of the southeast Florida 

mainland, and the slaves, removed to Cape Florida, where soon after-* 

ward nearly everyone moved either to Indian Key, Key Vaca or Key West. 

After the attack on the Cape Florida Lighthouse in July of 1836 and its 

abandonment, the Indians had sole possession of southeast Florida. 

Soon after the attack on the lighthouse, however, the U.S. armed forces 

moved to establish fortifications in the Miami area. The first was Fort 

Bankhead, established by the Navy on Key Biscayne. Sometime in 1836, 

the army opened a fort on Fitzpatrick's plantation, calling it Fort Dallas. 

Fort Dallas remained in intermittant use throughout the Second Seminole 

War, preventing Fitzpatrick from using his land even if he had 

wished to do so. 

The taking of Cooley's slaves by the Indians might well have had an 

effect on Fitzpatrick's slaves, for Wright had a great deal of difficulty in 

getting Fitzpatrick's slaves to leave the area. At least some of Fitzpatrick's 

slaves apparently realized they were in no danger of losing their 

lives at the hands of the Indians, and wished to stay and join up with the 

Seminoles. In his deposition about the abandoment of his plantation 

Fitzpatrick spoke about Wright's problems with the slaves: 

... James Wright, who was in charge of his [Fitzpatrick's] plantation and negroes, 

was obliged to abandon the plantation, leaving everything behind him except the 

negroes, which by great exertions he removed, and thus prevented them from 

4 

falling into the hands of the Indians.. 

John Dubose, the Cape Florida Lighthouse keeper, also referred to the 

situation: "Mr. Wright, the overseer of Mr. Fitzpatrick, (with only one 

hour's notice) was enabled with difficulty to remove the negroes, with a 

small supply of provisions, to the Cape Florida Lighthouse..."25 

The Second Seminole War, which had such a devastating effect on 

South Florida's history, was as much open class insurrection as an Indian


War. General Thomas Jesup, for example, though perhaps stating the 

case a bit strongly, wrote on December 9, 1936 [after being appointed 

commander of the U.S. Army's Florida war effort] that "This, you may be 

assured, is a negro, not an Indian War; and if it be not speedily put down, 

the south will feel the effects of it on their slave population before the end 

of the next season." 26 

While we have no evidence as to whether Seminole Negroes were 

involved in the attack on the Cooley family, we do know that class 

struggle was a major part of the dynamics leading up to the attack.Whatever 

effect the Cooley attack and the further events of the Second 

Seminole War had on Fitzpatrick the development of South Florida must 

be attributed to class struggle as well as white-Indian hostility. 

FITZPATRICK AND THE SECOND SEMINOLE WAR 

As early as January of 1835, Fitzpatrick was preparing for the 

possibility of war in South Florida. A letter he wrote to Richard Call on 

January 8, 1935, proved to be a prophetic vision of events that would 

occur in South Florida and that would ultimately drive him from Florida. 

Sir: Previous to my leaving Key West, information was received from Tampa Bay, 

that a Spanish vessel had landed arms and ammunition in the neighborhood of a 

Spanish fishery, at Charlotte's harbor, to supply the Indians on the coast. The 

surgeon of the post at Key West, Dr. Nourse, accompanied Major Dade's company 

to Tampa, and returned in the transport "Molto" and communicated the information 

to several persons, and said he got it from Captain William G. Sanders and 

others at Tampa, and that there was proof of the fact, as he understood from them. 

I well recollect that, previous to my leaving Key West, I one morning observed a 

Spanish vessel coming in at the Northwest passage from the direction of Tampa 

and Charlotte's harbor, which vessel brought no cargo, nor do I know whether or 

not she carried away any to Cuba. The Collector at Key West, near two months 

previous to this time, had suspended from duty the inspector of customs at 

Charlotte's harbor, for refusing spiritous liquors to be landed on the island where 

he lived, and upon which also a Spanish subject, named Caldez, lives, and who is 

carrying on a fishery, and has a vessel trading there under Spanish colors, manned 

in part by Seminole Indians. There is but one citizen of the United States attached 

to the concern, who is the person that brought the charges against the inspector, 

and who has been going backward and forward in the Spanish schooner since that 

time. With this exception, the fishery is carried on by Spaniards and Indians, and is 

owned by a man named Badia, who lives in Havana. I know that the Spaniards 

interested in the fisheries have been much dissatisfied on account of the proposed 

removal of the Indians, and that they have heretofore derived much benefit from 

the services of the Indians at the fisheries, and on board their vessels, and that this 

man Caldez is more dreaded by, and has more influence over, the Indians than he 

ought to have. There being no inspector at this point, and the collector having sent 

the revenue-cutter to New Orleans, arms and ammunition, or any thing else in any 

quantity, could have been landed there at any time with impunity. As the southern

42 TEQUESTA 

section of Florida is very little known, except to the Indians, I take the liberty to 

offer you such information as a residence of more than twelve years in that section 

of country has enabled me to obtain. 

From Cape Roman, on the west coast, to Cape Sable, and from thence to 

Cape Florida, are innumerable islands, formed by rivers and creeks running from 

the Everglade (so called), and having their source the great Lake Macaco, where 

the Indians go in their light canoes, and where they have some towns and 

cornfields. This part of the country is little known to the white man, but the Indians 

are perfectly acquainted with it, and if they are drawn from their present position, 

they will certainly go there. I have good authority, upon which I can rely that many 

canoes, with women and children, and some men, have been sent there some time 

ago, and if the warriors are driven there, they can sustain themselves against 

four-times their number. They can live on the coonty root, which abounds in the 

vicinity of Cape Florida and New River, and the great abundance of fish and turtle 

which abound in the rivers and on the seacoast, and which they take in any quantity 

at pleasure. From Cape Sable to Cape Florida, inside of Key West and the other 

keys, there is but one white man living who has ever penetrated it and passed 

through it and it is there the Indians have their hunting-grounds, and from whence 

they can retire into the islands in the everglades, and can go to the east as far as, and 

even beyond, New River, and to Charlotte's harbor on the west. Steamboats of light 

draught of water, having small boats of the least possible draught, are the only 

means by which you follow the Indians in their canoes. One should go to Cape 

Florida and proceed east to Indian River, where she can enter and go up to the 

Lagoon, and the St. Sebastian and St. Lucia rivers. Another should go down 

through Key Biscayne Bay (where the light-house is) and into Barnes's sound, and 

pass through in boats to Cape Sable; and another should go through from Indian 

Key to Cape Sable and proceed along the coast to Cape Roman and Charlotte's 

harbor. These vessels and boats should, by all means, get pilots at Indian Key; and 

the neighborhood, who have a knowledge of the navigation, as any person 

unacquainted will find the greatest difficulty to get along. I am thus particular, 

because I know much inconvenience and difficulty will occur in the fitting out an 

expedition to go on a coast so little known, and I am certain that if the Indians once 

get down there, they can sustain themselves for years against a superior force, and 

that it will be impossible to starve them out. 

I very much hope that the Government will see the necessity of destroying 

those Spanish fisheries, and of prohibiting their vessels from carrying on any trade 

on the coast. I tender you my services in any way I can be useful in any expedition 

which may be sent to any part of the Territory.' 

Respectfully, your most obedient servant, 

General R.K. Call 

C. Fitzpatrick 

With the beginning of the actual fighting in the Seminole war, 

Fitzpatrick volunteered for service, and served as General Clinch's aidede-camp 

during the first major campaign of the Second Seminole War. 

Fitzpatrick was a picture of the courageous planter. The U.S. House of 

Representatives' Committee on Military Affairs left this description of 

Fitzpatrick: "Rich, generous, and patriotic, he [Fitzpatrick] is described, 

when joining the staff of General Clinch, as bringing with him his own 

horses and servant, and as then living at his own cost." The same


Committee described Fitzpatrick's activities during that campaign with 

General Clinch: 

... He was appointed an aid-de-camp by General Clinch in his Seminole campaign, 

and served in that capacity from the fall of 1835 to the month of May or June 

following-up to the retirement of that general. He was better acquainted with the 

country - the field of military operations - than any man in the army. He was bold 

and intelligent, and always ready and forward to render any useful service. He 

enjoyed the confidence of his general; and it is proved by a gallant officer, who was 

associated in the service with him - Captain Thurston, formerly of 3d regiment 

artillery-that "no one in General Clinch's wing of the army rendered more active 

and real service than he did." His conduct did not fail to attract the attention of the 

close-observing general-in-chief. General Scott says that he personally saw much 

of Col. Fitzpatrick in the march from Fort Drane to Tampa Bay and back to the 

north of Florida, in the campaign, and that he can testify to his zeal and the great 

value of his services in that march.. 2 

Subsequently, Fitzpatrick was appointed aide-de-camp by General 

Call shortly after Call took over the prosecution of the war. Fitzpatrick 

served in that position from September 20, to December 7, 1836, when 

Call was relieved by General Jesup. During his service with Call, 

Fitzpatrick was promoted from Captain to Colonel, a title by which 

Fitzpatrick preferred to be addressed for the rest of his life. Call testified 

about Fitzpatrick's service: 

... Colonel Fitzpatrick was a valuable and efficient member of his staff, performing, 

as necessity required, the duties of aid-de-camp and quartermaster during the 

campaign against the Seminole Indians. 3 

Fitzpatrick's association with Call led to a role in one of the more 

notorious incidents of the Second Seminole War. From the beginning of 

the war, Florida citizens and military officers had written to the U.S. War 

Department urging that bloodhounds be used to track the elusive 

Seminole. Cuban bloodhounds had been used extremely successfully 

during the Maroon Wars in Jamaica; The Maroon War in 1795, for 

example, had ended within a month after the introduction of Cuban 

bloodhounds. By 1838, General Zachary Taylor had requested and been 

granted permission to use bloodhounds, but never followed up on the 

project. 4 Governor Call finally decided to take the matter into his own 

hands in 1839 and sent Fitzpatrick to Cuba to get the bloodhounds which 

more and more people had become convinced could end the war. After a 

month in Cuba, Fitzpatrick returned to Florida on January 6, 1840, with 

33 bloodhounds and 5 Cuban trainer-keepers for the dogs. For his time 

and efforts, Fitzpatrick received $1,000. The entire expedition had cost 

$5,006.83, with the 33 dogs at $2,733.00 accounting for most of the total. 5

44 TEQUESTA 

Fitzpatrick's return to Florida launched a storm of controversy all 

over the United States over the degree of cruelty to which the armed 

forces should be allowed to resort in their prosecution of the war. 

Northern newspapers had reported the arrival of the dogs, and readers 

petitioned their Congressmen protesting the cruelty and inhumanity 

which would be inherent in turning the dogs loose to attack the Indians, 

as had been done in Jamaica. 6 While it is difficult to know what might 

have happened if bloodhounds had been used extensively, Fitzpatrick 

indicated that the dogs were intended solely as tracking dogs to be used 

with muzzles. One visitor to Tallahassee, who was present at Governor 

Reid's house the night Fitzpatrick arrived from Cuba, described this 

meeting and in doing so, shed some light on the dog's intended use: 

Washington City, February 8, 1840 

Dear Sir: In compliance with your request, that I would communicate in writing 

what I have previously mentioned in conversation, as having heard while passing 

through Florida on my way here, respecting the bloodhounds recently brought 

there from Cuba, and the purpose for which they were procured, I beg leave to 

state that on the 6th ultimo, during a sojourn of two or three days at Tallahassee, 

while paying a visit at the residence of the present governor, a gentleman entered 

the parlor, who was introduced as Colonel Fitzpatrick, and who informed Governor 

Reid, that he had just arrived from Cuba with a number of bloodhounds, to 

obtain which, he had been dispatched, as I understood him, under authority from 

ex-Governor Call, and the legislature of Florida; Col. Fitzpatrick spoke of the 

difficulties which he had had in getting those dogs, thirty-three in number; the 

high price paid for them, and the great trouble arising from boisterous weather and 

scarcity of provisions, owing to the voyage being of unusual length, in bringing 

them over; he expressed a desire that Governor Reid should give immediate 

instructions to have them taken from on board the vessel, then lying at Port Leon or 

St. Marks, as they were very much reduced and feeble from want of proper food, 

and put in some fit place, under the charge of five Spaniards, whom he had hired in 

Cuba as their keepers, and who were the only persons capable of managing them. 

A good deal was said as to the manner in which they were to be used in operating 

against the Indians, and I believe, as well as I can recollect, and my recollection is 

pretty distinct, Col. Fitzpatrick, who appeared most conversant with the mode of 

keeping and using them, observed that they were always muzzled unless being fed; 

that, when employed in order to discover a hiding or retreating enemy, a keeper 

was appointed to each dog to hold him in leash, and endeavor to put him on the 

scent, which, once found, he rarely lost - the pursuers following close up to the 

keeper, and were thus conducted to the object of their search. 

The dogs were described by Colonel Fitzpatrick as possessing fine wind, 

great strength, bottom, and courage, and as differing from the common hound in 

one particular, which made them of infinite service in chase of a lurking enemy: 

they rarely, or never, gave tongue to warn him of the approach of his pursuers. I was 

not led to believe, from any thing which I heard on the occasion alluded to, or 

indeed at any other time during my journey through Florida, that those dogs were 

to be unmuzzled and let slip to assail the hostile marauding Indian warriors, and 

destroy their women and children. I am persuaded that the people of Florida,


dreadfully as they have suffered from the ferocity of the Indians, would not 

countenance such a species of warfare. 

Colonel Fitzpatrick, who, I have since learned is an officer of the Florida 

militia, struck me as being a gentleman of great intelligence and decided 

character. 7 

Though the first trials of the dogs in Florida seemed promising, the 

whole controversy eventually proved to be over nothing. For whatever 

reason, perhaps because of the difficult terrain, the bloodhounds eventually 

were found to be of no help at all and they never were used again after 

their experimental trials. 8 

Fitzpatrick's activities during the Second Seminole War were those 

of a man imbued with the image of the soldier-planter, the image of 

courageous, dutiful, glorious military service. The image had developed 

in planter ideology for good reason: However calm on the surface 

plantation society might seem, just beneath lurked tensions which at 

every moment threatened insurrection. In Florida, in combination with 

the Indian struggle, those tensions exploded into the bloodiest class 

insurrection in the history of the South. Faced with both the destruction 

of his dream of a South Florida plantation society, and the destruction of 

the whole plantation system throughout Florida - even threatening to 

stretch into other portions of the South- Fitzpatrick's ideology served its 

purpose. The gentleman fought with energetic vengeance. 

THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, 1835-1840, AND THE 

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1838 

Locally-oriented Bills 

In 1835, Fitzpatrick returned to the Legislative Council, defeating 

Ed Chandler in the election of May 1834. Fitzpatrick's margins of victory 

were astounding for someone who just two years previously had been 

defeated by the same man he defeated; Chandler 74-4 at Key West, and 

25-10 at Indian Key.' Fitzpatrick went on to become Monroe County's 

representative again in 1836, and then represented Dade in the 1837, 1838, 

1839 and 1840 sessions, and in addition represented Dade in the 1838 

Constitutional Convention. 

Fitzpatrick's legislative activities during these years were too 

numerous to be exhaustively catalogued; with a comparatively secure 

seat, well-respected by his colleagues, Fitzpatrick became one of the 

most powerful and active members of the Legislative Council. He was 

chairman of at least one standing committee each session, and in 1836 

was elected President of the Legislative Council. Of all the areas of

46 TEQUESTA 

Fitzpatrick's legislative activity during these years, two areas stood out 

from the rest in their importance for this study: Fitzpatrick's local 

bills, and his participation in the banking controversy which led to the 

development of parties in Florida politics. 

During the 1835 session, Fitzpatrick presented a petition from Key 

West residents requesting the repeal of the 1832 Act incorporating Key 

West. Assigned to a select committee which included Fitzpatrick, the 

petition resulted in a bill repealing Key West's charter and directing the 

City Council to turn over all the tax money in the City Council's 

possession to the Justices of the Peace in the city. Every refusal by the 

City Council to turn over the City's funds was punishable by a fine of fifty 

dollars. Governor Eaton vetoed the bill because it provided that no 

appeal could be made from a judgment rendered against the City Council 

for refusing to turn over the tax money. After the veto, Fitzpatrick moved 

that the bill be reconsidered, the section prohibiting appeals was struck 

from the bill, and the bill was passed. 2 

The bill's passage prompted much dismay in Key West. The Enquirer 

printed the following response by the Key West City Council 

attacking the Legislative Council's action: 

... Your Committee have heard that a few persons, most of whom are naturalized 

citizens, not perfectly accustomed to our laws, objected to the payment of taxes, 

and for the purpose of avoiding the payment of the same, petitioned the Legislative 

Council to repeal the City Charter. They also knew, that a petition from many of 

our intelligent and active citizens was sent to our representative, praying for some 

slight modification of the Charter. There is no evidence that this last petition was 

laid before the Council, while it would seem, that the first mentioned petition 

received a large share of consideration, by the enactment of the law above recited. 

By the 2d section of this law it is provided, that all the money which has in any 

manner been collected by this Corporation, shall be paid over to the Justices of the 

Peace of this City, under heavy penalties, and this whether the money had been 

expended on public improvements or not. It is not then a provision for disposing of 

any unexpended balance that may be left, but a cool, and deliberate demand of our 

private funds to the extent of all the taxes that have been collected since the 

incorporation of this City until the date of this law!! The burst of indignation, with 

which this law was received by our intelligent fellow citizens, is evidence, that 

here, where the facts are well known, the reputation of the members of this 

Corporation will not be affected by the passage of this extraordinary law. The 2d 

section is calculated to injure the reputation of the members, because it gives the 

impression to those, unacquainted with Florida legislation, that the members of 

this Board have appropriated the funds of the public to their own private emolument 

- Such must have been the impression of a majority of the Legislative 

Council, or the act must have been "read by its title" only, and passed without 

examination. But by what misrepresentation this impression has been given is 

beyond the knowledge of this Committee... 

It [the bill] professes also to give power to any Justice of the Peace, disposed 

to act the petty tyrant, to take the private and individual property of the members


of this Board for public uses, and so far from making "just compensation", it 

affixes a penalty of fifty dollars for every objection to this species of legalized 

robbery. 

By the objections of the Executive to this law, it appears, that the 2d section 

was originally more objectionable than at present, by making the Justice a modern 

Gesler, from whose decision there could be no appeal!! 

Your Committee wishes to speak respectfully of the exercise of Legislative 

power, but they discover in the act under consideration a tone and spirit unexampled 

in modern times, destructive of the rights of others, and well calculated to 

arouse a just indignation in those having a proper sense of self-respect. A silent 

acquiescence would become tame and submissive slaves, who are accustomed to 

crouch at the footstools of power. 

There can be no palliation for the act in question. Misrepresentation, might 

have been an inducement to repeal the charter, but it could be no excuse for 

robbing the pockets of others. If evils really existed, the ballot box might have 

cured them. If wrongs were done, the law gave a remedy. There was no call for 

such extraordinary legislation. The haste was indecent, as a few days would have 

terminated the City Council. 

In the opinion of your Committee, the said act of 29th January is null and 

void, because it is contrary to the organic law - yet your Committee recommend 

an application to Congress to repeal the same, that our Statute Book be not 

polluted with evidences of personal legislation..3 

Fitzpatrick's motivations for passing this bill are unclear; as previously 

noted, he had very few taxable interests in the city. It is possible he 

received only one of the two petitions and merely acted on what he 

thought his constituents wanted. It is doubtful, however, that Fitzpatrick 

would have been so unaware of the real situation. It is more likely that 

Fitzpatrick was feuding with one or more members of the Council for 

some reason, and was thus favorably disposed to act on the petition 

requesting the abolition of the City Council. Also, quite naturally, being 

a Justice of the Peace, Fitzpatrick must have thought that Justices of the 

Peace would be better entrusted with the people's tax money. If this 

interpretation is closest to the truth, then Fitzpatrick's actions were 

another example of the uncompromising attitude Fitzpatrick usually took 

on political issues. (In a general sense, Fitzpatrick's uncompromising 

attitude was typical of his class, an attitude which later resulted in the 

formation of the Whig Party in Florida. Fitzpatrick was sure of his 

essential rightness on every issue. This was a natural part of an ideology 

formed in the crucible of master-slave relations. Such an attitude, and the 

actions resulting from it, made the planter-politician different than the 

bourgeois politicians of the 1800's, and certainly from the bourgeois 

politicians of today; in a positive sense, Fitzpatrick's uncompromising 

attitude throughout his legislative career can be seen as an unyielding 

stand on principle, the precise lack of which condemns bourgeois politician's 

mouthings of ideas suitable for the election marketplace.)

48 TEQUESTA 

As uncompromising actions often do, Fitzpatrick's rescinding of 

the Key West Charter proved to be unpopular with the Island's voters. As 

threatened, a group of Key West's most prominent citizens did petition 

Congress to rescind the Territoral statute, 4 and Fitzpatrick narrowly 

escaped losing in the next election to William R. Hackley, a local attorney 

and former Port Warden. Fitzpatrick's huge margin of the previous year 

was cut to 41-38 in Fitzpatrick's favor in Key West.s Although all of 

Fitzpatrick's slip in voting strength probably should not be attributed to 

his actions on the Key West Charter, certainly those actions had played 

an important role. 

The petition to Congress about the Charter had the desired effect, 

for the Congressional Committee on Territories reported against the 

Florida law rescinding the Key West Charter. Perhaps for that reason, 

Fitzpatrick had the 1836 Council enact a new statute incorporating the 

City of Key West. 6 The new city's taxing powers were somewhat curtailed; 

while the items that could be taxed were substantially the same, 

the new law set upper limits on the amounts which could be levied. In the 

matter of the real estate tax, the law was changed from the old provision 

of "not more than one half of one per centum" to "not more than 

one-sixth, and not less than one-eighth of one percent."' The new law 

was apparently generally acceptable in Key West, for it remained unchanged 

until 1846. Whether or not the law's passage would have helped 

Fitzpatrick in his next election is impossible to determine, however, and 

probably made no difference to Fitzpatrick even when he was writing the 

New law, for Fitzpatrick's next term on the Council was as the representative 

from Dade County. 

Elected President of The Legislative Council by a unanimous vote 

in 1836, Fitzpatrick used his power to have a new county created in South 

Florida, Dade County. The creation of Dade was another of Fitzpatrick's 

efforts to develop southeast Florida, and incidentally indicates that 

Fitzpatrick was intending to spend more time on his plantation by moving 

his legal residence from Key West to the Miami plantation in order to be 

Dade's representative. 

Fitzpatrick was not the instigator of the original proposal to create a 

new county out of the northern part of Monroe, though it was possible 

that he had a role in the formation of the idea. Jacob Housman had long 

been trying to establish Indian Key's independence from Key West, and 

this desire, coupled with the inconvenience of jury duty in Key West 

resulted in a petition requesting the formation of a new county from the 

northern part of Monroe. Fifty-seven residents of the northern part of


Monroe County, including residents from both Indian Key and the Cape 

Florida area signed the petition addressed to the Legislative Council. The 

petition read: 

To the Legislative Council of the Territory of Florida: 

The memorial of undersigned citizens of the County of Monroe in said Territory 

respectfully represents, that your memorialists reside in the northern section of 

said County, some of them two hundred and thirty miles from the court house, and 

none less than seventy five miles from it, the whole of which distance they are 

obliged to travel by water in open boats in tempestous weather during the fall and 

winter months. Your memorialists are not generally detained by public duty more 

than six days and sometime not so much; but in bad weather they are frequently 

unable to reach their homes in less than three or four weeks. Their jury fees will 

not pay their board in Key West, and the whole of their expenses of boat hire and 

provisions are a dead loss to them besides having to leave their families and 

domestic concerns at the times they are most required to be at home - Your 

memorialists believe that no people in the U. States have ever been in a similar 

situation, and a cursory view of the map will be sufficient to convince your Hon'l. 

body of the necessity of granting them relief. They therefore pray that the County 

be divided as follows, a line running from West end Bay Honda Key, to Cape Sable 

and from thence to Lake Macaco, and thence to the head of what is known now as 

Hilsboro River, (the north branch) and down said River to the Atlantic Ocean. 

Your memoralist would further represent that so long as Monroe County remains 

in its present state, that the public interests must of necessity be neglected and the 

ends of Justice be defeated, this has frequently been the case of late, and the reason 

is witnesses and jurors cannot find the means to transport themselves by water to 

Key West to the Court House. Your petitioners will ever be found willing to 

perform all the public duties incumbent upon them as good citizens, but some of 

them are in circumstances which precludes the possibility of their attending at Key 

West as witnesses or Jurors. 8 

The petition resulted in a bill creating Pinckney County, most likely 

named after Charles Coatsworth Pinckney, the prominent Southern 

politician. After the Dade Massacre, however, the name of the county 

was changed to Dade and was passed unanimously on January 28, 1836. 

One provision in the original bill which was deleted before it was 

introduced was a section which stated: 

... That the Counties of Monroe and Pinckney, shall compose one Election district 

for a member of the Legislative Council heretofore elected from Monroe County, 

until further provision be made for the same by act of Congress.. ? 

This section was deleted probably because Fitzpatrick decided that he 

would like the opportunity to represent just the small group of people in 

the new county where he had his plantation most likely with the belief 

that he would have a much easier task of election from Dade alone than he 

would in a district which included Key West. From this point on, Fitzpatrick 

was either unopposed or received only token opposition in his 

later elections.

50 TEQUESTA 

Jacob Housman was the first signature, prominently placed, on the 

petition for the new county, and he had probably been the man responsible 

for the drafting of the petition. Equally important, however, at least in 

the passage of the resulting bill, was Fitzpatrick and Fitzpatrick's desire 

to develop the Cape Florida area. One might assume that Fitzpatrick was 

Housman's man in the Council, and that the creation of Dade County was 

solely attributable to Housman. But neither of these are valid assumptions. 

No evidence, for example, indicates that Fitzpatrick had previously 

allied himself with Housman on any matter peculiar to Indian Key's 

interest, evidence which would lead us to assume a close alliance between 

Fitzpatrick and Housman. And while we can only guess that 

Fitzpatrick might have had a hand in the creation of the petition requesting 

the formation of a new county, an idea in which Housman would most 

certainly have realized Fitzpatrick would have a great interest, we know 

that, as the powerful President of the Legislative Council, Fitzpatrick 

would have only allowed the Dade County bill to pass if he wanted it to 

do so. In other words, while the idea for Dade County was probably 

attributable mainly to Housman, the actual creation of Dade County 

occurred because the new county carried forward Fitzpatrick's own plans 

for the area. 

Fitzpatrick introduced several other bills from 1835 to 1838 predicated 

on and attempting to effect the development of the southeast 

Florida area. The bills after 1836, in particular are indications that even 

after the Cooley massacre, he still fully intended after the end of the 

Seminole War to return to his plantation and to resume his efforts to 

develop the area. 

During the 1835 session, Fitzpatrick introduced a bill to create the 

South Florida Land Company. The bill created a corporation with the 

power to buy and sell land in South Florida, but probably also with the 

belief that the corporation would ultimately lead to greater purchases of 

land in the area. After all, the creation of such a corporation would have 

probably led to increased advertising of the land in South Florida, as well 

as to a focusing and strengthening of other efforts to sell the land in the 

area. The South Florida Land Company bill passed the Council, but 

Governor Eaton vetoed the bill, on the basis that: 

... if the policy and principles asserted in this act, becomes general through our 

country, these incorporated companies may engross the most valuable lands, and 

finally establish a system of tenantry, than which nothing is more detrimental to 

the interest of a free people.... In a new country the assertion of the principle may 

not be very hazardous; but where principle is concerned, circumstances should not 

change it. 10


While it must have been obvious at the time that Fitzpatrick did not have 

in mind the establishment of a system of tenantry, Eaton's argument was 

nonetheless compelling enough to get four legislators to change their 

minds and thus prevent the achievement of the two-thirds majority 

necessary to override the veto. Fitzpatrick retained the idea for the South 

Florida Land Company and reintroduced the bill in the 1838 session. The 

bill was never taken up after it was introduced in that session, however, 

which finally laid the idea to rest. 11 

During the 1837 session, Fitzpatrick introduced a bill creating the 

East and South Florida Canal Company, which passed and became a law 

on February 12, 1837. This bill created a corporation "with the power and 

privilege of constructing a canal from Biscayne Bay at Cape Florida, to 

S. Augustine, and the River St. Johns for the transportation of produce, 

goods, wares, and merchandise of every description...," with the additional 

proviso that "if at any time the said company, shall think proper to 

extend their canal to Charlotte Harbour and Tampa Bay on the west are 

hereby invested with the right, power, and privilege of doing so..." The 

bill also gave the company: 

... the right and privilege to own steam boats, vessels, boats, piers, docks, ware 

houses, and every other species of property necessary to carry on their affairs, and 

for the storage, transportation, and conveyance of passengers, goods, wares, and 

merchandize of any kind whatsoever, and they shall also have the right to charge 

toll upon all vessels, boats, goods, wares, and merchandize, and also to charge 

passage money on all passengers which may pass through said canal in boats or 

vessels which do not belong to the company.. .2 

The Board of Directors of the East and South Florida Canal Company 

read like a who's who of East and South Florida, including Robert 

Raymond Reid, Charles Downing, and Duncan L. Clinch of East 

Florida, and Fitzpatrick, James Webb, William Marvin, and Oliver 

O'Hare of South Florida. Even with such powerful backers, however, the 

corporation had trouble procuring subscriptions for all the stock offered. 

Fitzpatrick therefore introduced a bill in the 1838 session, which became 

law, that extended the period for subscriptions by one year, because of 

"the existence of the Indian War which is now raging in the Southern 

portion of the Territory..."1 

It is impossible to know how much stock was eventually subscribed 

for, but it is probable that at least enough was subscribed for to encourage 

Fitzpatrick to continue to plan for the operation of the canal. By 1840 

Fitzpatrick had "made arrangements in England for the construction of 

Four Iron Steamboats for the purpose of navigating the Rivers of 

Florida," and he asked Congress:

52 TEQUESTA 

... to grant him the priviledge of introducing the said steam boats with their 

Engines, Boilers and other fixtures complete, into the Territory of Florida free of 

any duties whatever... knowing as he does that other persons in the United States 

particularly in the State of Georgia have had these priviledges granted to them...14 

Fitzpatrick most likely had the proposed South Florida canal in mind 

when ordering these steamboats. Even if Fitzpatrick had to use the 

steamboats in some other area until the canal was built, by attempting to 

obtain steamboats he at least readied himself for the canal to which he 

most assuredly was committed. 

Another of the internal improvement laws relative to South Florida 

in which Fitzpatrick had a role in passing was the act creating the 

Southern Life Insurance and Trust Company. While this law was much 

less confined in importance to the South Florida area than such laws as 

those creating the South Florida Land Company and the East and South 

Florida Florida Canal Company, and while Fitzpatrick's role was correspondingly 

more peripheral on this bill than on those others, Fitzpatrick's 

role was nevertheless still significant. Fitzpatrick was one of the original 

directors of the Southern Life Insurance and Trust Company, as Chairman 

of the Committee on Banks was influential in securing the passage 

of the bill. 15 The Southern Life Insurance and Trust Company bill was 

intended to provide the same banking opportunities for East and South 

Florida that Middle Florida enjoyed with the Union Bank. Fitzpatrick 

undoubtedly hoped that the Southern Life Company would be a further 

impetus to the development of a plantation-based infrastructure in South 

Florida. If the Southern Life Company functioned as the Union Bank did 

in Middle Florida, then the new bank would finance the buying of 

agricultural land, perhaps even through the medium of a South Florida 

Land Company, and also finance the building of a transportation system 

to help move the crops produced on that agricultural land, a transportation 

system such as a South Florida Canal. 

The Banking Controversy 

Fitzpatrick's support for the Southern Life Company Bill in 1835 

signified more than merely Fitzpatrick's anticipation of a bank's projected 

benefit for the South Florida area. Fitzpatrick had been and 

continued throughout his legislative career to be strongly in favor of the 

creation of banking institutions all over the territory. In previous sessions, 

Fitzpatrick had voted for bills creating or giving more power to the Bank 

of Pensacola, the Bank of Appalachicola, the Magnolia Bank, and the 

Union Bank. In subsequent years, Fitzpatrick became so identified with


the banking interests in the territory that the Appalachicola Gazette, in 

telling the story of how St. Joseph had been chosen for the site of the 

Constitutional Convention of 1838 commented: 

The selection of St. Joseph resulted from a log-rolling compromise between the 

East and the West. Says Fizzy [Fitzpatrick] to Peter [Representative Peter Gautier 

of St. Joseph], "Scratch my back and I'll tickle your elbow." The Proposition 

suited the fancy of both parties. So Peter scratched the Banks, and Fizzy tickled the 

Town.. 16 

Florida's banks, like the rest of the banks of the South, functioned to 

augment planter hegemony. The banks lent money mainly to planters, 

with almost all of the loans intended for the purchase of land and slaves, 

and for expenditures incidental to the movement of crops- expenditures 

which met the test of being viable and proper in the planter economic and 

social system. Whereas, in the frontier West, banks functioned to provide 

for the expansion of vigorous agrarian capitalism, lending money 

for industrial as well as agricultural development, in Florida and the rest 

of the South banks worked to strengthen the slave system alone. 17 

As might be expected in a society dominated by the planter class, 

support for the creation of banks was relatively common and politically 

uncontroversial through most of the 1830's. While Florida's governors, 

appointed by anti-bank Jacksonians in the federal government, usually 

vetoed banking legislation, the Legislative Council had no trouble overriding 

the vetoes. Nor was support for the banks an election issue. The 

Panic of 1837, however, with its effects in Florida of lower cotton prices, 

the stopping of specie payments, and the depreciation of currency, 

changed the situation.' 8 

For the first time, party- and issue-oriented politics predominated 

over the traditional fragmentary and unrelated local concerns during the 

elections for representatives to the constitutional convention of 1838. The 

key issue in almost every election for the convention throughout Florida 

became whether the candidate was pro- or anti-bank. In subsequent 

elections, the more organized pro- and anti-bank groups became the 

Whig and Democratic parties, respectively. Much later, most planters in 

Florida, and in the rest of the South as well, came to support the 

Democratic position against easy credit, correctly viewing easy credit 

policies as contributing to an over production of cotton and thus to lower 

prices. 19 In the early years of the Whig and Democratic parties in Florida, 

however, to most planters, including Fitzpatrick, the Democrats and their 

policies clearly represented a serious challenge to the economic and 

political hegemony of the planter class.

54 TEQUESTA 

In the election in Dade County for a member of the Constitutional 

Convention, Fitzpatrick was opposed by L. Windsor Smith, from Key 

Vacas, and William F English, Fitzpatrick's nephew. In Dade, unlike 

most of Florida, the bank issue was not an important part of the election. 

The vote simply came down to people in Key Vacas voting for the 

resident of their island, L. Windsor Smith (36-0-0 in Smith's favor), and 

people on Indian Key voting for their favored candidate, Fitzpatrick (73 

for Fitzpatrick, to 4 for Smith, and 1 for English). Fitzpatrick won simply 

because the residents of Indian Key far outnumbered those on Key 

Vacaso 

It is much more difficult to determine the circumstances surrounding 

the corresponding election in Key West. The Panic of 1837 had 

affected the economy of the area, such that at a meeting of the Key West 

City Council in the summer of 1837, 

The citizens of Key West...agreed to receive Mexican doubloons at $16 and 

Spanish doubloons at $17 each, until the value of the same shall be altered by a 

meeting of the citizens called for that purpose. The same meeting which fixed the 

above standard passed the following resolution: 

Resolved, That in order to decrease the amount of bank notes now in 

circulation, we do agree that from and after the first day of July, we will not receive 

any Florida or Western notes, except at a discount of ten per cent; it being 

understood that these rates may at any time be altered by a meeting of the citizens 

called for that purpose?' 

Of the three candidates for Monroe's two places in the Convention, 

William Marvin, Joseph B. Browne, and William H. Shaw, Marvin and 

Browne were victorious, but all three candidates were anti-bank. 22 While 

it is impossible to determine with certainty the depth of anti-bank 

sentiment that existed in Key West without the existence of a pro-bank 

candidate on the ballot, the subsequent election in Key West of only 

anti-bank Democrats in every Council and Delegate election in the 

Territorial period would seem to indicate that anti-bank sentiment was so 

strong in Key West that no bank supporter would even bother to run. 

It is difficult to know with certainty the degree to which this 

anti-bank sentiment was also an anti-planter, anti-status-quo sentiment. 

The 1838 election for Mayor of Key West, however, in which Mayor 

Whitehead was turned out of office by Tamasco Sachetti, a "low, illiterate 

character, the keeper of a sailor grog shop," 23 seems to indicate an 

increase in resistance to the traditional power structure. The election 

could be considered to be just another, albeit unusual, upper-class split 

over purely local concerns, in which a group of merchants, disgruntled


over paying occupational taxes, joined together to oust Mayor 

Whitehead. The simultaneity of the events of this election, however, with 

the increase in resistance to planter hegemony all over the state after the 

Panic of 1837, would seem to be far more than coincidence. It is quite 

likely that an increase in "loco-foco" sentiment in Key West among the 

lower-classes and among a significant portion of the non-planters in the 

ruling class was at least as responsible for the election of Tomaso Sachetti 

as was the dispute over the payment of occupational taxes. Commenting 

on Sachetti's election, Jefferson Browne wrote that "The low element, 

elated at the prospect of one of their ilk being mayor of the city, rallied to 

Sachetti's standard, and as he also had the moral support of a few of the 

prominent citizens, no self-respecting man could be induced to run 

against him."" 24 A hint as to the kind of upper-class support Sachetti 

received was contained in Whitehead's comment about Sachetti's ally, 

Charles Walker, of whom Whitehead said, "He was a lawyer from New 

York, a loco-foco, an agrarian, a disorganizer, etc." 25 

Sachetti probably received no opposition for the same reason no 

pro-bank candidate bothered to run for the Constitutional Convention, 

because the overwhelming support in Key West of the lower-class, along 

with a significant portion of the upper-class, for Sachetti and other 

"loco-foco" candidates made it impossible for someone else to win. 

The consistently and overwhelmingly Democratic voting record on the 

part of Key West voters, including but not at all limited to the vote for the 

1838 Convention, along with the election of Tamasco Sachetti, provide 

more indications of weakness in the hegemony of the planter class in 

Key West. 

The bank issue was by far the most controversial during the 1838 

Constitutional Convention itself. Fitzpatrick, as chariman of the Committee 

"On Relations with the General Government, and the Right of the 

People to claim admissions into the National Confederation as a 

State...," and as the author of a strong pro-statehood resolution, was the 

key figure in the debate over the statehood issue, but he was also quite 

important in the banking controversy. 26 

Fitzpatrick began the Convention hoping that the conflict over the 

banks could be resolved. The whole discussion over the Banking Committee's 

and other individuals' proposed constitutional provisions on 

banks led off with Fitzpatrick's offer of "a substitute for all the propositions 

which he (Fitzpatrick) thought would satisfy all the gentlemen, and 

remove the difficulties which seemed to surround this vexed question."27 

Fitzpatrick's substitute read:

56 TEQUESTA 

Resolved. That the Union Bank of Florida shall, with the consent of the Stockholders 

in said Bank, be adopted as the State Bank of Florida, upon the following 

terms, viz: 

1. The present Stockholders shall retain the whole of their stock according 

to the number of shares which each of them now hold, and shall have the benefit of 

the whole of the profits of the Bank to the time of its adoption by the state. Also, 

the profits shall be divided in such proportions as they may be entitled to from the 

number of shares which each stockholder owns; and no stockholder of the present 

bank shall be permitted to subscribe for any more stock in the bank at any time 

hereafter. 

2. The General Assembly shall at its first session, provide by law, that 

books shall be opened in every county in the state, under the direction of proper 

persons to receive subscriptions for five millions of stock in said bank, which shall 

be secured upon real estate in this state, and owned by citizens resident therein, 

and no person shall ever own any stock in this bank, who is not a resident citizen of 

the state. The new stockholders shall have the same priviledges as the old 

stockholders, and they shall secure their subscriptions on real estate, in the same 

manner, and draw out of the bank the same proportion of money, as is provided in 

the Union Bank Charter; and if the subscriptions, should exceed five millions of 

dollars, they shall be scaled down in the same manner as prescribed in said Bank 

Charter; and no new stockholder shall be entitled to more than one thousand 

shares in the bank. 

3. The State shall own five millions of the stock in said bank, and shall 

appoint by the General Assembly, five Directors, and the other stockholders shall 

elect eight directors. The state shall as soon as the whole of the stock is secured to 

her by mortgage, issue state bonds, for ten millions of dollars, to be negotiated by 

the bank at such times as may be necessary for the increase of its funds. The bank 

shall establish branches at such places in the state, as may be necessary for the 

benefit and convenience of the public when required by the General Assembly, or 

without the requisition of the General Assembly, if the President and Directors of 

the Bank, may think proper to establish any branch. 

4. The General Assembly shall provide by law for carrying into effect the 

establishment of this State Bank, and shall regulate the payment of interest on the 

state bonds, and the application of any surplus accruing to the state, after the 

payment of its interest for internal improvements in the state. 28 

From these proposed resolutions, it was clear that Fitzpatrick believed 

that opposition to the banks could be overcome by clearing up the 

conflict in the banking laws between public and private interests, a 

conflict inherent in the use of territorial faith bonds for the benefit of 

privately owned banks. 

Of the three banks which had been issued faith bonds, the Union 

Bank had been issued the greatest amount and was by far the major focus 

of the attack on the banks. In his proposal to the Constitutional Convention 

turning the Union Bank into the State Bank, with a major share of 

the profits of the bank going to the state treasury, Fitzpatrick hoped to 

defuse the criticism that the public credit was being used for private 

benefit. What Fitzpatrick's proposed compromise actually did, however, 

was to clearly and decisively foist off the problem that the Union

Richard Fitzpatricks South Florida 57 

Bank was having in meeting the payments on its bonds onto the State 

government. 

Fitzpatrick's resolution, or some variant, was evidently the main 

Whig solution offered at the Convention to the banking problem, other 

than just adamantly opposing any change at all. George Ward, later the 

Whig candidate for Territorial Delegate against Democrat David Levy in 

1841 and 1843, offered a similar resolution: 

... Mr. Ward, offered the following Preamble and resolutions. Whereas, it is 

deemed expedient by this Convention to limit the future legislative power of 

Florida, in the creation of Banks. Therefore, Resolved, That the following be 

adopted as an article of the Constitution. The power of the General Assembly shall 

extend to the establishment of one State Bank with branches, and no more. 

In establishing said State Bank, the General Assembly may charter a new 

institution, or adopt one of the existing Banks heretofore chartered by the Legislature 

of the Territory, such existing Bank to conform to such rules, and regulations, 

as the General Assembly may provide. 

And whereas, it is deemed by many that the charter of the Union Bank of 

Florida, in which the faith of the Territory has been pledged by the Legislature 

thereof, does not sufficiently assure to the Territory the inviolable appropriation of 

the assets of the Bank, and securities given under the charter to the release and 

discharge of the Territory from her liability in virtue of said pledge. And whereas, 

the stockholders in said Union Bank are affirmed to this Convention to be willing 

to make and execute any further acknowledgement, Lien, or obligations necessary 

and proper, and not inconsistent with said Charter. Therefore, Resolved, by this 

Convention, that the Territorial Legislature shall provide by law, the manner and 

mode in which the foregoing shall be carried out. And further, shall appoint a 

committee to examine the affairs of said Bank, and make full and true report 

thereof. 29 

As more and more votes were taken on various restrictive banking 

resolutions and it became clear that the Whigs were outnumbered, 

Fitzpatrick began to express his disagreement with the anti-bank group's 

ideas more and more strictly, beginning in a humorous manner and 

ending bitterly. After Mr. Read, of Leon, moved that persons appointed 

to inspect the banks should "not be connected in any manner, with any 

Bank in the state", Fitzpatrick, 

... offered the following additional clause, to the section. 

And it shall be the duty of the President and Directors of every Bank in the 

State, to have a room prepared in their respective Banks, in which they shall keep a 

plentiful supply of the best liquors, wines and cigars, for the use of the visitors and 

inspectors of the Banks.. 3 

After one particularly long and rancorous discussion on the banking 

section of the Constitution on January 4, Fitzpatrick "moved that the 

further consideration of the articles and resolutions on Banks, be postponed 

till the 4th day of July next." The vote on Fitzpatrick's motion

58 TEQUESTA 

proved to be one of the few victories for the pro-bank group, as the tired 

legislators agreed 29 to 27 to Fitzpatrick's resolution. The victory was 

short-lived, however, for after a recess of a few hours the convention 

reconsidered and voted against Fitzpatrick's resolution. 31 

When the resolution on Banking finally went beyond the amendment 

stage and reached third reading, Fitzpatrick made one final try for 

his compromise, moving "to strike out the whole article on Banks, and 

insert his resolutions." His motion failed, 39-14 32 and finally the entire 

anti-bank section of the Constitution passed, 35-19 33 

The day after the passage of the banking section, Fitzpatrick still 

continued to fight, lodging the following protest in the Journal against 

the Banking article: 

... I protest against the passage of the Article on Banking, and against its insertion 

in the Constitution; because, at the time of its passage from a second to a third 

reading, there was not a quorum of the members of the Convention present, and 

that every section after the seventh section was passed by less than a quorum of the 

Convention and because further, that the Convention has refused by a vote, to 

reconsider the aforesaid Article on Banking, for the purpose of adopting the same 

by a quorum of its members, and passing the Article by such quorum from a 

second to a third reading, which had not previously been done, thereby rendering 

said article on Banking, an improper and illegal article, which ought not to be 

contained in the Constitution of Florida. 34 

When the whole Constitution finally came up for a vote on January 

30, Fitzpatrick proved to be the most stolid and uncompromising of any 

of the Whigs; he was the only man to vote against the Constitution.3 5 

On the last day of the Convention, in a final gesture intended to 

embarrass the righteous anti-bank protectors of the people's funds, 

Fitzpatrick proposed "to relinquish any mileage or pay due him as a 

member of the Convention, if other members would do the same." He 

further moved that the vote should be by yeas and nays instead of by 

voice. Marvin, from Key West, belligerently taking up Fitzpatrick's 

challenge, "moved that each member who shall vote aye, shall be 

considered as having relinquished his claim to pay." The whole matter 

was dropped when Fitzpatrick's motion was laid on the table. 36 But 

Fitzpatrick, though he later became quite poor, never cashed his warrant 

for $444.00 for his Convention pay, an action expressive of the rigid 

notions of honor that Fitzpatrick believed himself to be defending 

throughout the banking controversy. 37 

Fitzpatrick was re-elected easily to the Councils of 1839 and 1840, 

and he continued his vigorous support for the banks. But the banking 

fight was one fight Fitzpatrick did not win. Toward the end of the 1840


session, during Fitzpatrick's last days as a legislator, Fitzpatrick expressed 

his regret over the banking situation in a letter to Charles Downing, 

Florida's Congressional Delegate: 

... I am told that the new Governor is about to keep up a splendid military 

establishment; the poor Territory must pay for it, of course, and we shall have a 

real debt entailed on us to keep this department in Champagne and Segars. The 

Council will adjourn in 4 days after having examined the Union Bank under the 

Resolution of the Senate of the U.S. and made a report in which they demolish that 

institution altogether. Our Banks are certainly in a bad condition.. 38 

The social movement resulting in the formation of Florida's Democratic 

Party was far from revolutionary. The planter class all over the 

South later came to agree with the Democratic stand against easy credit. 

Yet, for a time, the movement did represent a challenge to the hegemony 

of the planter class. Furthermore, the challenge was quite successful in 

its own limited fashion. The banking controversy of the late 1830's was 

not the same as the former splits in the Territorial Councils among the 

ruling class; Fitzpatrick's role in the banking controversy was a defender 

of the planter class against its attackers. For awhile, on a limited but 

significant battlefront, the planter class in Florida was beaten, their 

economic and political hegemony shaken. Not until 1855, a full ten years 

after statehood, was another bank established on Florida soil. 

FITZPATRICK'S LAST YEARS IN FLORIDA 

In the same letter to Charles Downing of February 24, 1840, in which 

Fitzpatrick discussed the destruction of the banking system, Fitzpatrick 

outlined a plan to deal with other, more dangerous enemies of the planter 

class in Florida: the Seminoles and Seminole Negroes. It was not coincidental 

that Fitzpatrick mentioned both the Seminole War and the movement 

against the banks in the same letter to Downing; the two issues were 

linked in Fitzpatrick's mind as the two greatest challenges to planter 

hegemony which Fitzpatrick faced in his public life. Fitzpatrick's plan to 

end the Seminole War, as submitted in his letter to Downing, was the 

crowning and ultimate vision of a man whose public life in essence had 

been devoted to the suppression of the enemies of his class. Fitzpatrick's 

letter and enclosure to Downing read: 

Dear Sir: I enclose you the propositions of which I spoke in my last. I am not by 

any means disposed to make a jest of the Florida War more particularly of the 

means which can be used to put an end to it. I am fully impressed with the belief 

that the only means which can be used successfully are such as I now propose to 

make use of one thing is certain, that the people of Florida will have confidence in

60 TEQUESTA 

the success of them, and will aid them and themselves so as to stick to their little 

settlements and property in consequence of that consequence of the force 

employed being such as they can rely on to give them protection or at least to keep 

the Indians engaged at something else than house burning and murder... 

To the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress. The undersigned a 

citizen of the Territory of Florida would respectfully represent to your Honorable 

bodies; That the war with the Seminole Indians who have desolated and laid waste 

the fairest portion of Florida has continued since the massacre of the command of 

Major Dade in 1835 to the present time, and has baffled the skill and energy of the 

bravest and best Generals of the United States Army, and after four years of 

unsuccessful operations, and the expenditure of more than Thirty millions of 

dollars, those wily savages remain in the undisturbed possession of the country 

and are almost daily in the habit of committing the most horrid murders in open 

day without fear of being taken, or punished. Your memorialist does not intend to 

say anything disrespectful of, or calculated to bring censure on the American 

Army, but the experience of more than four years has proven that a different 

description of force is absolutely necessary successfully to pursue and destroy 

those murderous savages. Various plans have been adopted by the War department, 

and some have been suggested by Honorable members of Congress, all of 

which have failed when put in practice. The armed occupation Bill for Florida 

proposed to give a bounty of 320 acres of land to ten thousand men, which would 

be three millions two hundred thousand acres of land, besides an outfit, and 

provisions for one year, - Besides this the Government proposes to keep up a 

military force in Florida which of itself must be very expensive - The object of 

your memorialist is to make the following proposition to Congress. If the Government 

will agree to give me the same quantity of land as was proposed to be given 

under the armed occupation Bill viz. Three millions two hundred thousand acresto 

be selected by East and South Florida out of the public lands; and also to pay the 

sum of Two millions and a half of dollars in the following sums viz. Five hundred 

thousand dollars in specie in advance, Five hundred thousand dollars in six 

months after operations shall commence. Five hundred thousand dollars in Twelve 

months, Five hundred thousand in Eighteen months, and Five hundred thousand 

dollars after the Indians are killed or shall have been driven out of the Territory, or 

shall emigrate to the West in which case they shall be transported at the expense of 

the Government, or if the Government desire it your memorialist will remove 

them for an additional compensation to be adjusted on principles of Equity, - 

which Congress may fix at once if they so please. Your memorialist has resided in 

Florida seventeen years, and is probably as well (or better) acquainted with many 

parts of it as any white man living, and has served in two of the hardest Campaigns 

of the war without pay, and he has some idea of manner in which an enemy of the 

character of Seminole Indians should be fought and conquered. If any reference 

should be asked by Congress they are respectfully referred to Genls. Scott, and 

Clinch (late) of the regular Army. Genl. Call of Florida, and Genl. Armstrong of 

Nashville, Tennessee. The plan which your memorialist and those who will 

operate with him intend to pursue and adopt is to take to the woods like Indians, 

eat, drink and sleep like Indians; use all the arts and strategems which Indians do, 

and to fight the Indian in his own way - Your memorialist is certain that the men 

who will be employed in this service, are better hunters, better marksmen, and 

have greater powers of perseverence, energy, and endurance than the Indian 

warrior, and that under a system alone, such as will be pursued by your 

memorialist can such men be procured, and the war ended. If this proposition is 

acceded to by Congress I shall commence operations in June or July next, and will


finish the war in Two years or less. The summer months are preferred to commence 

operations in for many reasons. Indians are less watchful then and consequently 

more easily surprised and killed, they are more easily harrassed and bear privations 

worse than in the winter months; and by keeping constantly moving you 

prevent them from making any concerted movements against the settlements and 

effectually prevent them from making a crop. Your memorialist communicated 

with many of the best and most experienced officers who have served in the 

Volunteer Troops which have been operating in Florida and it is their firm opinion 

that any other mode of conquering the Seminole Indians than that herein proposed, 

will cost the Government millions upon millions, and require many years to 

accomplish this desirable object, and in the mean time Florida must be abandoned 

almost entirely before the Indians are driven out. Your memorialist believes that 

the people of Florida will have more confidence in the protection which they will 

have from the force employed by him, than in any other, and that, that force, (being 

principally Floridians) will use more efforts to give protection to their fellow 

citizens than any other force whatever. Your memorialist avers that it is not from a 

desire to make anyprofit to himself that he makes this proposition, on the contrary 

he wishes to make nothing for himself, he would prefer to give all he possesses 

small tho it be, to deliver his country from a savage and relentless enemy, who has 

laid waste and destroyed a large portion of it. It is such feelings that does induce 

him to go into the woods and seek the enemy, and with the hardy woodsmen who 

go with him, to drive the enemy from his fastnesses and subdue him. 

R. Fitzpatrick 1 

Downing submitted Fitzpatrick's plan to Congress where it was 

referred to the House Committee on Military Affairs on March 16, 1840, 

and never heard from again. Self-interested to such a degree that he 

needed to be self-deceptive, self-assured to the point of losing touch with 

reality, Fitzpatrick made his quint-essential statement in his plan to end 

the Seminole War, a monomaniacal vision of trampling down the enemies 

of the planter class and simultaneously becoming the largest and 

richest landowner of all. 

Fitzpatrick's enemies, however, ended by trampling on him. On 

August 7, 1840, a band of over 100 "Spanish Indians" totally destroyed 

Indian Key and forced the abandonment of Dade County to the Indians. 

It was the same group about which Fitzpatrick had warned then- 

Governor Call in 1835. 

While the attack on Indian Key itself has been described on 

numerous occasions in the past, for our purposes it is worth noting that 

negroes were among the group which attacked Indian Key, or that the 

Naval Officer in charge of the area later hinted that negro informants may 

have been involved in the coordination of the attack. Lieutenant 

McLaughlin's report to the Secretary of the Navy on the Indian Key massacre 

stated: 

That the Indians were conducted to this attack by some person or persons 

acquainted with the localities of the Key, cannot be doubted. Their landing was

62 TEQUESTA 

effected on the outside of the Key, at a point most remote from their approach, yet 

at a corner of the town uninhabited, whilst every consideration, if ignorant of this 

fact, would have induced them to have landed at a point directly opposite. Landing 

where they did, their retreat was liable to be cut off; and, but for the loss of his 

guns, there is every reason to believe that Mr. Murry would have effected this, in 

the destruction of their canoes,; whilst by landing at the opposite point of the Key, 

their retreat could have been securely effected on the approach of any danger. 

Again, negroes were seen among them who, with others, were heard to speak 

English, and these last not in the dialect of the negro. This information is gathered 

from sufferers by the attack. Lieutenant Commander Rogers, in the Wave, had left 

there but the day before for Cape Roman, carrying with him from Tea Table Key 

every man, capable of doing services, but five. That his departure was communicated 

to or looked for by the Indians, there cannot be a doubt. In the presence of his 

force, their invariable policy forbids the belief that they would have ventured upon 

the attack. 2 

The presence of negroes in the attacking force on Indian Key makes it 

even clearer that whatever effect the Second Seminole War had on 

subsequent Dade County history must be attributed to insurrectionary 

negroes as well as Seminoles. 

The destruction of Indian Key effectively destroyed Fitzpatrick's 

hopes for Dade County. He chose not to run again for the Legislative 

Council in the October elections of 1840, indicating that he had probably 

left the area or was planning on leaving the area by the time of the 

October elections. While such evidence is not conclusive as to his 

intention, it is highly doubtful that as highly political a man as Fitzpatrick 

would have given up his seat on the Council voluntarily for any reason 

less compelling than a decision to leave the area. Fitzpatrick had left 

South Florida for certain by October of 1841, when he was mentioned in 

court papers as having returned to the area for a short visit. 3 

Fitzpatrick apparently did not leave Florida for the same reason 

many people did - that is, to escape creditors. Although he had been 

financially hurt by the Seminole War, Fitzpatrick did not owe any large 

sums of money to anyone before he left South Florida. His only liability 

was a contingent one, as he was in the process of defending the suit by 

Fontane & Company against him for around $1,600.00, which Fitzpatrick 

subsequently won. 

All these signs point to the destruction of Indian Key as the 

precipitating event which caused Fitzpatrick to leave South Florida. With 

the U.S. Government unlikely to take up his plan to end the Seminole 

War, the destruction of Indian Key must have made Fitzpatrick finally 

decide that the Seminole War might stretch on for a long, long time. With 

the Army ensconced on his plantation until the end of the War, Fitzpatrick, 

at age 48 in 1840, must have decided to try to start up his life again in


another area before he became too old to do so. Probably with such plans 

for a new life in mind, Fitzpatrick borrowed $21,391.00 from his sister 

Harriet on February 2, 1842, mortgaging all his lands and slaves. 4 By 

May 20, 1843, with the Seminole War officially over, Dade County's 

population decimated and his plantation in ruins, Fitzpatrick sold all his 

land on the Miami and New Rivers to his nephew William E English for 

$16,000. 5 

Fitzpatrick moved to Brownsville, Texas, which except for a few 

intervals became his home for the rest of his life. 6 Similar to his situation 

in South Florida, Fitzpatrick was one of the largest slaveholders in a 

Southern town without many slaveholders. Even the climate was similar 

to Key West and Cape Florida. But Fitzpatrick never recovered his 

wealth that had been destroyed by the Seminole War. For a time he even 

went to California with William F English, each to try his luck in the 

Gold Rush. 7 But by 1855, Fitzpatrick was described as "overtaken by 

misfortune and poverty, in his 62nd year, and in infirm health..." 8 

Fitzpatrick's life after Florida was not all bleak, however. He must 

have been proud of his military service in the Mexican War. He "volunteered 

at Camargo, in August, 1846, for the term of the war, and served as 

a private in Capt. McCullough's celebrated company, and was honorably 

discharged after the taking of Monterey. During this period of his service, 

he was, by permission of Captain McCullough, detached to serve on 

General Worth's staff, and he acted on that staff until the capitulation of 

Monterey." 9 After his military service, through his friendship with 

Senator Stephen Mallory, Fitzpatrick obtained several diplomatic positions. 

In 1856, Fitzpatrick was appointed Special Commissioner of the 

United States to the Government of Paraguay, and then in 1858 was 

appointed Consul of the United States at Matamoros, Mexico, right 

across the border from Brownsville. 10 With the start of the Civil War in 

1861, Fitzpatrick became the Commercial Agent for the Confederacy in 

Matamoros. He served for several more years in this position for the 

Confederacy, but his health was failing." He died in 1865 in Matamoros, 

aged 73, a poor man worth only $100 or so. 12 Fitzpatrick's life had ended 

far differently than he had once envisioned, when he dreamed of owning 

over three million acres of Florida land, or merely dreamed of his 

precedence over a South Florida filled with plantations. 

CONCLUSION 

It is asked why South Florida today speaks only through me of capabilities, which 

she has failed hitherto to make herself visibly patent to the world? The answer is at

64 TEQUESTA 

hand and will convince the most skeptical. War, cruel war, not such war as is said 

to be 'the game of kings, whose pawn are men, and stakes are empires;' but war! 

war with savages! the midnight torch, the tomahawk and scalping knife. For many 

long years was the settlement of the country outside of our island the scene of 

savage warfare with the Seminole Indians in our Territory, aided by bands of other 

tribes from abroad. The smouldering and blackened ruins of farmhouses, the 

mutilated bodies of women and children, testify to the causes which have impeded 

settlement and agricultural advancement.' 

Water C. Maloney 

Although William E English worked Fitzpatrick's plantation for a 

while after the end of the Seminole War, he eventually abandoned the 

plantation during the Third Seminole War and went to look for gold in 

California. 2 Other men periodically voiced their belief that South Florida 

was a prime location for planters looking for new land, such as the 1851 

Florida legislative committee which reported that South Florida had 

excellent land for growing tobacco, rice, arrow root, sweet potatoes, 

castor oil, indigo, coconuts, limes, guavas, citrons, lemons, gherkins, 

and bell peppers. 3 Notwithstanding these glimmerings of hope for a 

plantation society in South Florida, the prospects for such a society had 

reached their zenith in the 1830's, when it actually seemed that the 

immigration of significant numbers of sugar planters was just a matter of 

a short time. When the Seminoles and Seminole Negroes destroyed 

Fitzpatrick's prospects, they destroyed South Florida's prospects for a 

plantation-based society as well. 

The actions of the Seminoles and Seminole Negroes thus had 

profound effects on the future on the whole South Florida region. While 

it is impossible to say with certainty what South Florida would have been 

like had it not been for the Seminole War, at the very least the Seminoles 

and Seminole Negroes had cut off the possibility of the comparatively 

weak hegemony of the planter class in Key West being bolstered by at 

least a small settlement of planters in the Cape Florida area. At the most, 

the Seminoles and Seminole Negroes had prevented the creation of a 

society in South Florida similar to Middle Florida's, with large numbers 

of slaves, and port towns dependent on the existence of a plantation 

backcountry. Instead of such a society, South Florida was dominated in 

the antebellum period by a Key West in many ways different and 

independent from the rest of the South. Although insurrectionary negroes 

had lost their overall struggle for freedom in their loss of the 

Seminole War, in one area they had in a sense been victorious. By 

destroying the prospects for a plantation-based society in South Florida, 

insurrectionary negroes and their Seminole allies had gained a victory


for those negroes whom Fitzpatrick and his fellow planters would have 

dominated. 

Throughout his years in South Florida, Fitzpatrick consistently 

acted in ways designed to strengthen the hegemony of the planter class in 

the economy, society, politics, and ideology of the area. The planter class 

did maintain its hegemony in the South Florida area during the antebellum 

period, but in a different manner and to a different degree than in the 

rest of Florida, in particular strongly planter-dominated Middle Florida. 

Much remains unclear about the ways in which various classes in South 

Florida related to each other. This study of Fitzpatrick's life, however, 

has shed some light on class interaction, illustrating some of the struggles 

against and obstructions to planter hegemony, as well as suggesting 

that the difference in the degree of strength of planter hegemony was the 

major cause of South Florida's differences from the rest of Florida. 

Further comparative study is necessary in order to demonstrate conclusively 

that the causalrexus of South Florida's many differences from the 

rest of Florida lay in the differences between areas in the degree of 

strength of planter hegemony. It is enough, however, at least for now, to 

have learned that class struggle was a significant factor in people's lives in 

South Florida, and in particular, of the life of Richard Fitzpatrick.

66 TEQUESTA 

NOTES 

1. American State Papers, Documents of the Congress of the United States in relation to the 

Public Lands from the First Session 18th Congress, December 1, 1824-March, 1827. (Washington, 

D.C.: Duff Green, 1834), IV, p. 284. 

2. Key West Register and Commercial Advertiser, Vol. 1, No. 7, February 19, 1829, in Arva 

Moore Parks, "Miami in 1876," Tequesta Vol. XXXV 1975, p. 93. 

3. Dade County Florida, Deed Book "B," p. 172. 

4. Ibid., p. 216-217, pp. 269-71. 

5. Richard Murdock, "Documents Concerning a Voyage to the Miami Region in 1793," 

Florida Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXI, No. 1 (July, 1952), pp. 21-27. 

6. Dr. Benjamin B. Strobel, "Sketches of the Peninsula of Florida," Charleston Courier, 

January, 1836. 

7. Letter, James Gadsden to Quartermaster General, August 20, 1825, The Territorial Papers 

of the United States, Vol. XXIII, (Washington, D.C. U.S. Government Printing Office, 1958), p. 301. 

8. U.S. House of Representatives, Petition of William Cooley, Seminole Indian War Claim, 

Committee on Claims, H.R. 770, 27th Cong., 2nd Sess., May 24, 1842. 

9. U.S. House of Representatives, Bill 616, "A Bill for the Relief of Richard Fitzpatrick," 

33rd Cong., 2nd Sess., January 5, 1855. 

10. "Deposition of S.R. Mallory" U.S. Congress, House, Report of the Court of Claims, 

H.R. 175, 35th Cong., 1st Sess., 1858, pp. 14-15. 

11. "Estimate of Losses and Damages", Claim of Fitzpatrick. 

12. S.R. Mallory to Chairman of Committee on Military Affairs, Claim of Fitzpatrick. 

13. "Deposition of S.R. Mallory, March 28, 1858", Claim of Fitzpatrick. 

14. "Deposition of James Wright", Claim of Fitzpatrick. 

15. Julia Smith, "The Plantation Belt in Middle Florida, 1850-1860", Unpublished Ph.D. 

Dissertation, Florida State University, 1964, p. 52. 

16. Stephen R. Mallory to his son, Stephen R. Mallory, October 6, 1865, in "Diary and 

Reminiscences of Stephen R. Mallory", Typescript copy in Stephen R. Mallory Papers, Southern 

Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C., p. 177. 

17. Julia Smith, p. 214. 

18. Journal of the 1837 Legislative Council, pp. 84-85. 

19. Fitzpatrick to Simonton, Dec. 20, 1831. 

20. Fitzpatrick to Simonton, Aug. 20, 1832, enclosed in Simonton to Hayward, Sept. 20, 

1832, NA, GLO. Misc. Letters, Received. 

21. "An Authentic Narrative of the Seminole War", (New York: D. Blanchard, 1836), p. 18. 

22. Weilding, pp. 3-4. 

23. "Deposition of Richard Fitzpatrick", Claim of Fitzpatrick. 

24. "Deposition of Richard Fitzpatrick", Claim of Fitzpatrick. 

25. "Deposition of John Dubose", Claim of Fitzpatrick. 

26. American State Papers Military Affairs, Vol. 7, pp. 820-821, as quoted in Porter, p. 400. 

Fitzpatrick in the Second Seminole War 

1. Fitzpatrick to Call, January 8, 1835, 26th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 5, Senate Document 278, 

pp. 31-33. 

2. House Reports, Report No. 7, Committee on Military Affairs. 


4. James W Covington, "Cuban Bloodhounds and the Seminoles", EH.Q. pp. 111-112. 

5. Report of Richard Fitzpatrick to Governor Reid, in Appendix of Journal of the Legislative 

Council, 1840. 

6. Covington, pp. 114-115. 

7. Arthur L. Magenis to J.R. Poinsett, February 8, 1840, 26th Cong., 1st Sess., Senate 

Document 187, pp. 2-3. 

8. Covington, p. 119. 

1. Election returns, 1834. 

The Legislative Council, 1835-1840


2. Journal of the Legislative Council, 1835. 

3. Key West Enquirer, April 11, 1835, microfilm copy in P.K. Yonge Library of Florida 

History, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida. 

4. Memorial to Congress by Inhabitants of Key West, (NA, HF, 24th Cong., 1st Sess. DS), in 

Territorial Papers Vol. 25, pp. 196-197. 

5. Election Returns, 1835. 

6. Jefferson Browne, p. 52. 

7. "An Act to Incorporate the City of Key West", Acts of the Legislative Council, 1836. 

8. "Memorial of Monroe Citizens requesting new county", Legislative Council Committee 

Reports, 1836. 

9. "Original Bill Creating Dade County", Original Bills of Territorial Legislative Council, 

State Archives, Tallahassee, Florida. 

10. Journal of the Legislative Council, 1835, Feb. 14. 1835. 

11. Journal of the Legislative Council, 1838. 

12. "An Act to Incorporate the East and South Florida Canal Company" Acts of the 

Legislative Council, 1837, pp. 26-31. 

13. "An Act to amend an Act Incorporating the East and South Florida Canal Company", 

Acts of the Legislative Council, 1838, p. 74. 

14. "Petition of R. Fitzpatrick to Introduce Four Iron Steamboats Free of Duty", referred to 

Committee on Manufacturers, Dec. 31. 1840 (NA, HR 26A-G10.4, tray 668). 

15. "An Act to Incorporate the Southern Life Insurance and Trust Company", Acts of the 

Legislative Council, 1835. 

16. Appalachicola Gazette, Feb. 19, 1838, as quoted in FM. Hudson, "Beginnings in Dade 

County", Tequesta, 7(1947), p. 4. 

17. Genovese, Political Economy of Slavery, p. 21. 

18. Arthur W. Thompson, Jacksonian Democracy and the Florida Frontier, (Gainesville: 

University of Florida Press, 1961). 

19. Genovese, Political Economy of Slavery, pp. 21-22. 

20. Election returns, 1837. 

21. Niles Weekly Register, Vol. 52, June 17, 1837, p. 243. 

22. Their subsequent voting records in later Legislative Councils were solidly anti-bank. 




26. Journal of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates to Form a Constitution for the 

People of Florida, Held at St. Joseph, December, 1838, (St. Joseph, 1839). 

27. Tallahassee Floridian, January 12, 1839. 

28. Journal, Constitutional Convention, pp. 59-60. 


30. Journal, Constitutional Convention, p. 75. 







37. Statement No. 1 containing a list of warrants, Documents Accompanying Governor's 

Message, Appendix to Journal of the Legislative Council, 1844. 

38. R. Fitzpatrick to Charles Downing, Feb. 24, 1840, in Memorial of Col. R. Fitzpatrick 

proposing to End the Florida War by Contract, referred to Committee on Military Affairs, March 16. 

1849 (NA, HR 26A-GH.5 tray 669). 

Fitzpatrick's Last Years in Florida 

1. Memorial of R. Fitzpatrick Proposing to End Florida War. 

2. McLaughlin to J.K. Paulding, Aug. 11, 1840, in 30th Congress 1st Session, House Reports 

593, p. 373. 

3. Cottrell vs. Fitzpatrick, Court papers in Monroe County Public Library.

68 TEQUESTA 

4. Mortgage of Richard Fitzpatrick to Harriet English, Feb. 2, 1842, Monroe County Deed 

Book. 

5. Fitzpatrick to William E English, May 20, 1843, Monroe County Deed Book. 

6. 1850 U.S. Census, Brownsville, Texas; House Reports, Report No. 7, Committee on 

Military Affairs. 

7. N.H. Davis to Col. John English, Aug. 28, 1852, in Elisabeth Doby English, "History of 

the Means Family", Unpublished Manuscript in Means-English-Doby Papers, University of South 

Carolina, South Carolina Collection, Manuscripts Division, Columbia, South Carolina. 



10. Adelaide R. Hassee, Index to United States Documents Relating to Foreign Affairs, 

1828-1861, Vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute, 1941). 

11. Richard Fitzpatrick to J.P. Benjamin, Secretary of State, Pickett Papers, C.S.S. Vol. 8, 

Shelf No. 3, 744, Library of Congress. 

12. Richard County Probate, Estate of Richard Fitzpatrick. 

Conclusion 

1. Walter C. Maloney, p. 55. 

2. N.H. Davis to Col. John English. 

3. Reports of the Committee on Agriculture to the House of Representatives, January, 1851, 

in Committee Reports of early State Legislature, State Archives, Tallahassee, Florida.

Sugar Along the Manatee: 

Major Robert Gamble, Jr. and the 

Development of Gamble Plantation 

By Michael G. Schene* 

During the Second Seminole War (1835-1842), various proposals were 

advanced for permanently extinguishing the Seminole threat. Many felt 

that the most feasible solution to the problem would be to encourage 

immigration and settlement by white families in East Florida. 1 Advocates 

of a system of established settlements realized that the citizensoldier 

would provide the most effective force in suppressing Indian 

uprisings. 

The ardent expansionist Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri supported 

the concept and introduced a measure in Congress containing 

these features in 1839. Opponents stymied the bill for several years and it 

was 1842 before supporters were able to secure the passage of the Armed 

Occupation Act-the country's first homestead act. 2 As passed in August 

1842, it provided that anyone who settled in certain sections of East 

Florida could receive 160 acres of land. 3 

One of the first areas settled was along the Manatee River, where in 

1844, Major Robert Gamble, Jr. decided to establish a sugarcane plantation.4 

His action probably represented a group decision and was certainly 

the result of a number of considerations. 5 

*Previous articles in Tequesta by Dr. Schene are "Indian Key" (XXXVI) and "Not 

a Shot Fired: Fort Chokonika and the 'Indian War' of 1849-50" (XXXVII). Presently Dr. 

Schene is with the National Park Service in Denver.

70 TEQUESTA 

Although cotton remained an important cash crop during the 

antebellum period in Florida, its precipitous decline during the 1840s 

prompted many planters to look for more profitable staple crops, including 

tobacco and sugar. 6 Poor cotton prices, combined with Gamble's 

previous experience with sugarcane on his father's and uncle's plantations 

in Middle Florida, no doubt led him to search for lands suitable for 

the cultivation of this staple. 

"No mystical glamour of gold lured the Manatee Settler... [;] it was 

the... [fertile] soil that lured him - the wonderful agricultural possibilities 

of the place, the charm and intrigue that lay in its scenic beauty 

and its ever delightful climate." 7 Publicized as an agricultural paradise, it 

was the particular adaptability of this soil to the cultivation of sugarcane 

that attracted Major Gamble and other Middle Florida planters to the 

Manatee River. 8 Apparently their expectations were satisfied. Major 

Gamble, writing in 1851, emphasized this point stating that: "The cane 

cultivated in this State... is more perfect than in any other territory of the 

Union."9 

Major Gamble's first consideration in the establishment of his 

plantation was the purchase and continued acquisition of land. As stated 

above, the Armed Occupation Act provided most planters with 160 acres 

of free land, and more government land was available in quarter-sections, 

half-sections, and sections at a cost of $1.25 to $1.50 per acre. 10 Land 

could also be purchased from private individuals at $2.00 to $4.00 per 

acre. 1 Between 1846 and 1855 Major Gamble obtained land from both 

these sources in quarter-section, half-section and section tracts. By 1856, 

he had acquired approximately 3,500 acres which he secured for about 

$10,000.12 

Besides the land, the workers - that is the slaves - constituted the 

most important factor in the operation of a sugarcane plantation. Operating 

with the most primitive equipment it was back-breaking work to 

raise, cultivate, and harvest the sugarcane. Patience and real skill were 

involved in the distilling of sugar and molasses from the cane plant. 

When not working in the cane fields or at the mill, the slaves were busy 

tending other crops or engaged in the myriad other plantation activities. 

We do not know how many slaves Major Gamble brought with him 

from Middle Florida, but records show that in 1847, he had 70 slaves and 

by 1855, that number had increased to 151.13 Major Gamble probably 

purchased most or all of these slaves himself. Although fluctuating prices 

make it difficult to estimate the amount of money that Gamble paid for 

these slaves, they probably represented an investment of $100,000 to

Sugar Along the Manatee 71 

The Gamble mansion in the early twentieth century. Today it is restored and open 

to the public. 

$150,000. The were clearly the most costly factor in the establishment 

and operation of his plantation. 14 

All planters were faced with the problem of acquiring land and 

slaves. Some expenditures were also necessary for the equipment used in 

the transformation of the raw crop into a marketable product. The 

processing of sugarcane required an unusually large outlay of capital on 

the planter's part. Among the pieces of equipment included in the 

average sugar mill were a boiler, steam engine, horizontal mill (cane 

rollers), and kettles. All of these components had to be assembled and 

precisely integrated by a master craftsman, and located in specially 

designed buildings. It is not surprising that this apparatus could cost as 

much as $30,000 and more. 15 

The process of extracting sugar and molasses from the sugarcane 

plant may have been developed among the prehistoric tribes in Asia. 16 

The procedure was perfected in Latin America during the late sixteenth 

and early seventeenth centuries, and Florida sugar planters, as well as 

those in the rest of the South, used similar techniques in refining their 

sugar. 17The only equipment advancement during the antebellum period 

was the use of a vacuum pan. An expensive piece of machinery, it 

produced better quality sugar which sold at a higher price. 18 Its use, as 

well as the size and range of his equipment, indicates that Major Gamble 

was among the most progressive sugar planters in the antebellum South. 

Writing in 1868, he described his sugar works:

72 TEQUESTA 

I constructed two buildings.... No. 1 180 feet long and 40 feet wide... of brick: 40 

feet of the length 22 feet high in the walls, 9 40 do 17 do, 40 do 12 do and 60 do 8 

do. The drainage room being [sic] 60 feet long and having a brick cistern on each 

side the full length of the house and an additional building having a cooling room 

40 by 30 [feet] and a draining room 60 x 60 [feet] made of brick and covered with 

iron. I had two steam engines, one of fifty horse power to drive the cane mill which 

was a very fine and large one, as you may conceive, when I tell you that the top 

roller weighed 5 tons; everything on the premises was in unison. There were two 

ranges of boilers for evaporating canejuice [sic] each of 5 kettles, the largest in 

each range 500 gallons and at the head of each range a steam pan for granulating; a 

second engine of 8 horse power ran my grist and saw mill and supplied water to 

boilers which supplied the two steam pans with steam and ran a draining machine 

(centrifugal) during the rolling season. 20 

The cultivation of sugarcane is generally considered to have originated 

among the prehistoric tribes of New Guinea. During subsequent 

centuries, the basic techniques were assimilated by the Asians. The 

Arabs, through their contacts with the Asians, learned these procedures 

and introduced them into western Europe. Columbus, during his second 

voyage in 1493 to Santo Domingo, planted the first crop of cane in the 

New World. It spread rapidly throughout Latin America and the Caribbean 

Islands. A combination of fertile land, slave labor, and an accessible 

market resulted in extensive cultivation of sugarcane in this area. 21 

Sugarcane was grown in various parts of the South, including Florida, 

during the latter part of the eighteenth century, but it was not extensively 

cultivated within the United States untill the nineteenth century. Then, as 

before, it required a good deal of expertise and a great expenditure of 

labor to produce a profitable crop. 

The first task facing the planter was the clearing of his land. 22 An 

arduous job, it was an odious assignment given to the strongest oxen and 

the hardiest slaves. 23 Once the land was cleared, a crop such as Indian 

corn was planted in the virgin soil. It was followed the next year by 

ribbon cane, a hardy variety that would produce a fine crop on almost 

anyone's soil and under most conditions. 24 Sugarcane required a great 

deal of water for it to reach maturity, yet, like many other crops, it could 

not survive immersed or partially submerged in water. The maintenance 

of this delicate balance necessitated the use of a costly and complex 

drainage system. Planters employed practical logic in placing their 

ditches and canals, striving to create a system which would quickly 

dispose of any excess water, never allowing it to remain in the cane fields 

and possibly destroy the planter's entire crop. 25 

Planting was usually done in December or January, or sometimes as 

late as March. Four-, six-, or eight-horse plows were driven by the slaves 

and used to break up the ground and then harrow it. The plows were


taken across the field a third time, in the process gouging out parallel 

rows of deep furrows. Cane stalks were laid in the furrows in pieces of 

21/2 to 4 feet in length placed to form two parallel rows in the furrow, 3 or 

4 inches apart. 26 The cuttings were then covered with a layer of soil to 

protect them from the cold. As the young plants began to grow, the soil 

was slowly and carefully removed. Routine cultivation was continued, 

the cane remaining in the field as long as possible, and only the threat of 

frost drove the planter into the field to begin his harvesting. Seed cane, 

harvested at the same time, was planted as soon as it was cut or it was 

placed in long beds called mattresses and covered with four or five inches 

of dirt to protect it from the cold. 27 

To the untrained eye, the harvested cane field looked like a devastated 

area. However, to the planter this seeming disarray was actually 

ordered chaos and he well knew that this stubble would shortly produce 

new plants, called ratoons, which would grow to maturity and repeat the 

cycle. 28 The limit of the cycle varied from a minimum of two or three 

years in Louisiana to four or five years in Florida. 29 Major Gamble, 

writing in 1851 in response to a query from the United States Commissioner 

of Agriculture, made the following comments about the cultivation 

of sugarcane on his Manatee plantation: 

The culture of the sugar cane, on the large scale, is comparatively of recent date in 

Florida; our experience and knowledge of its culture are consequently imperfect. 

In South Florida, we find that our canes will rattoon [sic] well for five years; but I 

believe that the conviction is general, that we should not rattoon [sic] longer than 

three years; which, with the first or plant crop, makes a term of four years between 

each planting. The establishment of sugar plantations in South Florida is so 

recent, that no planter has succeeded in getting a full crop. Consequently no well 

digested system of rotation has been adopted. The system which I am adopting is, 

to divide my plantation into five equal portions, four-fifths of which will be planted 

in cane - the fifth to lie fallow. During the seasons of leisure, this portion will be 

prepared in the best possible manner for planting in the ensuing spring... The 

fallow land will be ploughed very deep, with four-horse ploughs, throwing it up 

into lands of seven feet, with deep water-furrows; into these furrows all the trash 

of the land and the rotten begassa [sic] of the preceding crop, together with any 

other manure which may have been prepared, will be collected. The land will be 

again ploughed with four-horse ploughs, bedding on the deposited manure; when 

this fifth is planted in cane, the oldest of the remaining sections will be ploughed 

out, and subjected to the same operation. By this system, a plantation will yield 

from 2,000 to 3,000 lbs. of sugar to the acre. 30 

The first cutting. of the cane inaugurated a season of frenzied 

activity that did not cease until the sugar and molasses had been sent to 

market. The cane was conveyed from the field in carts to the sugarhouse. 

This was generally a two-story structure and was usually 100 to 160 feet 

long by 50 to 60 feet wide. 31 Cane arriving at the sugarhouse was

74 TEQUESTA 

transferred from the bed of the cart through a large opening in the upper 

story of the sugarhouse where it was placed on a conveyor belt or fed 

directly into the sugar mill. 

The sugar mill, consisting of three (or more) rollers arranged in a 

vertical or horizontal position - and driven by horse or steam power - 

crushed the cane stalks, in the process extracting the juice from them. 

Major Gamble's sugar mill employed a fifty-horsepower steam engine to 

turn his conveyor belt and drive his massive set of rollers. 32 

While the bagasse (crushed cane stalks) continued along the conveyor 

belt, the juice was gravity fed through copper tubing or along a 

wooden sluice into two or more vats. 33 As the liquid flowed toward the 

vats filters collected the gross particles, separating them from the juice. 34 

Clarification was thus begun. In an alternate method, the impurities were 

allowed to sink to the bottom of the vat; the liquid was transferred 

through a movable copper tube into the next vat and this procedure was 

repeated several times. 35 The remainder of clarification, along with the 

next stage, evaporation, was done in a series of open kettles, from which 

the name "open kettle method" was derived. The kettles, made of cast 

iron, were set up in the center of the sugarhouse. Usually four (sometimes 

five) in number and arranged in order of size from largest to 

smallest (the largest kettle was called the grande, the second theflambeau, 

the third the syrup, and the fourth the battery), they were carefully 

positioned in a solid masonry foundation under which were contained the 

furnaces and the flue that conveyed heat to them. Precisely located, the 

furnace and flue were supposed to provide an even heat for the entire 

range of kettles. 36 On some plantations, like Major Gamble's, there were 

two sets of kettles to accelerate the manufacturing process. 37 

The raw cane juice was transferred from the vats to the waiting 

grande and a certain percentage of slake lime was added. 38 Applied to 

the boiling cane juice, the lime functioned as a catalyst, forcing further 

impurities from the liquid. As these particles bubbled to the surface they 

were skimmed off with wooden spoons and cast aside. When the sugar 

maker was satisfied that all these impurities had been removed, he 

motioned for the juice to be ladled into the flambeau. 39 

Passed into the flambeau (in a five-kettle setup the propre would be 

the next kettle after the grande), foreign elements were continually 

removed from the boiling cane juice. The constantly evaporating liquid 

was moved down the line of kettles until it reached the battery. The sugar 

maker stood at this kettle watching the boiling liquid slowly turn into a 

viscous mass, waiting for the moment to "strike." 40


He looks into the batterie, but sees more than is accorded to the vision of the 

uninitiated. The dark tumbling mass of liquid sweet, appeals to his judgement in 

every throe it heaves from its bosom; a large and ominous bubble will perhaps fill 

him with dismay; if the mass settles down into quietude, he will yell frantically to 

the old Argus at the furnace, to "throw in more wood;" perhaps the liquid will then 

dance and frolic, whiten and coquette, and then comes over the face of the sugar 

maker a grim smile of satisfaction, as he, with his wooden spatula, beats down and 

breaks up the bubbles, that might otherwise rise too high. Now also the sugar 

maker observes the syrup as it cools upon his ladle, and also sees if it will string 

into threads, for the critical moment is approaching, the "strike" is at hand. 41 

A slightly different method was to thrust a massive wooden spoon into 

the kettle, and if, when the spoon was withdrawn the syrup on it had a 

grained appearance and was so thick that it covered the spoon in a film 

and drained slowly from it, the mixture had reached granulation. Various 

methods, mostly unscientific and depending upon empirical observation, 

were used to determine when to strike. These techniques varied from 

plantation to plantation and the skilled sugar maker was extremely 

secretive about his procedure, realizing that to divulge his formula would 

result in the loss of his employment. On some plantations like Major 

Gamble's, a vacuum pan was used in the final stage of evaporation.42 The 

cane juice was transferred to the vacuum pan, where it was placed under 

pressure. The pressure enabled the juice to boil at a lower temperature, 

thus providing several advantages. The lower boiling point could be 

reached more rapidly, and reduced the possibility of the syrup burning, 

as it might in the battery. Also more sugar was obtained by this process, 

and it was of better quality. Because of the lower boiling point, of course, 

less fuel was needed. 43 

With the strike, the syrup was transferred into shallow wooden 

tanks, usually made of cypress, called "coolers." It was common to have 

at least six such coolers for each set of kettles. Following the completion 

of granulation, the sugar was transferred from the coolers to hogsheads 

and placed in the "draining room."44 The floor was composed of wooden 

scantling placed crosswise about a foot apart. Cypress or brick cisterns, 

16 to 20 inches deep, were built under the flooring, completely encompassing 

it. 45 The freshly filled hogsheads were placed on the scantlings, 

and allowed to drain. For the next 20 to 30 days, the molasses slowly 

seeped through the open joints of the hogsheads. 46 Then the hogsheads 

were calked and sent to market. The molasses was recovered from the 

floor of the cistern, placed in hogsheads, and shipped to market. 47 

New Orleans remained the most important market for sugar and 

molasses during the antebellum era. Planters sometimes transported

76 TEQUESTA 

their crop to other markets, where they hoped to receive a higher price. 

This practice does not seem to have been a viable alternative for most 

planters, with the result that they returned to the cheap market prices 

usually prevailing in New Orleans. 48 Although there is no direct evidence, 

Major Gamble probably shipped his sugar and molasses to New 

Orleans on one of the vessels that regularly plied the waters between this 

port and the Manatee River. 49 

Major Gamble in 1850, using the equipment and techniques described 

above, was able to produce 230,000 lbs. of sugar (230 hogsheads) 

and 10,000 gallons of molasses from 320 acres of land, using 89 slaves. 

From an investment of $82,650 ($25,000 for the sugarhouse and equipment, 

$5,000 for the land, and $53,000 for the slaves), he was able to 

realize a net profit of $9,000. 50 Gamble, at this time, was apparently very 

optimistic and the following year stated that 2,000 to 3,000 lbs. of sugar 

were possible from each acre cultivated. 5 1 Although his return from the 

land never approximated this total, he felt secure enough in his venture to 

continually increase his holdings in the early 1850s and before he left the 

area he had doubled his holdings both in land and slaves. 52 

Although the price for Florida sugar averaged 7 cents a pound 

between 1845 and 1860, the 1850s was a period when the price of sugar 

fluctuated dramatically- reaching a low of 31/2 cents per pound in 1853- 

and averaging for the decade about 6 cents per pound. 53 Even with 

careful management and a little luck most planters could not produce 

sugar for less than 4 to 6 cents per pound. 54 Gamble was one of those who 

was not able to survive at these low prices. He left the plantation in the 

spring of 1856, "when it was placed in other hands.ss 

Had Major Gamble been financially solvent he might have continued 

to eke out a living, hoping that sugar prices would rise, as they 

eventually did; however, facing a situation where he had creditors to pay, 

he could not wait for the market to adjust. The plantation was thus placed 

in the hands of his principal creditor, his brother-in-law Allan Macfarlan. 

Two years later, the plantation was sold to two Louisiana planters. 

On December 18, 1858, Major Robert Gamble, Jr., Nancy P. Gamble 

(John G. Gamble's wife), Catherine J. Hagner (John G. Gamble's 

daughter) and Allan and Julia Macfarlan sold the entire plantation to 

John Calvin Cofield and Robert McGroyson Davis for the sum of 

$190,000. 56 Included in the sale were 3,450 acres of land, 185 slaves, 41 of 

which were from the Nehamathla plantation in Leon County, and "all the 

mules, oxen, cattle, wagons, carts, and farming utensils of every description 

on or pertaining to the Manatee plantation... To have and to hold the


lands as described with the sugar houses, machinery, engines, sawmill, 

gristmill, dwelling house and other improvements." 57 Major Gamble, 

after the sale of his Manatee property, returned to Middle Florida and 

married Laura Wirt Randall, the daughter of Judge Thomas Randall and 

Laura Wirt Randall, and lived out the remainder of his life in relative 

obscurity in Tallahassee. 58 

NOTES 

1. East Florida included all land east and south of the Suwannee River. 

2. One scholar maintains that the Armed Occupation Act was not a homestead act 

but a bounty law offering an incentive, land, to those who would settle along the Florida 

frontier. George Stephenson, The Political History of the Public Lands (New York: 

Russell and Russell, 1917), pp. 115-116. 

3. The complete act can be found in Richard Peters, ed., The Public Statutes at 

Large of the United States ofAmerica from the Organization of the Government in 1789, to 

March 3, 1845, 8 vols. (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1850), 5:502-504; 

Dorothy Dodd, "Letters from East Florida, Florida Historical Quarterly, 15 (July 

1936):51-53; James W Covington, "The Armed Occupation Act of 1842," Florida 

Historical Quarterly, 40 (July 1961):41-52; John Mahon, History of the Second Seminole 

War (Gainesville, Fla.: The University of Florida Press, 1967), pp. 313-314. 

4. Tallahassee Floridian, September 28, 1888. Gamble was born in Richmond in 

1813 and died in Tallahassee in 1906. He lived on and helped to manage his father's and 

uncle's sugarcane, tobacco, and cotton plantations, and served briefly during the Second 

Seminole War. Michael Schene, "Gamble Mansion," Mimeographed (Tallahassee, Fla., 

1972), pp. 27-30. 

5. Major Gamble was joined by Joseph and Hector Braden, William Wyatt, and 

William and John Craig, among others. Hillsborough County Deed Book A, pp. 16, 48, 

81-82, 163, 179, Hillsborough County Courthouse, Tampa, Florida. One authority states 

that: "Many of the settlers in the Manatee section were men from Leon County who, 

reduced to financial straits by the failure of the old Union Bank, hoped to recoup their 

fortunes on fertile sugar lands of the Manatee." Edwin L. Williams, "Florida in the 

Union, 1845-1861" (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina, 1951), p. 88.

78 TEQUESTA 

6. E[zekiel] J. Donnell, Chronological and Statistical History of Cotton (New 

York: J. Sutton, 1872), pp. 206, 216, 230, 231; J.D.B. [James Dunwoody Brownson] 

DeBow, The Industrial Resources, Etc., of the Southern and Western States, 3 vols. (New 

Orleans, 1852-1853): 1, p. 149; Dodd, "Letters from East Florida," pp. 54-55. Williams, 

"Florida in the Union," p. 227, states that "low cotton prices had caused some Florida 

planters to turn to sugar culture." 

7. Lillie B. McDuffee, The Lures of Manatee (Bradenton, Fla.: The Manatee 

Historical Society, 1960), p. 14. 

8. In 1837, John Lee Williams wrote that the area possessed an abundance of 

hammock lands and a "soil [that] appears to be rich." John Lee Williams, The Territory of 

Florida (1837; reprinted with an introduction by Herbert J. Doherty, Jr. in the Floridiana 

Facsimile and Reprint Series, University of Florida Press, Gainesville, 1962), pp. 136-137. 

Hammock lands were considered to be the best cane lands in Georgia and Florida. The 

soil was lighter, warmer, and drier, so cane matured earlier there. "Moreover, sugar from 

such lands was equal to any in the South; its grains were not so soft and its proportion of 

molasses not so large as in sugar made on swamplands." Carlyle Sitterson, Sugar 

Country (Lexington, Ky.: University of Kentucky Press, 1953), p. 122. In 1843 Sam Reid 

surveyed the Manatee area for the United States government. He stated, at that time, that 

Gamble's land had an abundance of "1st rate hammock lands." Surveyor's Field Notes, 

United States Survey of Section 17, T34S, R13E, Survey conducted by Sam Reid in 1843. 

Originals on file at the Internal Improvement Fund, Elliott Building, Tallahassee, 

Florida. 

9. Report of the Commissioner of Patents for the Year 1851, Part II Agriculture, 

p. 327. 

10. Williams, "Florida in the Union," pp. 88-89. 

11. An examination of Major Gamble's indentures reveals that he paid between 

$2.00 and $4.00 an acre for the land that he purchased from individudals. Manatee 

County Deed Books, Manatee County Courthouse, Bradenton, Florida. 

12. A careful examination of relevant sources indicates that Major Gamble did not 

receive any land under the provision of the Armed Occupation Act. James W Covington, 

The Story of Southwestern Florida, 2 vols. (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Co., 

1957:1, Appendix B, pp. 422-451, includes a complete list of those receiving land. Also, 

the authoritative source is House Executive Documents, 28 Congress, 1st Session, No. 

70, which includes the official list of persons having received land. Gamble may have 

been barred due to the Act's provision that anyone owning land was not eligible. 

13. Hillsborough County Tax Books, 1847, p. 2; 1855, p. 7, microfilm at Florida 

State Library, R.A. Gray Building, Tallahassee, Florida. 

14. The price paid for a slave varied widely during the antebellum period, ranging 

from $500 in the early part of the period to $1000-1500 during the 1850s. Julia F Smith, 

Slavery and Plantation Growth in Antebellum Florida, 1821-1860 (Gainesville, Fla.: 

University of Florida Press, 1973), pp. 103-104. 

15. Sitterson, Sugar Country, p. 160. 

16. A.C. Barnes, The Sugar Cane (New York Interscience Publishers, Inc., 1964), 

pp. 1-7; Noel Deerr, The History of Sugar, 2 vols. (London: Chapman and Hall, 1949): 1, 

12, passim. 

17. Deerr, History of Sugar, 1:10. 

18. Sitterson, Sugar Country, pp. 145-146. 

19. We have substituted "do" (ditto) for Gamble's abbreviation (..). The first 

number in each of the following pairs represents the length and the second indicates the 

height along that length. 

20. Major Robert Gamble, Jr. to George Patten, May 5, 1868, Charles Patten 

Papers, Patten family, Sarasota, Florida, copies on file at Florida Division of Archives,


History and Records Management, Tallahassee, Florida [hereafter cited as Patten 

Papers]. Gamble also reported on his equipment in the Tallahassee Floridian, September 

28, 1888. 

21. WR. Aykroyd, The Story of Sugar (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1967), pp. 

10-17, passim; Deerr, History of Sugar, p. 12, passim. 

22. Along the Manatee River, the planter had to drain his land before it could be 

cleared. In his letter to George Patten, Major Gamble stated that he "devoted vast labour 

to draining [his] lands," Gamble to Patten, May 5, 1868, Patten Papers; Tallahassee 

Floridian, September 28, 1888. 


24. Ibid., 123. H.B. Croom, a Middle Florida Planter, reported in the 1830s that 

both ribbon and otaheite were grown in the peninsular state. Croom, "Some Account of 

the Agricultural Soil and Products of Middle Florida, In a Letter to the Editor," The 

Farmers' Register, 2 (June 1834): 1. 

25. Barnes, Sugar Cane, p. 120; Sitterson, Sugar Country, pp. 113-114. 

26. Sugarcane can be grown from seeds but then, as now, it was generally grown 

from cuttings. These were stalks about a foot long, each stalk having several joints or 

nodes. Once planted these cuttings could produce additional plants for several years. The 

cuttings were placed in the soil at intervals of 2 to 8 feet, depending on the fertility of the 

soil. Sitterson, Sugar Country, p. 114; Croom, "Some Account of the Agricultural Soil 

and Products of Middle Florida," p. 1; Tallahassee Floridian, September 28, 1888. 


28. At the harvest, the cane stalks were cut as close to the ground as possible. Most 

of the stalks were taken to the sugar mill and processed. The remainder, called seed cane, 

were planted as indicated above. The cane plant or ratoon did not die with the cutting of 

the stalk. Several crops could be harvested from the first cutting. The ratoon was 

cultivated in the same manner as the cutting. 



p. 327. Major Gamble disagreed with those planters who did not use their "trash" (cane 

leaves, cane stalks) and the bagasse as fertilizer. "Very few planters return their begassa 

[sic] to the land on which it grew... These planters do not reflect that they are removing 

from their lands those essential salts, without which it is impossible to produce a good 

cane, and of which there is only a limited quantity in any soil." Ibid., p. 328. Writing to 

George Patten in 1868, he called the removal of the trash and bagasse the "Louisiana 

method" and stated that those who tried it along the Manatee River failed. Patten Papers. 

He used the same techniques, indicated above, for the cultivation of both the seed cane 

and the ratoons. 

31. Sitterson, Sugar Country, p. 137. Major Gamble's sugar works were contained 

in two separate structures, the main building (180 feet long and 40 feet wide), and an 

additional structure 100 feet long and 90 feet wide. Gamble to Patten, May 5, 1868, Patten 

Papers; Tallahassee Floridian, September 28, 1888. 

32. Gamble states that his "top roller weighed 5 tons"; with two or three attached 

rollers, the set weighed at least 15-20 tons. Gamble to Patten, May 5, 1868, Patten Papers; 

Tallahassee Floridian, September 28, 1888. 

33. These vats were shallow, rectangular boxes of cypress plank, usually lined 

with copper or lead. Sitterson, Sugar Country, p. 140. 

34. Various methods were used in collecting these gross elements. Some planters 

used fine wire sieves placed at regular intervals along the length of the sluice. Other 

planters placed gauze sieves, such as cheesecloth, along the sluice, while others placed 

their sieves over the top of the vats. Sitterson, Sugar Country. 

35. Ibid.

80 TEQUESTA 

36. Ibid., pp. 137-141. 

37. Gamble to Patten, May 5, 1868, Patten Papers. 

38. This was figured at 6 to 24 cubic inches for every 2 to 3 gallons of juice. 


40. The "strike" was the exact moment when the sugar maker felt that this rapidly 

solidifying mass had achieved granulation. 

41. TB. Thorpe, "Sugar and the Sugar Region of Louisiana," Harpers New 

Monthly Magazine, 7(June 1853):765. 

42. Sitterson, Sugar Country, p. 143. Major Gamble stated that he had a steam 

(vacuum) pan at the end of each set of kettles. Boilers, driven by an eight-horsepower 

steam engine, furnished steam to these pans. Gamble to Patten, May 5, 1868, Patten 

Papers; Tallahassee Floridian, September 28, 1888. 

43. Sitterson, Sugar Country, p. 146. With the boiler furnishing steam heat an even 

temperature over the bottom of the kettle could be maintained. Thus the planter could 

readily predict when granulation was achieved. 

44. On some plantations, the draining room was located in a separate building, 

while on others it was located in the sugarhouse and separated from the grinding and 

evaporating equipment by a partition. Sitterson, Sugar Country, pp. 143-144. Major 

Gamble had a draining room in the main building and an additional building that 

contained a cooling and draining room. Gamble to Patten, May 5, 1868, Patten Papers; 


45. Sitterson, Sugar Country, p. 143. Major Gamble's draining room had a "brick 

cistern on each side the full length of the house and an additional building having a 

cooling room... and a draining room..." Gamble to Patten, May 5,1868, Patten Papers; 


46. Molasses was a by-product of the granulation process. A thick syrup, it 

naturally separated from the solid sugar crystals. 


48. Ibid., pp. 185-192. 

49. Major Gamble stated that "schooners can lay and take in cargo drawing 7/2 

feet 100 yards from the landing [his dock] which is within three hundred yards of the 

residence and three miles lower down [south of his dock] a vessel drawing 101/2 feet can 

receive her cargo." Phrases in the brackets were added by the author. Gamble to Patten, 

May 5, 1868, Patten Papers. His brother-in-law, Allan Macfarlan, also writing to George 

Patten in 1868, stated that "I have sat at the front of the house and seen a schooner landing 

with sugar from the plantation... Further, I have landed and embarked at a wharf about 

two miles from the house at a place belonging [to] one [Captain Joe] Atzeroth and from 

[the dock] the large Gulf steamers... [run] between N. Orleans and Key West." Allan 

Macfarlan to George Patten, December, 1868, Patten Papers. In the last sentence two 

words have been omitted and bracketed words substituted to correct an awkward 

construction. McDuffee, Lures of Manatee, pp. 78-79, says that Captains Tresca and 

McNeill transported the sugar manufactured along the Manatee River to market at New 

Orleans. 

50. Hillsborough County Tax Books, 1850, p. 3, microfilm at Florida State Library, 

R.A. Gray Building, Tallahassee, Fla., show that Gamble had 89 slaves and 1,208 acres 

of land. U.S. Census Office, Seventh Census, 1850, Agricultural Schedules, Florida, 

Hillsborough County, p. 111. U.S. Census Office, Seventh Census, 1850, Industrial 

Schedules, Florida, Hillsborough County, p. 203. These records show that Gamble had 

$82,650 invested in his business (Industrial Schedule) which included $25,000 invested 

in machinery (Agricultural Schedule). Taking the average cost of a slave at $600, the 89 

slaves would have cost him $53,000, and thus his 1,200 acres of land would have cost him


about $5,000, an acceptable and reasonable figure. The census data also show that he had 

1,280 acres of land but only 320 were under cultivation (Agricultural Schedule). 


p. 327. 

52. In 1855, he had 151 slaves and approximately 3,500 acres of land. Hillsborough 

County Tax Books, 1855, p. 7, microfilm at Florida State Library, R.A. Gray Building, 

Tallahassee, Fla. 

53. Smith, Slavery and Plantation Growth in Antebellum Florida, p. 215. 


55. Gamble to Patten, May 5, 1868, Macfarlan to Patten, December, 1868, Patten 

Papers. One scholar maintains that only those planters relatively free from debt were able 

to survive the low prices of the early 1850s. Sitterson, Sugar Country, pp. 162-165. We 

know that Major Gamble had incurred mortgages with R.L. Maitland and Co., William 

L. Donnell, and Alexander M. McConochice. Apparently unable to continue his payments, 

these mortgages of Gamble's were foreclosed on by these individuals. Macfarlan 

then intervened, assuming the mortgages himself. Manatee County Deed Book A, pp. 

183-184, Manatee County Courthouse, Bradenton, Florida. These foreclosures occurred 

before 1854, indicating that Gamble was having problems in the early 1850s. 

56. The family retained a mortgage on the plantation, thus enabling them years 

later to foreclose on Cofield and Davis. The mortgage was really held by Macfarlan since 

he had paid or was paying all the existing mortgages outstanding on the plantation. 

Manatee County Deed Book A, pp. 78-93, Manatee County Courthouse, Bradenton, 

Florida. This indenture is quite extensive and includes information not only about the sale 

of the property in 1858, but also alludes to the financial arrangements made by Major 

Gamble for his Manatee plantation, as well as other important pieces of family history. 

57. Manatee County Deed Book A, pp. 78-81. 

58. He married Laura Wirt Randall on April 28, 1857. Leon County Marriage 

Record Book A, p. 8, on file at Leon County Courthouse, Tallahassee, Florida. They had 

three children, two died as infants, a daughter, Katherine Elizabeth, was his only child to 

survive the rigors of childhood.


Source Document

LIST OF MEMBERS 

Members of the Historical Association of Southern Florida enjoy the 

ongoing program of the Association, the special events, meetings, program 

series and publications: the quarterly Update, calender of events, 

and director's letter; and the annual Tequesta. They have the use of the 

research library and the archives located in the Historical Museum. 

Membership revenues benefit the public service and educational 

programs and projects of the Association. 

The roster below is made up of the names of those persons and 

institutions that have paid dues since September 30, 1980. Those joining 

after September 30, 1981 will have their names on the 1982 roster. 

The following code designates categories of membership: "Individual" 

(I) pays twenty dollars per year; "Family" (F), twenty-five; 

"Donor" (D), fifty; "Sponsor" (S), one hundred; "Fellow" (Fw), five 

hundred; "Corporate" (C), five hundred; "Institutional Subscriber" (IS), 

twenty; "Life" (L), one thousand. Honorary Life Membership (HL) is 

voted by the Board of Trustees to recognize special service to the 

Association. The symbol** indicates Founding Member; the symbol* 

indicates Charter Member. 

Aberman, Mr. & Mrs. James Alexander, Ms. Romaine J. (I) Anderson, Tim & Ann (F) 

(F) Allen, Mrs. Eugenia (I) Anderson, William Way, M.D. 

Accornero, Felicia (I) Allen, Laurie (I) (Fw) 

Ackerman, Jean H. (I) Allen, Raymond (I) Anderson, Mrs. Thomas H. (I) 

*Adams, Mrs. Adam G. (F) Alterman, Richard (F) Andre, Mrs. Robert (I) 

Adams, Betty F. (F) Alvarez, Enrique (I) Angus, Mrs. Evalene K. (I) 

Adams, Eugene C. (I) American Bibliographical Cen- Ansin, Mr. & Mrs. Edmund (F) 

Adams, Gus C. (I) ter (IS) Apthorp, Mr. & Mrs. James (D) 

Adams, Mr. & Mrs. Nate L. Amerkan, Mr. & Mrs. Joseph Archer, Ben (I) 

(F) (F) Architecture Department South 

Adderly,'Mrs. Elaine (I) Ames, Minna (I) (IS) 

Admire, Jack G. (F) Ammarell, John (F) Arias, Joan (F) 

Admire, Mrs. Jack G. (F) Ancona, Mrs. John (I) Amsparger, Mr. & Mrs. William 

Albury, Mrs. Calvin G. (I) Anderson, Jerry & Gloria (F) (F) 

Albury, Dr. Paul (I) Anderson, Marie (I) Arvida Corporation (C) 

Alexander, Dr. & Mrs. Julius Anderson, Phillip R. (I) Asher, Millicent (F) 

(F) Anderson, Mrs. Robert (I) Atherton, Laurine E. (I)

84 TEQUESTA 

Atkins, Mrs. C. Clyde (F) Beery, Ana S. (I) Brock, Wallace D. (I) 

Atkinson, Judge Edith M. (I) Beilinson, Les D. (I) Broder, Dr. Lawrence (I) 

Atlass, Mr. & Mrs. Alvin (F) Belcher, Tony (I) Brogen, Mr. & Mrs. James (F) 

Atwood, Mrs. Charles F. (I) Bennett, Tom & Joan (F) *Brookfield, Charles (I) 

Averill, Joseph (F) Beriault, John G. (I) Brooks, J.R. (F) 

Ayash, Mrs. Sandy (F) Bermont, Mr. & Mrs. Peter (D) Broward County Archeological 

Ayer, Mr. & Mrs. H.E., Jr. (F) Biedron, Mrs. Stanley (I) Society (IS) 

Biewala, R.A. (I) 

Brower, Carl & Patricia (F) 

Baase, Donna (I) 

Biggane, Mrs. Charles F., Jr. Brown, Mrs. Andrew C. (I) 

Babson, Dorothy S. (I) (F) Brown, Mr. & Mrs. Bowman 

Bacon, Mrs. Jones (I) Biglin, Mrs. W.A. (I) (F) 

Baer, Mrs. Barbara A. (I) Bills, Mrs. John T. (I) Brown, Irma (I) 

Bagg, Mrs. John L., Jr. (I) Birmingham, Mr. & Mrs. Eugene Brown, Linda R. (I) 

Bailey, Leigh (I) (F) Brown, Maida F. (I) 

Baisden, Mr. & Mrs. Fred, Jr. Bischoff, Mr. & Mrs. Richard Brown, Mrs. Sylvia G. (I) 

(F) J. (F) Brown, Mrs. William (I) 

Baker, Charles H., Jr. (I) Bishop, Edwin H. (I) Brownell, E.R. (F) 

Baker, Joyce C. (I) Biscayne College (IS) Brunstetter, Mrs. Roscoe (I) 

Baldwin, C. Jackson (I) Bitter, Mrs. Barbara (I) Buck, Mr. & Mrs. B.E. (F) 

Balfe, Mrs. E. Hutchins (I) Black, George R. (F) Buck, Mr. James T. (I) 

Balfe, Roberto (I) Blackburn, Elmer E. (D) Buckbinder, Mark (F) 

Ball, Mr. & Mrs. Ivan E. (F) Blake, Maggie & Tim (F) Budd, Mrs. M.S. (I) 

Ball, Rod (F) Blake, Mrs. Richard E. (I) Buell, Mr. & Mrs. Ross (F) 

Ballou, Daniel (F) Blakey, Mr. & Mrs. B.H. (F) Buhler, Mrs. Jean E. (F) 

Banks, Col. & Mrs. Richard (F) Blank, Harvey & Joan (F) Buhler, Emil (I) 

Barger, Amy (I) Blazejack, Deena (I) Buker, Charles E., Sr. (F) 

Bardull, Thomas, Jr. (I) Bleich, Arthur (F) Buhrmaster, Mr. & Mrs. Nor- 

Barker, Dr. & Mrs. Dale L. (I) Blue, Mr. & Mrs. R.L. (F) man (F) 

Barnes, Col. Francis H. (I) Blumburg, Mr. & Mrs. David Burger King Corporation (C) 

Barr, Ms. M. (I) (F) Burglass, Milton E., M.D. (F) 

Barr, Melanie (I) Boaz, Barbara E. (I) Burkett, Mrs. Charles W., Jr. 

Barron, Ida W. (I) Boldrick, Samuel J. (I) (F) 

Bartless, Lewis & Yvonne (F) Bolt, Katherine (F) Burnett, Mrs. Robert L., Jr. (I) 

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Bassett, Mr. & Mrs. George R. Bonham, Jacqueline (I) Burr, Mr. & Mrs. Raymond O. 

(D) Borgognoni, Gregory P. (I) (F) 

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Batten, Mr. & Mrs. James K. Bowden, Beryl (I) A., Jr. (F) 

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Beaudry, Ralph (I) Bramson, Judith (F) Camp, Robert J., M.D. (I) 

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Becker, Earl (F) Breit, Charles (F) Carbone, Grace (I) 

Beckham, Mr. & Mrs. James Brewer, Thomas & Ronna (F) Card, Mr. & Mrs. James (F) 

K. (F) Brewer, Mr. & Mrs. Walter R. Carlebach, Diane G. (D) 

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List ofMembers 85 

Carr, Mr. & Mrs. Marvin A. *Combs, Walter (I) Daum, Mr. & Mrs. Phillip (F) 

(F) Commings, Arlene (F) Davenport, Carolyn (I) 

Carr, Robert S. (I) Conduite, Catherine (I) Davenport, Jean (I) 

Carroll, Mrs. Edith A. (I) Cone, Dee (I) Davidson, Mrs. Robert M. (I) 

Carroll, Elizabeth (I) Conese, Lillian (I) Davies, Joan M. (I) 

Cartee, Mrs. Horace L. (I) Conklin, Miss Dallas M. (I) Davis, A.B. (I) 

Carter, Ms. Beverly R. (F) Conlon, Lyndon C. (I) Davis, Mrs. Carl H. (I) 

Cary, Mr. & Mrs. Lawrence (F) Cook, Gary L. (I) Davis, Mr. & Mrs. Frank C. 

Caso, Carlos (I) Cookston, Dana Clay (I) (F) 

Cassidy, Opal (I) Cool, Stephen E. (I) Davis, Hal D. (F) 

Caster, Mrs. George B. (I) Coombs, William F., Jr. (I) Davis, Mr. & Mrs. James L. 

Castleberry, Hibbard, Jr. (F) Coon, Firman A., Lt. Col. USAF (Fw) 

*Catlow, Mr. & Mrs. William (ret) (I) Davis, Jim F. (I) 

R. (D) Cooney, Mrs. Robert E. (I) Davis, Marie (I) 

Cauce, Elena (I) Cooney, Thomas (F) Davis, Marion Peters (I) 

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Chaille, Joseph H. (I) (F) Davis, Rubie Thigpen (I) 

Chaille, Mrs. Josiah (I) Coral Gables Junior Woman's Davison, Mrs. Walter R. (F) 

Chalfant, Helen C. (I) Club (IS) Dawson, Phyllis (I) 

Chambers, Francis R. (I) Corlette, E. III. (S) Dearman, Rachel A. (I) 

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Chaplin, Katherine D. (I) Cosentino, Teresa (I) De Garmo, Mr. & Mrs. Kenneth 

Chapman, Arthur E. (I) Costello, Mrs. Gertrude (I) (F) 

Chardon, Roland D. (F) Costello, Mr. James (I) Delden, Mrs. Wilhelmina (F) 

Chase, Leah (F) Cothron, Pat (I) Denham, David B. (I) 

Chastain, Mr. & Mrs. R.B. (F) Cox, Plate & Edna (Fw) DeNies, Charles F. (F) 

Cheezem, Jan Carson (I) Craig, Dorothy (I) Detroit Public Library (IS) 

Chiaravallock, Mrs. Frank (I) Crainshaw, Mr. & Mrs. George DeVane, Jeene (I) 

Chowning, John S. (F) (F) DeVane, Rufus K. (I) 

Christensen, Mrs. Charlotte C. Creel, Earl M. (I) DeVarona, Frank (F) 

(I) Creel, Joe (I) DeWald, Bill (I) 

Christie, Mrs. R.B. (I) Crew, John W. (I) Diamond, Leonard J. (I) 

Christie, Francis (F) Criswell, Col. Grover C. (I) Dickey, Dr. Robert (F) 

Church, David & Louise (F) Cross, Mr. & Mrs. Alan (F) Dietrick, Yvonne (I) 

Clark, Bernal E. (I) Crow, Lon Worth, Jr. (F) Dine, Mr. & Mrs. Sidney (F) 

Clark, Betty Carman (I) Crow, Mrs. Mary Graham (D) *Dismukes, William Paul (Fw) 

Clark,'Janet (I) Crowder, Mrs. J. Fred (I) Dix, John W. (F) 

Clark, Kathryn (S) Crowder, Mrs. James F. (I) Dodge, Darlene (I) 

Clark, Mrs. Mae Knight (S) Cuellar, Dr. & Mrs. Jorge (Fw) Doheny, David (F) 

Clarke, Patricia (I) Culbertson, Mrs. Stephen (D) Donovan, James Maitland (I) 

Clearwater Public Library (IS) Cullom, Mr. & Mrs. William Dor, Jacob (I) 

Coconut Grove Bank (C) (Fw) Dorsey, Mrs. Mary C. (I) 

Cocozzelli, Fred (F) Culmer, Mrs. John E. (I) Dotson, Martha Jo (S) 

Coffey, Mr. & Mrs. L.F. (F) Culpepper, K.M. (I) Dougherty, Mr. & Mrs. James 

Cogswell, Mr. & Mrs. T.J. (Fw) Cummings, Sandra (I) 

(F) 

Cohen, Dr. Gilbert (I) Cunningham, Les (I) **Douglas, Marjory Stoneman (I) 

Cole, Carlton (I) Cureton, W.J. (I) Dowdell, Mr. & Mrs. S.H. (D) 

Cole, Mr. & Mrs. R.B. (F) Curry, Miss Lamar Louise (I) Dowlen, Dr. & Mrs. L.W., Jr. 

Cole, Richard P. (I) Curry, Mrs. T.C. (I) (D) 

Cole, Robert G. (I) *Cushman, Dr. Laura (I) DuBois, Bessie Wilson (I) 

Cole, Mrs. Wallace H. (F) 

DuBord, Valerie (I) 

Coleman, Hannah P. (I) Dade Heritage Trust (S) Duffy, Mr. & Mrs. E. Hugh 

Collier County Museum & Dager, H.J., Jr. (F) 

(F) 

Archives (IS) D'Alemberte, Mrs. Sandy (F) Dugas, Mrs. Faye (I) 

Collier Free Public Library (IS) Daly, Doris (F) Dumas, Ernest (I) 

Collins, Mrs. Virginia M. (I) Dane, George & Gail (F) Dunan, Mrs. G.V.R. (F) 

Colsky, Dr. & Mrs. Jacob (F) Daniel, Mr. & Mrs. W.A. (F) Dunan, Mr. & Mrs. Otis (F) 

Colson, Bill (S) Danielson, J. Deering (S) Duncan, Marvin L. (F)

86 TEQUESTA 

Dunn, Frances (I) Felton, Mrs. W.C. III. (F) Friberg, Richard (F) 

Dunn, Hampton (I) Ferendino, Andrew J. (F) Frisbie, Mr. & Mrs. Loyal (I) 

Dunty, R.P., Jr. (I) Ferguson, Mrs. James C. (I) Frohock, Mrs. Jack (F) 

Dunwoody, Atwood (F) Fernandez, Amando (D) Fromkin, Lynda (I) 

DuPuis, John G., Jr. (S) Fernandez, Vivian (I) Frost, Mr. & Mrs. Raymond 

Dupuch, Etienne (F) Ferrer, Jose P., M.D. (S) (F) 

Duram, Alice (I) Ferry, Rosemary (F) Fullerton, Mr. John P. (F) 

Duvall, Mrs. John E. (I) Fertucci, Tina (F) Fussell, Mr. & Mrs. J.E. (F) 

Field, Capt. & Mrs. Benjamin 

Eckhart, James (I) 

(F) 

Edward, Jim (D) Field, Henry (I) Gabler, Mrs. George E. (F) 

Eggert, Jim C. (I) Field, Mrs. Lamar (I) Gaby, Donald .(F) 

Eggleston, Jenette (I) Fields, Mrs. Eddie L. (F) Galbraith, Christine (I) 

Ehlert, Dr. & Mrs. E. (F) Fincher, Richard (I) Galletti, Suzanna (I) 

Ehrhardt, Mrs. Harriet (S) Findeisen, Bettie (I) Galligan, Jean B. (F) 

Eiben, Mrs. Carl (I) Finlay, James N. (F) Gallogly, Ms. Vera (I) 

Eichmeyer, Ann (I) Fischer, Mr. & Mrs. Frank (F) Gallwey, William J. III (I) 

Eig, Saul & Lois (F) Fisher, Mrs. Ray (I) Gannett, J. King IV (I) 

Eldredge, Mr. & Mrs. Charles Fitzgerald, Dr. & Mrs. Joseph Garcia, Francisco (I) 

L. (F) H. (Fw) Garcia, Kathleen (I) 

El Portal Woman's Club (IS) Fitzgerald, Mrs. W.L. (I) Gardner, Mrs. Dick B. (D) 

Ellenburg, Mr. & Mrs. James Fitzgerald, Mr. & Mrs. Willard Gardner, Don & Carol (F) 

(F) L., Jr. (D) Gardner, Donald F. (F) 

Elliot, Annette (I) Fitzgerald-Bush, Frank S. (I) Gardner, Mr. & Mrs. Robert J. 

Elliot, Donald L. (F) Fitzgibbon, J.M. (F) (F) 

Ellison, Waldo, M.D. (I) Flattery, Michael J., Jr. (F) Garland, James (I) 

Engelke, Syble (I) Fleeger, Mr. & Mrs. Darrell (F) Garrett, Deborah (I) 

Eppes, William D. (I) Fleites, Mr. & Mrs. Raymond Garrett, Lowell P. (I) 

Erickson, Mr. & Mrs. Douglas A. (Fw) Garrison, Susan K. (I) 

(Fw) Flick, Charles (I) Garavaglia, Louise (F) 

Erickson, Mrs. Melville A. (I) Flinn, Rep. & Mrs. Gene (F) Garvin, Carol (I) 

Erickson, Pauline O. (I) Florence, Robert (F) Gaub, Dr. Margaret (I) 

Ernst, Martha (I) Florida Atlantic University (IS) Garwood, Steve (I) 

Ernst, Patricia (I) Florida International University Gautier, Redmond Bunn (D) 

Escapa, Caesar (I) (IS) Gelberg, Bob (I) 

Evans, James (F) Florida Southern College (IS) Geoghegan, Howard & Maddy 

Everglades Natural History Asso- Florida Technical University (IS) (F) 

ciation (IS) Floyd, Shirley P. (I) George, Dr. Paul (I) 

Ewell, Mrs. A. Travers (I) Fonte, Joan (I) George, Dr. & Mrs. Phillip T. 

Eyster, I.R. (I) Fornes, Judith (F) (Fw) 

Ezell, Mr. & Mrs. Boyce F. III. Forsyth, The Rev. Ronald W. Gerace, Mrs. Terence (F) 

(S) (I) Gerber, Dr. & Mrs. Paul (S) 

Ft. Lauderdale Historical Soci- Gerhardt, David & Johanna (F) 

Fales, Donna (F) ety (IS) Gersten, Joseph (I) 

Farina, Mr. & Mrs. Joseph P. Fortner, Ed (I) Geyer, Elizabeth D. (I) 

(F) Foss, George B. Jr., Esq. (F) Gibson, John James (F) 

Farrell, John B. (I) Fowler, Mrs. Walter H. (I) *Gifford, Mrs. John C. (I) 

Farrey's Wholesale Hardware Fox, Chief& Mrs. Kenneth (F) Gilday, B.J. Jr. (I) 

Company, Inc. (C) Francis, Edward (F) Gillespie, Norman (I) 

Fascell, Dante B. (F) Franklin, Mitchell (L) Gimbel, Mrs. Pat (D) 

Federico, A. Christine & Robert Frates, Mr. & Mrs. William (F) Gluski, Henry Adam (F) 

(F) Frazer, Col. & Mrs. Fred J., Godbye, Cleo R. (I) 

Fee, Mrs. George (I) USMC (ret) (F) Goddard, Hilda (F) 

Feingold, Dr. & Mrs. Alfred Frederick, Mr. John M. (I) Goeser, Mr. & Mrs. Robert (F) 

(F) Fredlund, Mrs. John (I) Goldberg, Harold & Janie (F) 

Feldman, Barbara (F) Freed, Mr. & Mrs. Owen (F) Golden, Mr. & Mrs. William T. 

Feldman, Irving (I) Freedman, Anne (I) (F) 

Feltman, Mrs. Robert (F) Freund, Ingrid (I) Goldenburg, Phyllis (I)

List of Members 87 

Goldenburg, Mr. & Mrs. Robert Hagner, Casper (S) Hector, Mr. & Mrs. Robert C. 

(F) Halbert, Martha (I) (F) 

Goldman, Sue S. (I) Halprin, Dr. & Mrs. Kenneth Hefner, Steven (I) 

Goldsmith, Cornelia (I) (F) Heinl, Mrs. J.L. III. (I) 

Goldstein, Judge Harvey L. (I) Hall, Jane C. (I) Heller, Mrs. Daniel (I) 

Goldweber, Mr. & Mrs. S. (F) Hall, Mrs. M. Lewis, Jr. (I) Hellman, Mr. & Mrs. Roy (F) 

Gomez, Mr. & Mrs. Andres (F) Hamilton, Mr. & Mrs. Clinton Hencenski, Marcia M. (I) 

Gonzales, Louis (I) (F) Henderson, Muriel W. (I) 

Gonzales, Pedro (F) Hamilton, John C. (I) Hendry, Judge Norman (I) 

Gonzalez, William (I) Hamilton, McHenry (I) Hennessy, Mr. & Mrs. John E. 

Goode, Ray (S) Hammett, Virginia (F) (F) 

Goodhart, Dr. & Mrs. Bertram Hammond, Jeffrey, M.D. (I) Hennington, Annie Ruth (I) 

(F) Hampton, Mrs. John (I) Henriquez, David & Beverly (F) 

Gooding, Naomi Cornell (I) Hancock, Mrs. Cis. (F) *Herin, Thomas D. (I) 

Goodlet, Mr. & Mrs. James H. Hancock, Mrs. James T. (I) *Herin, Judge William A. (I) 

(F) Hand, H. Lana (I) Herman, Mrs. W. Fred (I) 

Goodlove, Mrs. William (I) Hanni, H.S. (F) Hernandez, Dr. Maria C. (I) 

Gopman, D'Vora (F) Hardin, Henry C., Jr., M.D. Herreshoff, Mrs. Rebecca (I) 

Gordon, Dr. & Mrs. Mark W. (F) Hertzberg, Mr. David (I) 

(F) Hardin, Fitzgerald, Dowlen, Hess, Dorothy (I) 

Gould, Patricia Lummus (F) Mekras M.D. (I) Hialeah Library (IS) 

Gould, Taffy (I) Harless, Gwen (I) Hibbard, R.W. (I) 

Gowin, Dr. & Mrs. Thomas (I) Harllee, J. William (I) Hicks, William M. (S) 

Goza, William M. (I) Harllee, John W., Jr. (I) Highleyman, Daly (D) 

Gracer, Gene (I) Harlow, Mr. & Mrs. John (F) Hildreth, Robert R. (I) 

Grafton, Mr. & Mrs. Edward Harett, Mr. & Mrs. James D. Hill, Bruce (I) 

(Fw) (I) Hill, Larry (I) 

Graham, Carol (I) Harper, Florence F. (I) Hillbauer, Mrs. William C., Sr. 

Graham Foundation Harring, Mrs. Margie (I) (I) 

Graham, Joan (F) Harrington, Frederick H. (F) Hills, Mr. & Mrs. Lee (Fw) 

Graham, Sandra (D) Harris, Col. Emrys (I) Hinkley, Gregg (F) 

Graham, Mr. & Mrs. William Harris, Gloria W. (I) Hingston, The Rev. Allen R. 

B. (Fw) Harris, Robert (I) (I) 

Gramling, Frank R. (F) Harrison, Mrs. Crutcher Field Hipps, Mrs. T.F. (F) 

Grant, Mrs. Hazel Reeves (D) (I) Historical Honor Society of 

Gray, Gloria H. (F) Harrison, John C., Sr. (L) Miami Southridge Senior High 

Green, Dan (I) Harrison, Mr. & Mrs. John C., School (IS) 

Green, Mrs. Lonsdale B. (I) Jr. (Fw) Historical Society of Palm Beach 

Green, Margie (I) Harrison, Mr. & Mrs. John H. County (IS) 

Green, Roy 0., Jr. (I) (F) Hodsden, Mrs. Harry E. (I) 

Greer, Mr. & Mrs. Alan (D) Harrison, Mr. & Mrs. Joseph Hoeffel, Mrs. Kenneth (I) 

Griffis, Mr. & Mrs. David (F) R., Jr. (F) Hoehl, Mr. & Mrs. John (F) 

Griley, Victor P., Jr. (I) Harrison, Mr. & Mrs. M.R. Jr. Hoffman, Mary Ann (I) 

Grinter, Mr. & Mrs. Robert B. (I) Hoffman, Dr. & Mrs. Donald, 

(F) Hart, Dr. Robert (F) Jr. (F) 

Gronberg, Donald (I) Hartog, Mr. & Mrs. G. (F) Hoffman, Wayne (I) 

Gross, Dr. Zade Bernard (I) Harum, David (I) Hogan, G.B., Jr. (F) 

Grossman, Michael (F) Harvard College Library (IS) Hogan, Mrs. Thomas D. III. 

Grout, Mrs. Elizabeth (I) Harwood, Mrs. Manton E. (I) (I) 

Gruber, Patricia (I) Hatfield, Mr. & Mrs. M.H. (F) Holcomb, Jack (I) 

Grunwell, George (F) Hauser, Mr. Leo A. (I) Holcomb, Lyle D., Jr. (I) 

Gubbins, John M. (I) Hawa, Maurice & Jean (F) Holland, Francine (I) 

Gullage, Richard H. (F) Hayes, Hamilton W. (F) Holland, Stanley & Thelma (I) 

Guyton, Mrs. Stewart (I) Head, M. Patricia (I) Hollands, Dick T. (F) 

Heard, Dr. & Mrs. Joseph G. Hollinger, Mrs. Barbara (I) 

(F) 

Holsenbeck, Mrs. J.M. (I) 

Haas, Ms. Joan G. (S) Hebrew Academy P.T.A. (IS) Holt, Mary (I) 

Haefele, Ralph & Dorothy (F) Hector, Louis J. (D) Hoover, Mrs. John (I)

88 TEQUESTA 

Horacek, Mr. & Mrs. Frederick Kammer, Mrs. Barbara (I) Knotts, Tom (I) 

(F) Kanner, Mr. & Mrs. Lewis M. Kobelin, Joe (I) 

Hoskins, Mrs. Eddie (I) (Fw) Kochritz, Ewald (I) 

Houck, Karen & Jason (F) Kantor, Mr. & Mrs. S. (F) Kokenzie, Captain H. (I) 

Houser, Roosevelt C. (I) Kaplain, Mr. & Mrs. Phil (F) Kollish, Mrs. Joseph M. (D) 

Howe, Mrs. Elden L. (D) Kaplan, James S. (F) Kolski, Alexander & Pat (F) 

Howell, Mrs. Roland M. (I) Karrenberg, Bill (I) Kononoff, Hazel N. (I) 

Hubbart, Phillip A. (F) Kassewitz, Mr. & Mrs. Jack (F) Korth, Valerie W. (D) 

Hudson, James A. (I) Kattel, G. Edward (I) Kratish, Robert (I) 

Hufsey, Mrs. B. (I) Kaufman, Barbara J. (I) Krichton, Mrs. Carl V. (I) 

Hume, Mrs. Charles Lea (I) Kaufman, Mr. & Mrs. Otto (F) Krohn, Edward (I) 

Hume, David (F) Kavanaugh, Mr. & Mrs. Daniel Krome, William H. (I) 

Henry E. Huntington Library & (F) 

Art Gallery (IS) Keep, Oscar J. (I) LaCroix, Mrs. Aerial C. (I) 

Hunt, Charles & Veronica (F) Keigens, Mrs. Gloria (S) Lake Worth Public Library (IS) 

Huntsberry, Mrs. Howard Y. (I) Keith, Mr. William V. (I) Lamberton, Mr. H. Christopher 

Huston, Mrs. Tom (Fw) Keither, Dr. Roberta (I) (I) 

Huszagl, Lee (F) Kelley, John B. (D) Lamme, Robert (I) 

Hutchinson, Mrs. Robert (I) Kelley, Kristine (I) Lane, Mr. & Mrs. Robert C. 

Hyams, Dr. Charles (D) Kelley, Mrs. Marilyn C. (F) (F) 

Hyde, Thomas & Christine (F) Kellner, Mr. & Mrs. Steven (D) Langle, David D. (I) 

Kelly, Mr. & Mrs. J. Terrance Langley, Wright (I) 

Jackson, Mr. & Mrs. F.C. (F) (I) Langner, Mrs. Mildred C. (I) 

Jackson, Mr. & Mrs. Jerry W. Kelly, Mr. & Mrs. Loyd G. (F) LaPorte, Peggy (I) 

(F) Kelso, John & Ann (F) LaRoue, Samuel D., Jr. (I) 

Jacobstein, Dr. Helen L. (I) Kemper, Marlyn (I) Larrabee, Charles, Jr. (I) 

James, Mary Crofts (I) Kendall, Peter H.F. (I) Lary, Banning Kent (I) 

Jemeson, Dimitri (I) Kennedy, L.D. (F) LaSalle, Mr. & Mrs. A.L., Jr. 

Jenkins, Elsie A. (I) Kenner, Mrs. Maynard (I) (I) 

Jensen, Bob & Helen (F) Kent, Mrs. Frederick A. (F) Lasseter, Harley O., Sr. (I) 

Johnson, David (I) Kent, Marguerite (I) Lawrence, Richard A. (F) 

Johnson, Rose Ann (I) Kent, Olga (F) Laxson, Dan D. (I) 

Johnson, Mrs. Westerdahl (I) Kent, W. (I) Leake, Martin C. (F) 

Johnson, William (I) Kenyon, Sue (I) **Leary, Lewis (I) 

Johnston, Mr. & Mrs. Thomas Kesselman, Michael N. (I) Lee, Nellie & Marty (F) 

McE. (F) Keusch, Dr. & Mrs. Kenneth Lehman, Ms. Joan (F) 

Jollivette, Mr. & Mrs. Cyrus (F) Lehman, Richard L. (I) 

(F) Key West Art & Historical Soci- LeNoir, Mayrene (I) 

Jones, Dr. & Mrs. Albert (F) ety (IS) LeShane, Merry (I) 

Jones, Mr. & Mrs. Arthur (F) Keyes Company, Realtors (C) Lesnick, Alan (F) 

Jones, A. Tillman (I) Kiem, Mr. & Mrs. Stanley (F) Levin, Mrs. Kitty Darling (I) 

Jones, Mrs. Edgar Jr. (I) Kilpatrick, Ronald (F) Levine, Dr. Harold (F) 

Jones, Mr. & Mrs. Jesse (I) , Kimen, Mr. & Mrs. Thomas, Levine, Oscar (I) 

Jones, Marie (I) Jr. (F) Lewin, Robert (D) 

Jones, Robert A. (I) Kincaid, Gretchen Hand (I) Lewis, Anne E. (I) 

Jones, Thompson V. (I) King, Charles E. (I) Lewis, Mr. & Mrs. William C., 

Jones, William F. (I) King, George E. (I) Jr. (F) 

Jordan, Mrs. June (I) Kensloe, Evelyn B. (F) Libert, Sharon (I) 

Joyce, Hortense H. (I) Kinzer, Mayor & Mrs. M. (I) Liles, Mrs. Clark E. (I) 

Jude, Mrs. James (F) Kislak, Jay I. (F) Lindsley, Mrs. A.R. (I) 

Julian, Mrs. Lawrence (I) Kistler, Robert S. (D) Linehan, Mrs. John (I) 

Junkin, Mr. & Mrs. John E., Kleinberg, Howard (D) Lininger, Richard (I) 

I (F) Kline, Cynthia (F) Link, Mr. & Mrs. E.A. (F) 

Junkin, Mrs. Stella B. (I) Klomparens, Phyllis (I) Lippert, Mrs. W.K. (I) 

Jupin, Ms. Elizabeth J. (F) Knight, Frasuer (F) Lipsky, Bernie & Terry (F) 

Jureit, Mrs. L.E. (I) Knisker, Mr. & Mrs. Kenneth Little, Robert & Beverly (F) 

(D) 

Livingston, John H. (F) 

Kahn, Donald (F) Knott, Judge James (I) Lloyd, J. Harlan (I)


Lohnes, Daniel & Doria, Jr. (F) McKinstry, Mr. & Mrs. John Martin, William R. (I) 

Longshore, Frank (D) W. (F) Martinez-Ramos, Alberto (I) 

Looney, Evelyn O. (I) McKittrick, Sarah L. (I) Martinsen, Mrs. Mary Ann (I) 

Lopez-Aguiar, Mr. & Mrs. Henry McLamore, Mr. & Mrs. James Maslanova, Elena (I) 

A. (F) (Fw) Mason, Mrs. Joe J. (I) 

Lord, William P. (S) McLaren, Donald (I) Mason, William C. II (I) 

Losada, Libertaue (I) McLean, Leonore (I) Matheson, Mr. & Mrs. Finlay 

Love, Mildred A. (I) McMillan, Dr. G. William (I) B. (Fw) 

Low, Robert W. (F) McNally, Mr. Thomas (F) Matheson, Mr. & Mrs. J. Henry 

Lowell, Mr. & Mrs. John, Jr. McNaughton, M.D. (I) 

(F) 

(F) McNaughton, Dr. & Mrs. Robert Matheson, James (I) 

Lowell, Robert & Pamela (F) A. (F) Matheson, R. Hardy (D) 

Lowry, Patricia (I) McNeil, Mr. R.C. (I) Mathews, Dennis D. (F) 

Loxahatchee Historical Society McNeil, Robert E., Jr. (I) Matthews, Ms. Delores W. (F) 

(IS) McPhee, Harriet (I) Matthews, Mr. & Mrs. A. Lamar, 

Lukens, Mr. & Mrs. Jaywood McVicker, Dan A. (I) Jr. (I) 

(F) McSwiggan, Gerald (D) Matthews, Mrs. Suzanne 

Lummus, J.N., Jr. (I) Madan, Richard (I) Claughton (I) 

Lunnon, Mrs. James (I) Maer, G. Miriam (F) Mattucci, Mr. Donald (F) 

Lunsford, Mrs. E.C. (I) Maingot, Dr. & Mrs. Anthony Matusek, Mrs. Virginia G. (F) 

Luskin, Mr. & Mrs. Paul (I) P. (F) Maxted, F.J., Jr. (F) 

Lutterbie, Patricia H. (I) Maione, Paul (I) Maxwell, Marjorie (I) 

Lutton, Mr. & Mrs. Stephen C. Malafronte, Anthony F. (I) May, Dr. & Mrs. John A. (F) 

(I) Malcomb, Mr. & Mrs. John (I) Mayer, Jack (F) 

Lynch, Mr. & Mrs. Stephen A. Maldonado, Dr. & Mrs. Adolfo Mead, D. Richard (D) 

II (Fw) (Fw) Mears, Rachel (I) 

Lyon, Eugene (F) Malkin, Donna (I) Megee, Mrs. B.L. (F) 

Lyons, Mrs. J. (S) Malone, Katherine (F) Mercer, Mattie J. (I) 

Lysinger, David (I) Malone, Mrs. Randolph A. (I) Merrick, Mrs. Eunice P. (I) 

Maltby, Mr. & Mrs. L.A. (F) Mesnekoff, Mr. & Mrs. David 

MacDonald, Margaret (I) Manconi, Dean (I) (Fw) 

Maclntyre, Mr. & Mrs. A.C. Mangels, Dr. Celia C. (I) Metcalf, Mr. & Mrs. George 

(F) Mangum, Mr. & Mrs. A.C., Jr. (D) 

McAliley, Mr. & Mrs. Thomas (F) Metz, Martha J. (D) 

W. (F) Mank, Mr. Phillip J., Jr. (I) Miami Beach Public Library (IS) 

McArthur Foundation Mank, Mr. & Mrs. Phillip J., Miami Dade Community College 

McCabe, Dr. & Mrs. Robert H. Sr. (F) Architecture Department, 

(F) Mank, R. Layton (Fw) South (IS) 

McCall, C. Lawton (I) Mank, Nancy (Fw) Miami Dade Community College 

McClure, Mr. & Mrs. John C. Manley, Miss Marion (I) Periodicals Department, South 

(F) Manly, Grace (I) (IS) 

McCollum, John I., Jr. (I) Manning, Mr. & Mrs. J. (F) Miami Herald Library (IS) 

McCorquodale, Mrs. Donald, Jr. Manship, Mrs. G.E. (F) Miami Public Library (IS) 

(I) Marchant, Michael J. (I) Miami-Coconut Grove Library 

McCreary, Ms. Jane (I) Marks, Larry S. (I) (IS) 

McCrimmon, C.T. (Fw) Markus, Daniel 0. (I) Miami-Coral Gables Public 

McDermott, Dorothy J. (I) Marlowe, Hellen L. (D) Library (IS) 

McDonald, John Kirk (F) Marmesh, Dr. & Mrs. Michael Miami-North Dade Regional 

McDowell, Chick (I) (F) Library (IS) 

McHale, William J. (S) Marshall, Muriel S. (I) Miami-Northeast Branch 

Mclnnis, Kenneth N. (I) Martin County Public Library Library (IS) 

McIntyre, Brookes (I) (IS) Miami-South Dade Regional 

McIver, Stuart (F) Martin, Mr. & Mrs. George P. Library (IS) 

McKellar, Mrs. James D. (I) (F) Miami-West Dade Regional 

McKenna, Daniel C. (I) Martin, J. William, CPA (F) Library (IS) 

McKenna, Mrs. R.A. (I) Martin, Mr. & Mrs. James O. Miami Times (IS) 

McKenzie, Dr. & Mrs. Jack (F) (F) Miccosukee Community Library 

McKey, Mrs. R.M. (I) Martin, Mrs. Sylva G. (I) (IS)

90 TEQUESTA 

Mickins, Rev. & Mrs. I.C. (F) Murray, John (I) Pancoast, Katherine French (I) 

Middlethon, William R. (I) Murray, Miss Mary Ruth (D) Pancoast, Mr. & Mrs. Lester C. 

Miles, Mr. & Mrs. R.S.(F) Mustard, Alice Isabel (I) (F) 

Millar, Mrs. Gavin S. (I) Mustard, Margaret Jean (I) Pappas, Ted & Cal (Fw) 

Millard, Dr. D. (F) Myers, Lillian (I) Papper, Patricia M. (F) 

Milledge, Deidre (F) Myers, Mrs. Walter K. (I) Pardo, Juan & Cecilia (F) 

Milledge, Ms. Evalyn M. (I) 

Pardue, Leonard G. (I) 

Milledge, Sarah F. (I) Nagel, Brent & Ellen (F) Pardue, L.G. III (I) 

Miller, Miss Bessie (I) Nagy, Shirley (I) Paredes, Caroline (I) 

Miller, Mrs. D. (F) Nance, G. Tracy, Jr. (F) Park, Dabney, Jr. (F) 

Miller, Mr. & Mrs. Dale (D) Napier, Mr. & Mrs. Harvey (F) Parker, Alfred (I) 

Miller, Mr. & Mrs. Dean R. (F) Narup, Mavis (I) Parker, Crawford H. (I) 

Miller, Janet (F) Naujoks, Mr. Walter (I) Parker, Robin E. (I) 

Miller, Mr. & Mrs. Thomas L. Nehrbass, Arthur F. (F) Parkhurst, Mr. & Mrs. William 

(F) Neil, Luise R. (F) D. (F) 

Miller, Mr. William Jay (I) Nelson, Doris E. (F) Parks, Merle, (I) 

Milner, Henri (F) Nelson, Theodore R. (F) Parks, Mr. & Mrs. Robert L. 

Mincy, Mrs. Evlyne (I) Netherland-Brown, Carl (F) (Fw) 

Minear, Mrs. L.V. (I) Nettleton, Danforth H. (F) Pares, Dr. & Mrs. Edmund I. 

Minor, Susan (I) Newberry Library (IS) (F) 

Minsker, Joel N. (I) Newbold, Edmund W. (F) Parounagian, Janice (I) 

Mizel, Earl S. (F) Nicholson, Allene (F) Parsons, Mr. & Mrs. Edward 

Mizrach, Mr. Larry (F) Nimnicht, Mary Jo (I) G. (F) 

Molinari, Dr. & Mrs. Robert L. Nordt, Mr. & Mrs. John C. (I) Passela, Mrs. George (I) 

(D) Norman, Dr. & Mrs. Harold G., Patera, Meridith (I) 

Molinari, Ms. R. (F) Jr. (Fw) Paterson, Mema (F) 

Monk, J. Floyd (I) Norman, Walter & Berta L. (F) Patton, Mrs. Dan O. (I) 

Monroe County Public Library Norton, Dr. Edward (D) Paulsen, William (I) 

(IS) Nuckols, B.P. & Jean (F) Pawley, Anita (F) 

Monroe, William & Ellen, Jr. 

Payne, Mrs. R. W., Jr. (F) 

(F) Ockree, Norma (I) Payne, Ruth (I) 

Monsanto, Judge & Mrs. J. (F) O'Connell, Peter J. (I) Peacock, Mrs. Albert, Jr. (I) 

Monsegue, Anita (I) O'Hara, Mrs. James (F) Peacock Foundation 

Montague, Mrs. Charles H. (I) Oliver, Dr. & Mrs. Robert M., Peacock, Mr. & Mrs. Lawrence 

Monticino, Mrs. Alma (I) Jr. (F) (F) 

Mooney, William J. (F) O'Marah, Mrs. J.F. (I) Pearce, Billee P. (I) 

Moore, Mrs. Jack (I) Orlando Public Library (IS) Pearson, Mr. Wilbur (F) 

Moore, Mrs. Jasper (F) Orr, Allyne S. (I) Peeler, Ms. Elizabeth (I) 

Moore, Michael (I) Orseck, Mrs. Robert (F) Peeples, Vernon (I) 

Mordant, Mr. & Mrs. Hal (I) O'Steen, Mrs. Edna (I) Pennell, Dr. & Mrs. J. Phillip 

Morgan Guaranty (C) Ostrenko, Witold, Jr. (I) (F) 

Morgan, Capt. Robert G. (F) Ostrenko, Witold, Sr. (F) Pepper, Hon. Claude (I) 

Morris, Mr. & Mrs. C.C. (F) Oswald, Mr. & Mrs. M. J. (F) Pemer, Mrs. Henry (I) 

Morris, Lucy (I) Otto, Mrs. Thomas Osgood, Sr. Pero, Joseph H., Jr. (Fw) 

Morris, Ms. Thomasine (I) (I) Perry, Roy A. (I) 

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Pushkin, Dr. & Mrs. Emanuel Robbins, Mr. & Mrs. William Saster, William (I) 

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Selby Public Library (IS) 

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92 TEQUESTA 

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Walaitis, James (I) Wilkinson, Judy (I) *Woore, Mrs. A. Meredith (I) 

Waldron, Mr. & Mrs. Edward Willey, The Rev. Seaver A. (I) Wooten, Mr. & Mrs. James S. 

J. (F) Williamson, Cadillac (C) (Fw) 

Waldron, Mrs. Neal (I) Williams, Mr. & Mrs. Dennis Workman, Mr. & Mrs. David 

Walker, Mr. & Mrs. Thomas B. (F) (F) 

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Walter, Mr. & Mrs. Albert P., Williams, Mr. & Mrs. Elmo (F) Wright, Mrs. Edward (I) 

Jr. (F) Williams, Dr. & Mrs. George, Wright, Dr. lone S. (I) 

Walters, Dorothy (I) Jr. (F) Wright, Jack L. (I) 

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94 TEQUESTA 

Yelen, Bruce (F) Zarzecki, Stephan (F) Zeller, Mrs. Leila (I) 

Young, Mary E. (I) Zaydon, Dr. & Mrs. Thomas Zimmerman, Mr. & Mrs. Louis 

Young, Montgomery L. (I) (F) (F) 

Zdon, Joseph P. (I) 

Zwemer, Mrs. Carl (I) 

Zapata, Albert & Jo Anne (F) Zeder, John W. (F) Zyscovich, Bernard (F) 

Zeder, Judith (F)

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