Editorial The - University of South Africa

EDITOR 

VASI VAN DEVENTER 

SUB-EDITORS 

KATE GRIEVE 

JOHAN KRUGER 

CARYL OCHSE 

MARTIN TERRE BLANCHE 

EDITORIAL COMMITTEE 

JINA IMRIE 

LANA-LEE KAGAN 

TRACY LAKE 

PAUL MAKENA 

LEANNE MANDIM 

BHAVNA NAGAR 

RONEL NEL 

RAKHEE SINGH 

JACO VAN DER MERWE 

DESIGN AND LAY-OUT 

ANDREÂ NEL 

Unisa Psychologia can be ordered at R25,00 per 

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from: 

The Business Section 

Unisa Press, Unisa 

P O Box 392 

Unisa, 0003 

Unisa Psychologia is sent free of charge to all 

Psychology students at the University of South Africa 

(Unisa) (excluding first-year students) 

The contents of this journal do not necessarily 

represent the views of the University of South Africa, 

and therefore the university accepts no responsibility 

for opinions expressed in this journal. 

The review of a book in no way suggests departmental 

endorsement of that book. 

Set, printed and published by the University of South 

Africa, 2002. 

# Copyright reserved. 

ISSN 0256-8896 

JOURNAL OF THE DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY UNISA

vol 28 2002 

Editorial 2 

Articles Ð Transformation through the adaptation of psychological and 

physical barriers: American students' observations of South 

Africa, a country (Audrey Ellenwood, Andrea Glesser, Megan 

Peugeot, Kim Snyders, Jillian Rapp and John Ellenwood) 5 

Ð The dangers of entitlement (F. J. A. Snyders) 21 

Ð An exploratory study of pedestrian traffic injuries at the 

University of South Africa (Madri Jansen van Rensburg, 

Kgomotso Rathlagane, Catherine Cosser, Kobus van 

Staden, Barbara Wade and D. Johan Kruger) 24 

Ð Die verband tussen die `time out'-metode en woedebuie by 

die kleuter (Zelda Cloete) 36 

Ð Differences in body image perceptions among adolescent 

males and females (Caryn Potash) 41 

Ð Die verband tussen persoonlikheidsfaktore en wisselende 

vlakke van Internetgebruik (Ilze Neethling) 48 

Ð Experiences of traumatic brain injury (Kate Grieve) 62 

Ð Evaluation of scientific articles (Sheree Clark, Karen Dick, 

Claudia Epprecht, Larise du Plessis, Lazarus Matlakala, 

Maggi Moremi, Lucas Raganya, Eileen Rich, Carol 

Richards, Narropi Sewpershad, Vicky Timm) 67 

Ð The psychosocial effects of retrenchment. A testimony of 

migrant mineworkers (B. L. Meel) 76 

Ð Ècstasy' use: motivational factors and awareness of 

Ð 

harmful effects (Jenny Terblanche) 83 

APPENDIX A 

Questionnaire on the use of Ecstasy and awareness of 

side-effects 96 

Ð Knowledge2go 101 

Ð Logotheraphy 103 

Ð Unisa centre for Applied Psychology 104 

VOL 28 2002 UNISA PSYCHOLOGIA 1 

contents contents contents contents contents contents contents contents contents contents contents contents

editorial editorial editorial editorial editorial editorial editorial editorial editorial editorial editorial editorial edit 

Editorial 

2 VOL 28 2002 UNISA PSYCHOLOGIA 

The editorial team for the previous 

issue of Unisa Psychologia 

indicated that the edition 

in question marked the beginning 

of an exciting new direction 

in the life of the journal. It moved 

away from publicising the activities of 

the University of South Africa (Unisa) 

Psychology Department to become a 

platform for entry-level plan academic 

publication. In addition it, became more 

student-driven, with the editorial process 

managed by an editorial committee 

consisting entirely of students. This 

issue is a product of the second student-driven 

editorial committee. At this 

stage most of the logistical problems 

have been sorted out and as the second 

generation, so to speak, we as a 

team have learnt from the experience 

gained by our predecessors and have 

entrenched the process further. 

This year the committee comprised not 

only the second-year Master's (MA) 

Clinical Psychology students, as was 

the case previously, but also, included 

the MA Research Psychology students. 

This created a surprisingly enriching 

context for our work. It was the first time 

that the two groups were required to 

work together on a shared project, and 

we were astonished at the level of expertise 

being freed in the interaction among 

the committee members. Our discussions 

of the articles submitted for publication 

created an understanding of 

psychology and its methodology that 

made the `dry' stuff of our undergraduate 

and Honours years suddenly appear 

much more exciting. 

We also learnt the hard way what it 

means to evaluate an academic article. 

Although those of us who did the Honours 

research methodology course at 

Unisa had some experience of peer evaluation, 

we were still overwhelmed by 

the responsibility of actually having to 

evaluate an article for possible publication. 

We workshopped a sifting procedure 

that looked good on paper but 

then turned out to be not so easy to apply. 

Despite being senior students, it was 

still difficult to decide to what extent a 

paper contributed to psychological 

knowledge and whether or not a certain 

methodological procedure was really 

appropriate in the context of the particular 

research problem. It was even harder 

to write suggestions for improving articles. 

Although it was not too difficult to 

differentiate between really good and 

really bad articles, it was very hard to 

pinpoint the difficulties that made an article 

problematic. We were allowed to 

consult members of the journal's editorial 

board, but we still had to formulate 

our own suggestions for the authors to 

improve their articles.

This led us to the realisation that there is 

a definite need for a carefully constructed 

rating scale for the evaluation 

of research articles. Like the previous 

editorial committee, we have to confess 

that although we followed a carefully 

structured review process, subjective 

choices sometimes had to be made 

based on our assumptions of what 

makes a paper appealing, informative, 

relevant and academically sufficiently 

rigorous to be published in a university 

journal. The point is not that these factors 

do not call for subjective opinion, 

but that a properly structured rating 

scale could go a long way to providing 

criteria to guide subjective decisions. In 

some instances the rating descriptions 

of the rating scales we used for evaluating 

the articles helped a lot to generate 

comments. In other instances the rating 

descriptions were hopelessly inadequate, 

even confusing. 

We think that using rating scales could 

considerably improve the reliability and 

the validity of evaluation procedures, 

provided that such rating scales are 

properly constructed, and that they are 

used with care and by knowledgeable 

people. In addition, the descriptions 

used for the ratings designed primarily 

for the evaluation of articles could have 

wider use than in the rating scale itself. 

These descriptions could provide very 

specific guidelines for authors of articles, 

especially authors who submit their 

work for publication for the first time.We 

hope the next editorial committee will 

take up the challenge of improving the 

rating scale we used, and perhaps write 

a paper about this. And maybe a Master's 

student would consider writing a 

dissertation on rating scales for scientific 

articles? 

It was the experience of being confronted 

with our own limitations and perhaps 

a need to regain control that 

motivated us to write a paper on the evaluation 

of articles. The paper had definitive 

psychological value. We learnt that 

many articles accepted for publication 

should have been rejected, and that a 

large number of initially rejected articles 

eventually turned out to be significant 

and influential contributions to their 

sub-disciplines. In some instances an 

editorial committee of senior students is 

quite capable of making informed decisions, 

but in other instances the members 

of the committee may not have 

sufficient experience. For example, senior 

students may be well equipped to 

decide on the appeal, informative value 

and relevance of articles simply because 

they are in tune with the readers 

of an entry-level publication. However, 

decisions about academic rigour and 

methodological technicalities may require 

very specific guidelines. We were 

told by experienced academics that the 

process of peer-evaluating articles gets 

easier as one gains experience and develops 

one's own set of internalised 

standards. However, at the present stage 

of our development, the idea of internalising 

standards and developing reflexive 

competence in itself feels somewhat 

beyond our comprehension. 

It is a pity that many of the articles submitted 

for publication were considered 

unpublishable, not because the research 

they reported on was below the 

required standard, but simply because 

the structure, presentation and style 

could not be rectified without totally rewriting 

the article. As it was, most of the 

articles recommended for publication 

required substantial changes. Many of 

the authors who were requested to re- 

VOL 28 2002 UNISA PSYCHOLOGIA 3

vise their articles understandably lost 

their initial enthusiasm for the project 

when confronted with the amount of 

work to be done and simply dropped out 

of the process. Because of this, more 

than half of the papers recommended 

for publication did not make it into this issue. 

Yet despite the loss, we still managed to 

put together an interesting mix of contributions. 

These articles certainly reflect 

the richness and diversity of human life, 

from anger tantrums in toddlers, the 

body image of adolescents, the plight of 

retrenched migrant workers, the use of 

Ecstasy, and the experiences of the 

brain injured to issues of pedestrian 

safety, Internet addiction and the phenomenon 

of entitlement. However, the 

article that is sure to attract attention is 

the one written by the American students 

who visited the Unisa Psychology 

Department during the first semester of 

2001, describing their perspective on 

psychological and physical barriers in 

South Africa. What makes this article 

particularly interesting is the fact that it 

was written before the 11 September attacks 

on the United States of America 

(USA). That event demonstrated the nature 

of barriers in a most dramatic way. 

The entire world watched as America 

dropped a giant barrier around itself, 

closing all ports of entry into the USA. In 

the months that followed, another kind of 

barrier became visible, namely the invisible 

barrier around the master mind behind 

the attack. The article opens up a 

rich field for debate and research. For example, 

it would be interesting to see an 

article on the nature and dynamics of 

barriers within, and around, societies. 

We hope that this second issue will inspire 

and motivate young researchers to 

work towards producing their own publishable 

work in future. Unisa Psychologia 

is not exclusive and meant for Unisa 

students only. Authors need not be affiliated 

with Unisa to be considered for 

publication in our journal. We would 

especially welcome contributions from 

senior students at other learning institutions. 

The editorial committee 

(Sheree Clark, Karen Dick, Larise du 

Plessis, Claudia Epprecht, Lazarus 

Matlakala, Maggi Moremi, Lucas 

Raganya, Eileen Rich, Carol Richards, 

Narropi Sewpershad,Vicky Timm) 

4 VOL 28 2002 UNISA PSYCHOLOGIA

Transformation through the adaptation of 

psychological and physical barriers: American 

students' observations of South Africa, a country 

Audrey Ellenwood, Andrea Glesser, Megan Peugeot, 

Kim Snyders, Jillian Rapp and John Ellenwood 

Bowling Green State University 

ABSTRACT Since its freedom from apartheid in 1994, South Africa has been 

going through a significant transformation process. This article 

overviews and discusses American students' reactions to the 

psychological and physical barriers that have developed among 

South African people across different contexts; home life, an 

administrative city, a university, a community project, an orphanage 

and a resort area. Lux's five-stage Model of Transformation order is 

reviewed along with two principles relating to the development and 

need for psychological and physical barriers when a country is in flux. 

The article concludes with a presentation of Lux's 12-step conflictresolution 

approach. 

`South Africa is richly endowed with 

great men and women in its political, 

cultural, religious and economic life. 

When they become free, they will 

show the world why this is the land 

of hope' (Christopher Crocker,1988). 

Without a doubt, South Africa 

is one of the most 

beautiful and breathtaking 

countries in the world. 

When visiting, one is completely absorbed 

by its magnificence. The friendliness 

and warmth that exude from the 

people in the country is part of what 

makes a visit to this area such a grand 

experience. Immediately, when a visitor 

steps out of customs at Johannesburg 

International Airport, the residents of 

South Africa convey an openness, responsiveness, 

willingness and pride in 

wanting to share their culture with foreigners. 

For Americans, experiencing South Africa 

is very comforting as there is an immediate 

sense of familiarity and 

association with the way that many people 

dress, the highway system, the 

southern California climate, style of 

buildings and homes within the cities, 

the shopping malls, the cars, the landscape 

and the food. The citizens of 

South Africa are extremely curious 

about the American culture and this 

curiosity leads to an incredible sense of 

feeling welcome. 

South Africa is a country that has recently 

abolished the apartheid system. 

Apartheid caused many internal divisions 

within the provinces and was a repressive 

system. However, one of the 

most prevalent remnants of this era has 


article article article article article article article article article article article article article article article article a

een the racially skewed issue toward 

the advantage of the white population 

(Ramutsindela, 2001). Apartheid had 

the vision of forming the country along 

racially separate lines. There were varying 

degrees of prejudice and discrimination 

that led to many divisions among the 

people. While the government had absolute 

control over non-whites, many 

observed that there was no effective political 

representation for these people 

(Lewin, 2000). Owing to this racial exclusivity 

that the nation was built on and the 

territorial construction of a white South 

Africa, there was no common national 

identity of the people (Ramutsindela, 

2001). 

The lifting of apartheid was viewed by 

many as a non-peaceful shift from minority 

white to majority black rule, as violence 

was almost a daily occurrence 

particularly in the black townships 

(Guelke,1999).The transition from apartheid 

to democracy has been a slow one. 

The acceptance of a non-racial government 

in the1990s by national parties has 

been significant in terms of the decline 

in the apartheid views and patterns. This 

process has required South Africans to 

redefine their identity in terms of the 

transformation into a whole society (Ramutsindela, 

2001). Since apartheid was 

lifted in 1994, the country of South Africa 

has been left in a state of political uncertainty, 

which the citizens are now working 

toward restoring. According to 

Ramutsindela (2001), the vision for 

South Africa is the creation of an opportunity 

society in which the pursuit of happiness 

is made possible by providing 

expanding opportunities for all. By engaging 

in optimistic and hopeful viewpoints, 

the people of South Africa will be 

able to find the strength and effort 

needed to restore their country to one 

of balance and equality. 

One aspect apparent upon visiting 

South Africa was the current state of interaction 

among the people of the country. 

In a country where there are differing 

opinions on national, regional and local 

affairs as well as strong cultural identities, 

an American visitor quickly becomes 

highly respectful of the fact that 

South Africa is not about a white/black 

issue. The situation is much more complex 

and relates to a white population, 

an Indian population, a so-called coloured 

population and an African population 

comprising different tribes within 

the country. Without question, South 

Africa has had to work hard to overcome 

long-standing alliances and affiliations 

(Borchert,1995). Readmittance into the 

new world, opening doors to foreign visitors, 

enhancing the economy, balancing 

a weakening monetary system, as well 

as establishing and maintaining peace 

among all the people represented within 

the country have created an extremely 

complex situation for South Africans. 

Yet, in many ways South Africa is moving 

ahead with great speed, fortitude, and 

hope. 

The primary purpose of this article is to 

convey American students' perceptions 

of a country in flux and transformation, 

as well as to describe their reactions to 

the physical and psychological barriers 

that were experienced by them in different 

contexts.The article is based on personal 

journal entries written by the 

American students relating to their daily 

experiences, interpersonal reactions, 

and interactions with the South African 

culture and population during a twoweek 

period. The second goal of the article 

is to provide suggestions as well as 


present a model that could be implemented 

and has primarily been successfully 

implemented in another 

country undergoing transformation. The 

model can help alleviate the stress that 

people experience as their country 

moves through a transformation process. 

The article was written for individuals 

who are directly involved in daily 

group interactions and decision-making. 

Specifically, the article is geared toward 

students, professors, university administrators 

and community members in 

general. 

Lux's Model of Transformation served as 

a base from which the American students 

were able to apply when observing 

the various contexts of South 

Africa. The stages of the model were 

used as a guide to assist the students in 

ascertaining and comparing how people 

within these various contexts responded 

and adapted to the transformation of order 

currently under way in South Africa. 

Groups, in general, have a tendency to 

go through stages in which conflict issues 

are approached, dealt with and resolved. 

Lux (1999) presented a fivestage 

model for describing the feelings 

that are experienced by a population 

when a transformation of order is implemented: 

The first stage, after the initial alteration 

of the repressive system, is a brief phase 

of euphoria. People are often optimistic 

about the changes being made, and 

they look forward to the prospect of collaboration 

with much hope and excitement. 

However, the state of euphoria is 

usually quite brief for as the process unfolds 

and the complexity for implementing 

change is introduced, reality begins 

to set in. 

The second stage is one of disillusionment 

and mistrust. The changes that occur 

can easily lead to friction, misunderstanding 

and various problems. 

As issues are discussed, the differences 

between people (e.g. speech, beliefs and 

traditions) become highlighted. 

Furthermore, issues take on different 

meanings. People begin to distrust one 

another and try to protect their own interests 

and personal agendas by defending 

their own perspectives of the 

future. Much personal energy is utilised 

in trying to convince the other groups 

that their beliefs, ideas and ways are the 

best. During this stage people are challenged, 

discounted, and decisions are 

made from meetings where discussions 

are usually highly critical and aggressive 

in tone leading to feelings of alienation, 

rejection, disillusionment and mistrust. 

The third stage is one of mutual recrimination. 

People begin to return one accusation 

with another. Reproaches 

between the groups become highly evident 

and insulting. Internal relationships 

become very strained and feelings of insecurities 

set in among these people. 

The fourth and fifth stages deal with different 

levels of understanding. During 

the fourth stage misapprehensions between 

the groups begin to be recognised 

slowly. People begin to accept the 

inevitability of mutual misunderstandings 

and they realise that a broader understanding 

can be achieved through 

learning and respecting different ethical 

and cultural systems. As mutual exchanges 

(which are often slow) occur, situations 

around people begin to change. 

The different sides become open to examining 

their different methods and opinions. 

As they enhance their understanding 

of one another and begin to 


create a communal decision-making 

strategy, people are able to take steps 

that will allow them to merge successfully 

into a solitary institution. In order 

for this phase to be successful, each 

side must be heard, acknowledged and 

respected. Yet, as misapprehensions 

are acknowledged during this stage, frequent 

regressions into the recrimination 

stage can and do occur. 

During the fifth and final stage a second 

phase of understanding is reached. 

While it is understood that the groups 

must understand, learn about, and respect 

one another's ethics, beliefs and 

cultural values, this has not necessarily 

taken place yet. During the fifth stage, a 

mutual tolerance needs to be reached 

by all parties in order to achieve unity. 

During this stage, people begin to understand 

that changes will not happen on 

their own. Desires must be communicated 

and conscious decisions made 

for the situation by the unified organisation. 

Conscious changes must be made 

to the internal situation of the merged 

society. 

At any juncture during this process, people 

will develop both implicit and explicit 

psychological and physical barriers in 

order to protect their internal state of 

stability, that is especially true for stages 

two to four. 

DEVELOPMENT OF 

PSYCHOLOGICAL AND 

PHYSICAL BARRIERS 

The presence of psychological and physical 

barriers was obvious in many of the 

places that were visited by the American 

students, which included a university, a 

neighbouring township of Pretoria, various 

villages, capital cities, homes, an orphanage 

and a vacation resort. The 

physical barriers set up by the locals for 

personal protection included explicit 

physical objects such as high walls and 

barbwire fences around homes; guards; 

dogs; burglar bars, alarm systems in 

homes and cars; and series of locks 

and multiple doors to enter a home. 

These barriers are very unnatural to 

American visitors. 

The fences in America are usually three 

to four foot high and are erected to keep 

small children or animals from running 

out of a yard.The fences enclose a small 

area (e.g. backyard) and are decorative 

in nature. Barbwire fences are typically 

only used by American farmers to keep 

large animals confined to a space, or by 

the United States prison system to keep 

prisoners within the jail premises. 

Fences are not typically used by Americans 

to keep people out or for security 

purposes. Most American homes are 

open and their manicured lawns gently 

roll into one another. Consequently, for 

Americans to see the unfamiliar African 

landscape of high walls with barbwire 

fences was a foreign concept that was 

difficult to understand. 

Stoll-Kleeman, O'Riordan and Jaeger 

(2000) introduced several potential psychological 

barriers (a state of mind that 

impedes on one's ability to trust and interact 

with another in order to rationalise 

why they should or should not act according 

to individual or collective measures 

for change). Two psychological 

barriers that appeared to pertain to people 

across all areas within South Africa 

were the comfort interpretation and the 

tragedy-of-the-commons interpretation. 

The comfort interpretation suggests that 

people find it very difficult to take part in 

personal sacrifices for the betterment of 


societal gain. Many people are unwilling 

to change their views and lifestyles 

when they are unable to relate to an immediate, 

larger societal gain. If people 

choose to sacrifice their personal belongings 

or style of living there is no 

guarantee that their society will improve 

and they may be putting themselves at 

personal risk. According to Stoll-Kleeman, 

et al. this is a double-edged sword 

as a society will not change for the better 

unless people begin to alter their daily 

style of living, which may include making 

sacrifices. The tragedy-of-the-commons 

interpretation is where people consciously 

or unconsciously block change 

as they become fearful. They believe 

that if they change there is a strong risk 

that they will lose their personal freedom. 

The risk of losing individual freedom 

where one is already comfortable 

is too great, especially when the change 

or sacrifice emerges into an uncertain 

future. 

In addition to the explicit physical barriers, 

implicit barriers such as advice given 

to residents when travelling outside 

of their home (e.g. watch your purse, do 

not wear a seatbelt in case the car is hijacked, 

be cautious, stay in groups, do 

not walk the neighbourhoods at night, 

do not wear a lot of jewelry) were also 

evident and very difficult for American 

visitors to relate to. 

Physical and psychological barriers are 

established to protect oneself, and one's 

family and society. They develop out of 

fear, necessity, personal experience, observations, 

media hysteria and reporting 

of crime, as well as one's own internal 

belief system. Physical and psychological 

barriers are difficult to dissolve because 

to do so one must believe that 

one and one's family will be safe. 

Physical and Psychological 

Barriers in Various Contexts 

The homes in South Africa range from 

being extremely beautiful to being very 

dilapidated. The dwellings varied from 

beautiful, single-family homes surrounded 

by immense tropical gardens 

with in-ground pools, and multi-storey 

flats, to simple shelters of sticks and 

stones or wooden planks and plastic 

sheeting to mud and thatched houses. 

Many of the homes were extremely inviting 

on the inside, however, from outside 

the perspective was very different. Aspects 

that remained constant, regardless 

of the value of the home, were the 

presence of locked gates and fences. 

Burglar bars on the windows were not 

immediately visible from the street because 

they were camouflaged by a multitude 

of trees, shrubs and plants. The 

dense vegetation not only built a physical 

barrier for those in the home, but 

people outside the home were segregated 

from the happenings on the inside. 

In addition to the vegetation inside the 

fences, many homes had several dogs 

running around their yards. The presence 

of the animals prevents families 

from being burgled or bothered by beggars 

coming to the fence. The impediment 

created by the animals not only 

enforces a physical barrier, but also creates 

a psychological barrier. Psychologically, 

the dogs allow families to feel safe. 

An implicit psychological barrier that 

was noted at various homes visited 

deals with the welfare of the adolescent/adult 

children when they leave the 

house. Adolescent and adult children 

are constantly reminded to keep their 

cars doors locked while driving in order 

to deter hijackings, and many adolescents 

and adults carried cell phones for 

protection. Additionally, children are in- 


structed to park only in a parking garage 

at night, as the garage would provide 

both physical and psychological security. 

Physically, such garages are solid 

lighted structure with guards walking 

the aisles in order to protect people and 

the cars from being damaged or stolen. 

Consequently, individuals who pay to be 

in a parking garage structure have a 

greater security network. The psychological 

message present are the implicit 

reminder that the streets were not safe 

and one's life could be in danger. Upon 

returning home, cars are driven, both at 

night and day, into locked, fenced areas 

around the home. Cars left on the street 

are often stolen, have their windows damaged 

by theft, and/or their personal 

belongings stolen. 

The economic uncertainty of the country 

(40% unemployment, a high illiteracy 

rate) in combination with the high crime 

rates as well as the media sensationalismofcrime,reportsofcrimeinthe 

neighbourhoods, and the killing of innocent 

people in townships, outlying farms, 

and city subdivisions has reinforced the 

South Africans' fear that their families 

might be victimised by an intruder and 

their worldly possessions stolen. The 

people of the nation have painstakingly 

taken measures to secure their possessions. 

With the devaluation of the rand, 

South Africans work long and tedious 

hours to maintain what they have.The citizens 

do not want to see their hardearned 

possessions ripped away from 

them in the blink of an eye. No one 

knows who the next victim, will be nor 

do they know how to detect a possible 

intruder. The result of all the uncertainty, 

economic and social disarray, plus fear 

has caused South Africans to take the 

initiative to develop barriers to protect 

the people and things that mean the 

most to them. 

Fear of being a victim of crime has penetrated 

each and every home in South 

Africa. South Africans are trying to build 

a new nation with people that are set in a 

context where trust and safety are key 

issues. Police are viewed as being inadequate 

in number, overwhelmed and 

unable to respond to crises in a timely 

and efficient manner. This creates a lack 

of trust resulting in people taking precautionary 

measures to protect themselves 

from the possibility of crime. 

Simply, South Africans do not know who 

will be the next victim nor do they know 

when or where the crimes will take 

place. Protection in the form of physical 

and psychological barriers is the only 

means people have to prevent crimes 

against themselves or their family. 

If the gates and barriers were to be removed 

in South Africa, people would be 

more actively fearful. At present, the fear 

is nonverbal, not readily talked about 

outside the home, yet remains actively 

present in people's consciousness. If 

the physical barriers were removed, the 

psychological barriers would be more 

prominently evident. It is possible that 

people would carry weapons in an obvious 

fashion, would not go outside their 

homes as much, and would stay in their 

own communities more often where 

they would have a greater sense of security. 

To us as American visitors it seemed by 

our standards that the physical barriers 

were unnatural, prohibitive and should 

be taken down. Yet, before removing 

the barriers one must first consider the 

consequences. If the fences were torn 

down and the barriers removed, there 

would be utter chaos for the South Afri- 


can people. The barriers are familiar to 

them and provide structure and order 

in their life. The American belief that 

everyone can achieve a degree of 

monetary success to meet basic needs 

is not a belief that can as yet be realised 

in the current economic structure 

of South Africa, in spite of the South 

African vision as reported by Ramutsindela 

(2001). This standard would undoubtedly 

take many decades, and the 

economic situation within the country 

would need to stabilise and be more 

productive. In addition, the people's 

thoughts would need to be restructured 

and people would need to learn about 

other people (Lux's fourth stage of 

transformation order). Even though 

these barriers seem unnatural for 

American visitors, for the South African 

people the barriers represent comfort, 

security and familiarity. The physical 

and psychological barriers are a part of 

the South African way of life, and removing 

these barriers that are associated 

with the living environment could 

be very unsettling to most people. 

In general, it is assumed that when 

people can afford to buy necessities, 

they no longer need to steal from 

others. When people can afford to buy 

land and build homes, they will not kill 

one another to acquire these basic 

needs. In addition, if the barriers came 

down but no social or economic 

changes were implemented, crime and 

violence would increase because of 

the increased accessibility to people 

and their possessions. So currently, 

South Africans cannot risk removing 

these barriers, because if they did they 

would sacrifice themselves, and put 

themselves at risk for a society whose 

future still appears uncertain (tragedyof-the-commons 

interpretation). 

Administrative Capital ± Pretoria 

Pretoria, the administrative capital of 

South Africa, is a magnificent city surrounded 

by the Magaliesberg Mountains. 

Large modern skyscrapers fill the 

skyline. Museums, monuments to both 

the republican and colonial past, beautifully 

laid out parks and gardens, as well 

as streets ligned with people that represent 

the cultural spirit of South Africa are 

all sites captured in Pretoria. One of the 

most striking and magnificent landmarks 

within Pretoria is the neo-classical, crescent-shaped 

sandstone edifice of the 

Union Buildings designed by Sir Herbert 

Baker, a British architect. This public 

landmark surrounded by beautiful gardens 

is a focal place for visitors to enjoy. 

As one visits the city there is an immediate 

realisation of caution in the citizens 

as they walk though the streets of Pretoria. 

Extra care is taken to safeguard 

possessions such as the placing of 

purses or purchased items in a position 

to be watched at all times. It was not 

unusual to be approached by someone 

asking for money or seeing people from 

all cultures holding signs asking for work 

or money along the streets. The buildings 

have extra security and one has to 

be cautious when getting money from a 

cash machine. People around the cash 

machine are very closely scrutinised. 

When entering a bank, there are double 

doors through which persons enter one 

at a time for security reasons. 

What was very unique to us as American 

visitors was the need to pay an individual 

a small amount of money to watch one's 

car while one shopped. The implied psychological 

barrier was that if one did not 

pay these people to watch your car, it 

would be damaged or stolen by the time 

one returned. An American would relate 


this to extortion money similar to what is 

describedas`mafiaprotectionmoney'. 

These physical barriers and observations 

reminded us of the dangers that 

percolate in the streets, creating feelings 

of uneasiness and tension. 

Striking to us as Americans was the deterioration 

of national monuments, the 

untidiness surrounding the Union Buildings 

(e.g. unmowed grass, weeds and 

dead plants) and not being able to visit 

the buildings that comprised the national 

administrative headquarters. While we 

were in Pretoria, the Pretoria train station, 

a national monument, had been 

burnt and destroyed by disgruntled individuals 

upset by train delays. One could 

not help but notice, while passing the 

cemetery, the number of gravestones 

that had been knocked over or destroyed. 

A reminder of the Afrikaans history,FortKlapperkop(1899^1902)â 

fort built and used from1899 to1902 during 

the South African War in order to 

protect the city of Pretoria from Great 

Britain ^ was no longer being kept up. In 

addition, the Voortrekker Monument, 

also known as the `Pioneer's Monument', 

which represents the story of the trek 

that the Afrikaners made from Cape 

Town to Pretoria via wagon trains, was 

also beginning to deteriorate. The feeling 

that we had while visiting these 

places was one of sadness as the lack 

of maintenance to these national monuments 

portrayed recrimination and utter 

disrespect by the ruling people of South 

Africa for the incredibly rich history from 

which the country has transformed and 

emerged to what it is today. 

Pretoria appears to be going through 

transition similar to that of many American 

cities.During the apartheid era, people 

in South Africa were segregated into 

designated areas around the cities called 

townships, which became cities in themselves 

and provided people with their basic 

needs. Conversely, the inner city of 

Pretoria was home to many affluent individuals.With 

the lifting of apartheid there 

is a freedom of movement occurring 

across the country and many people 

from the townships are seeking out the 

major cities in the hope of finding work. 

As a result, major cities such as Pretoria 

are becoming overcrowded and many of 

the citizens remain unemployed. The effects 

of unemployment in the cities have 

resulted in city dwellings becoming dilapidated, 

the surrounding landscape 

being unkempt and streets cluttered with 

refuge. The affluent residents are abandoning 

the inner city, fleeing to suburbs 

to find safety, security and a higher standard 

of living. The flight of affluent residents 

of cities to suburbs is similar to 

that which happened in America during 

the 1950s and 1960s.The decline of Pretoria 

is related to the socio-economic 

status of the country and relates to the 

desperation of people who are part of 

the 40% unemployment category. 

The decline of the monuments, the defacement 

of national buildings, and the deterioration 

of structures and surroundings 

of the city often come about when 

people develop psychological barriers 

that consist of loss, desperation, frustration 

and helplessness. The physical barriers 

are prominent reminders that South 

Africa is a society in flux.The destruction 

of the national monuments and the rewriting 

of history creates an atmosphere 

where one's personal identity and roots 

are challenged which leads to feelings 

of devaluation and insecurity. Individuals' 

perceptions of who they are, what they 

are, and how they came to be are 

clouded. These changes maintain a so- 


ciety filled with confusion, disillusionment 

and mistrust. Friction, misunderstanding 

and differences between the 

people within the society become major 

stumbling blocks, and interfere with 

South Africans' ability to take part in, accept 

and employ conflict resolution techniques 

effecively. 

South Africa's largest University 

± UNISA 

As one drives north down the Ben 

Schoeman Highway towards the city of 

Pretoria, one is faced with the most 

magnificent site of five immense buildings 

erected against a hill. One quickly 

learns that this is the University of South 

Africa (Unisa), which is the largest 

correspondence university in the world 

and admits over 122 000 students of different 

nationalities and languages from 

all over the world. While driving into Unisa, 

a foreign visitor is impressed with the 

design of the university, the tropical 

plants, gardens, and artwork that is displayed 

as well as the number of students 

walking to and from the university. 

As with other places in South Africa the 

university's physical barriers were quite 

prominent. Fences surround Unisa; access 

is through gates and there are security 

guards at designated posted 

areas where each car is stopped before 

entering the parking areas. Each of the 

buildings has security guards on the 

main floor; however, once in the university 

grounds it was very easy to walk 

from building to building. Very unique to 

an American student is the locking of 

each classroom or each professor's office 

as one enters or leaves. Even at session 

breaks, the classroom doors are 

locked and we American students became 

very conscious of leaving materials 

unattended. Locking and unlocking 

of doors is very uncommon to American 

students as American classrooms, with 

projectors and televisions, are open 24 

hours a day and the professors, while 

on campus, often leave their office 

doors wide open, even when unattended. 

Theimpactofthecurrentsocio-economic 

influence was most apparent 

when visiting the library or walking the 

grounds of Unisa. The library was filled 

with students who had travelled long distances 

by train, taxi, or bus to do research. 

Even though Unisa is a 

correspondence university, hundreds of 

students come each day to the university's 

library. Lack of financial means and 

housing accommodation on campus, 

cause students travelling long distances 

to `camp' in the library areas. The library 

appearstopersonifyaminisquatter 

camp. This was unique, as in America 

students come and go quickly to the library 

as it is used primarily for research 

purposes and now that technology (the 

Internet) is available within the homes of 

each student, the traditional university libraries 

have become less of a need on 

the American campuses. 

From a psychological standpoint, there 

appeared to be an òwnership' of the library 

use and the Unisa students did 

not welcome the tour by university personnel 

and visitors. The tour guide and 

the visitors were viewed as intruders into 

the student's personal space.While visiting 

this structure filled with numerous 

resources one gets the incredible sense 

of the wealth of knowledge that is available 

to students. Upon entering the Unisa 

library one quickly looks up to the 

ceiling in order to inhale the ambiance 

of this richly endowed building. However, 


the impact was short lived as some of 

the Unisa students quickly and abruptly 

voiced their annoyances to the American 

visitors. The tone of voice used and 

the way in which they approached were 

quite aggressive. An immediate sense 

of being unwelcome was experienced, 

andtherewasanunspoken,implicit 

pressure not to talk or stay too long. The 

American visitors' reactions to the atmosphere 

the library was one of disillusionment 

and mistrust toward the Unisa 

students (Lux's second stage of transformation 

order). 

In addition to the unfamiliarity of negative 

library conduct, it was also unfamiliar 

for the American visitors to be 

approached by students or cleaning personnel 

on campus for money. The individuals 

who asked for money were quite 

forward, specifying a certain amount 

moving very closely into the student's 

personal space. One person even 

placed his hands on one of the Americans' 

shoulders and squeezed as he requested 

money. The approaching Unisa 

students became hostile in tone of voice 

if they did not receive what they had requested. 

This style of approach and interaction 

was very disconcerting and 

one did not feel safe to explore or walk 

the grounds of Unisa, especially alone. 

The classroom instruction, style of presentation 

and interaction with the Unisa 

Psychology professors are very novel 

and quite intriguing for the American 

visitor. The structure of the instruction 

was very free flowing and primarily in a 

discussion format. Students are challenged 

to engage in debates not only 

with the other students but also with the 

professors. Professors also debated 

with one another openly about their own 

theoretical orientations in front of students. 

The instruction was very practice 

based ^ students begin experiential 

work with families or individuals from 

day one of their studies. In America, students 

are mandated by the various 

learned societies to complete a set of 

foundational coursework before doing 

any practical work. 

The American classroom style of presentation 

is very passive. Professors 

use overhead materials, students take 

notes, study is tested, and very little debate 

takes place during the structure of 

the course. At first, the Unisa style of 

presentation was overwhelming to us 

but it was soon discovered that this form 

of presentation was very challenging, 

the debates left questions in the students' 

minds and the American students 

were highly impressed with the teachings 

of the Unisa Psychology Department. 

The psychological context, 

created for the Unisa students and conveyed 

to the American students from 

this style of teaching, is a feeling of selfworth 

and acknowledgment. The Unisa 

Psychology Department is housed in a 

safe underpinning in which people are 

able to express and debate differences, 

and this safe atmosphere conveys that 

one can debate and not be personally 

or professionally attacked (Lux's fourth 

stage transformation of order). 

Agape, Community Based on 

Healing 

Agape, meaning `person love,' is a healing 

community that meets every Wednesday 

in Mamelodi, a township located 

outside the Pretoria city limits. Faculty 

members and students from Unisa's 

Psychology Department provide psychotherapy 

sessions and develop various 

projects for members of this 


community on a weekly basis.Within the 

confines of Agape there is a sense of 

community as people from different cultural 

backgrounds come together to 

learn from, and help one another. It is an 

environment where people can begin to 

obtain an understanding of one another 

and where misapprehensions between 

cultures are recognised and grappled 

with (Lux's fourth stage transformation 

of order). Outside of the Agape area, the 

American visitors were readily reminded 

of the ever-present dangers that loom 

within the community. 

The first thing that is noticeable when 

entering the Agape confines is the physical 

barriers. A tall barbwire fence surrounds 

the counselling grounds that are 

supposedly open to the entire community. 

This is disconcerting, as it shows 

that even though the atmosphere within 

Agape is open and accepting, fear for 

personal safety is evident. Within Agape 

thereisalsoadaycarecentrethatis 

fenced with barbwire reminding one that 

children are also vulnerable to the physical 

dangers from community members. 

As the day starts, everyone sits in a large 

circle talking about themselves and what 

they have experienced lately. This is to 

encourage the students and community 

members in the group to become one 

and to work as a unit. The psychological 

barriers that individual people came to 

Agape with need to be exorcised so that 

the day can become a functional, positive 

one. Initially, the people seem uncomfortable 

and it is difficulet to 

overcome the personal barrier of opening 

up to people that one does not know 

very well, which is not atypical of a therapeutic 

session in America. 

A psychological barrier that became 

evident as the day progressed relates to 

a cultural trait among community members. 

Even though faculty and students 

aretheretoprovideaservicetothe 

community, the people who come for 

therapy do not approach the therapists 

for help. Rather, they wait to be approached. 

The implicit rules concerning 

approachability is a cultural trait, born 

out of respect. The belief system of citizens 

of the townships reinforces that 

out of respect for one's position and expertise, 

they must wait patiently and be 

called upon. As this is not part of the 

American or Afrikaans cultures, one has 

to gain understanding and acceptance 

(Lux's fifth stage transformation of order) 

in order for implicit barriers to be 

overcome. For the therapists to be effective, 

they needed to take the risk of going 

beyond these implicit barriers to find a 

common ground from which to work. 

Thetherapistsinthissituationapproached 

the patients, and in doing so, 

the barrier born out of respect and culture 

was bridged, and a working relationship 

in which healing was the product 

was forged. 

Barriers Within the SOS 

Children's Village 

There are many barriers surrounding the 

SOS Village, that is, a group home for 

children and adolescents, aged from 

birth through to 18 years, which is run 

like a community but housed in the 

township of Mamelodi. The children's 

schools are located on the premises of 

the SOS Village. In many countries 

around the world parents abandon their 

children due to issues relating to poverty. 

Orphanages, such as the SOS Village, 

are springing up in impoverished countries 

to try and help care for these children 

(Ahmad & Mohamad, 1996). In 

South Africa, up to12 children are placed 


inahomewithaHouse-Momwhere 

they remain until they are 18 years of 

age. The children come from different 

tribes, speak different languages, and 

have different cultural values. For Americans 

this is not unusual, as the United 

States is known as the `melting pot', 

since for decades people from many different 

lands have, and continue to, migrate 

to the United States. More 

recently, the United States has been referred 

to as a `salad bowl' where distinct 

subcultures live among one another and 

function together within a society as a 

whole. This collective process and style 

of living in America is what Ramutsindela 

(2001) referred to as the need for the 

people of South Africa to redefine their 

identity in terms of the transformation 

into a whole society. 

Many psychological and physical barriers 

become apparent during a visit to 

the orphanage. Some of the barriers are 

very explicit while others are more implicit. 

Once again, the most obvious physical 

barrier is the large barbwire fence 

and brick wall surrounding the village 

with a guard posted at the gate. This is 

obviously a physical barrier, however, it 

can also be interpreted as a psychological 

barrier. The children of SOS Village 

are located within the Agape community 

in the township of Mamelodi, but they are 

virtually unable to enter and leave the orphanage 

of their own accord, particularly 

the older adolescents. Although 

the large fence separates the children 

from the rest of the community for safety 

reasons, it serves as a disadvantage as 

well. Many childcare institutions thrive 

from community orientation, such as 

community planning, participation and 

utilisation of community services, which 

prepares children/adolescents for community 

living (Seidl,1974). In a township 

such as Mamelodi, the community support 

and relationship are very important 

to the development of the inhabitants. 

The children/adolescents are not able 

to take adequate advantage of the benefits 

derived from inter-relating with 

people within the community due to the 

necessity of seclusion for safety sake. 

Within the townships the possibility of 

violence consisting of rape, car hijackings, 

physical beatings, theft and murder 

looms. Implicitly this reinforces the psychological 

barriers of fear and insecurity 

relating to one's well-being. Yet, one 

questions how children will develop coping 

and streetwise skills so that when 

they are 18 and older they will be able to 

survive in the surrounding community 

which they enter to live as an adult. 

Each house at the SOS Village has a 

House-Mom and aide residing in the 

cottage-like structure. Each House- 

Mom raises the children as if they were 

`her own' and a family environment is 

created. However, one psychological 

barrier that exists within each home is 

that the house mothers cannot protect 

each child against theft perpetrated by 

other children in the home.The children's 

individual possessions are extremely 

limited, their bedroom doors are locked 

and children possess only the very basic 

of items. It is difficult for an American 

visitor to understand how people can 

live together yet steal from one another. 

From an American point of view, it 

seems impossible that a house mother 

could get past this psychological barrier 

and be capable of identifying with children 

as `her own' while the issues of mistrust 

were present. While a House-Mom 

has the power to remove this psychological 

and physical barrier and trust the 

children in her home, she is most likely 

hesitant to do so because should any- 


thing happened she and the other childrenwouldbeplacedinaveryvulnerable 

position. Again, the physical and 

psychological barriers that are encountered 

in the SOS Village are being maintained 

for a basic sense of security and 

well-being. 

A Glittering Resort ± Sun City 

In many ways Sun City is reminiscent of 

a miniature Las Vegas, Nevada, in the 

United States. There are many hotels, 

casinos, restaurants, shops and nightclubs. 

Each hotel is bedecked in glitter 

and lights. The grounds are extravagantly 

laid out with tropical plants, 

shrubs and other vegetation. Swimming 

pools with elaborate slides, magnificent 

golf courses, waterfalls and the monorail 

car system made us feel like we were in 

Las Vegas.What appears different is the 

psychological and physical barriers that 

exist in and around this sparkling and 

glimmering complex. This resort is located 

in the middle of the North West 

province in an area of scrubby countryside 

well out of the city. It is built in an 

area which is adjacent to the Pilanesburg 

National Park, a 50 000 hectare 

game sanctuary where wild animals 

roam free. 

Owing to lack of transportation and limited 

housing facilities in the area many of 

the employees reside in a nearby village 

that was built especially for them. In order 

to return to their homes at night, the 

employees are driven in a bus to their village 

which is surrounded by locked 

gates. Upon entering the village each 

employee is subjected to searches of 

their purses and parcels. If they own a 

vehicle, their trunks are also examined 

for stolen articles. For security reasons, 

employees are issued cards that unlock 

the gates that surround their neighborhood. 

The employees can come and go 

as they please; however, their departures 

are documented with their computerised 

cards. 

In America the casinos and hotels are 

very open and people drive or walk from 

casino to casino along main streets and 

side streets filled with people and glitter. 

Employees do not live within the confines 

of a casino development but drive 

to and from work. Often they may need 

to park in a parking lot off the premises 

and be bussed to the casino entrance. 

Employees are also checked for theft 

but the security measures are much less 

evasive and are taken in a private area of 

the casino. Employees and clients are 

monitored constantly by invasive measures 

such as video cameras. 

For an American it is hard to understand 

that the Sun City Management has to 

take such intense security measures to 

protect the hotel complex from daily 

theft. Furthermore, it was difficult to understand 

why peole have to live in such 

tight security in order to be protected 

from harm. The physical barriers in the 

Sun City Village provide security and at 

thesametimepreventtheresidents 

from the coming and going. In an environment 

that personifies wealth and 

money, it is without question that extreme 

measures are necessary for the 

welfare of the employees, the visitors, 

and the maintenance of a magnificent 

complex that was erected in a country 

where unemployment and a devalued 

rand are reflections of the economic 

problems within the country. 

DISCUSSION 

Across all contexts visited by the American 

students in South Africa, there was 


the presence of physical and psychological 

barriers that have been developed 

to provide a sense of security and personal 

protection in a country that is in flux 

and transformation. The people of South 

Africa are learning how to live with, accept, 

understand and tolerate differences. 

The contexts observed and 

experienced demonstrated several approaches 

that were being utilised to 

move through Lux's transformation of order. 

Specifically, psychology students 

from all backgrounds were participating 

in community projects and providing 

psychological services to people of all 

socio-economic levels in the community.The 

presence and life of Agape within 

a striving and needy township 

demonstrated a system that was functioning 

at a very high level of transformation 

order and represented Lux's fourth 

phase of understanding. The ability of 

Unisa's Psychology graduate students 

to debate openly with one another as 

well as the professors fosters an environment 

where misapprehensions can 

be challenged, debated and released. 

The neighbourhoods around Pretoria 

and other parts of the country are becoming 

integrated and people from different 

cultural backgrounds and tribes 

are living side by side. The incorporation 

of orphaned children into family clusters 

and the philosophy that ìt takes a village 

to raise a child' will help break down future 

cultural differences. At resort areas 

people are being provided with jobs, 

housing and a sense of security. Within 

these contexts misconceptions and 

stereotypes are being presented, dealt 

with, struggled with, and broken down. 

This will lead to a greater understanding, 

tolerance, and acceptance of one another's 

cultural values and beliefs. 

In general, from the eyes of the American 

students, it appears that the people 

of South Africa are primarily in Lux's second 

stage of transformation order, which 

is disillusion and mistrust. The educational 

system observed at Unisa appears 

to be attempting to create a 

higher level of transformation of order 

through open discussions, debates, acceptance 

and respect for individual differences. 

However, this is only a micro 

subset within a larger system. Even 

though students are being exposed to, 

and can practice, modelling techniques 

for a higher order of transformation within 

the confines of the classroom, it appears 

to be difficult to apply this 

approach in the community at large. The 

American students observed incongruity 

between the two systems. In order 

for change to begin, small steps and 

risks in relation to interactions between 

people must be taken. In time, what Unisa 

personifies to each student will cross 

the boundaries into other institutions 

and settings. The greatest display of human 

acceptance was personified at 

Agape. However, immediately stepping 

outside the walls of Agape, the universal 

sense of mistrust and disillusionment 

were ever present. 

Since the fall of apartheid, many transitions 

have taken place in South Africa. 

As South Africans struggle to find a 

common national identity, they will inevitably 

go through various stages of transformation. 

The method by which the 

stages are approached and resolved will 

have an effect on the destruction or 

maintenance of the psychological and 

physical barriers within the society. As 

American students perceived South 

Africa as a country in flux and transformation, 

they saw the model of transformation 

and order presented by Lux as 

one which could be employed to allevi- 


ate the stress that people experience as 

they work through the transformation 

process. Lux's model could be a resource 

as well as a source of hope and 

encouragement for individuals approaching 

the vast task of overcoming 

barriers. 

Long-term goals need to be developed 

to overcome the hardships that were left 

behind by apartheid. Small steps must 

be taken in order to achieve the larger 

goal. Lux (1999) describes a 12-step 

model for resolving conflict and implementation 

or consideration. This model 

can be applied in any business, educational, 

or agency setting where daily interactions, 

discussions and decisionmaking 

are necessary. This model, if implemented, 

may help the South African 

people move beyond the psychological 

and physical barriers which are such a 

part of South Africa today: 

1. External leadership may be needed 

to break down bias and skewed discussions. 

2. Complete neutrality and equal consideration 

of ideas must be presented 

to all opposing sides. 

3. Common long-term goals and objectives 

with clear aims are necessary 

to reorientate people in a new 

direction. 

4. Short-term improvement in service 

with mixed staffing that would involve 

service provision in different 

locations and the merging of departments 

to break down resistant attitudes 

need to be implemented. 

5. Reaching understanding of different 

points of view by working together 

is crucial. This would involve moving 

beyond viewing differences of opinion 

as destructive and divisive. 

6. Different clientele requires different 

behaviour. This implies that individuals 

from different backgrounds or 

tribes will respond to, and behave 

differently in, the same context. 

7. Clear decisions and anticipation of 

difficulties resulting from compromises 

need to be attended to, identified, 

and processes for evaluation 

and adaptation be made available. 

8. Improving the information culture is 

vital so that information is available 

across all subsystems. Such information 

should not come from just a 

`higher up' position. 

9. Conscious fostering of changes in 

behaviour to one another's needs 

must be developed as one becomes 

aware of the significant social differences 

within each context. 

10. Changing the nature of discussions 

so that those people who will be responsible 

for carrying out the task 

have input into the development of 

the process. 

11. Delegating responsibility to the`shop 

floor' is of primary importance so 

that people can become responsible 

for their own futures and be allowed 

to become involved in the process of 

change so that differences can be 

set aside and acceptance being 

adopted. 

12. Unanimity is neither achievable nor 

necessary ^ acceptability will do. 

People must come to accept that it 

may not be possible to achieve universal 

approval and that people may 

hold different opinions. The crucial 

element is that people develop a 

readiness to go along with a decision, 

to aid in putting it into effect 

and not expend energy boycotting it. 

Using a systems perspective, this model 

canbemodifiedtofitmostcircumstances 

and situations. South Africans 


may want to consider adopting some aspects 

of this 12-step model for conflict 

resolution to help them move to a higher 

order of transformation. 

Without a doubt, to the American visitors, 

South Africa is not only a magnificent 

country but is richly endowed with 

great men and women in its political, cultural, 

religious and economic life.We left 

with a great respect that South Africans 

are being asked to redefine their identity 

in terms of the transformation from 

apartheid into a whole society. The psychological 

and physical barriers that 

have developed out of personal and 

economic conditions will be present for 

the foreseeable future as they have a 

place, a need, and a role in maintaining 

structure and order. However, as South 

Africans work and unite together in their 

struggles to become free and transform 

into a strong, united country, these barriers 

will slowly dissolve and South Africa 

will show the world that they are not 

only the land of hope but also a land that 

can achieve and survive the transition to 

a democracy. 

REFERENCES 

Ahmad, A. Mohamad, K. 1996. The socioemotional development of orphans in orphanages 

and traditional foster care in Iraqi Kurdistan. Child Abuse and Neglect, 20(12), 1 161± 

1 173. 

Borchet, P. 1995. This is South Africa. Cape Town, South Africa: Struik Publishing Ltd. 

Guelke, A. 1999. South Africa in transition: The misunderstood miracle. London: I. B. 

Lewin, P. 2000. William Hutt and the economics of apartheid. Constitutional Political 

Economy, 11(3), 255±264. 

Lux, C. 1999. Managing library staff from a different cultural background ± the East±West 

conflict in Berlin. International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions, code 

number 034-106-E, Meeting number 106. 

Peppas, S. C. 2001. Subcultural similarities and differences: An examination of U.S. core 

values. Cross Cutlural Management, 8(1), 59±68. 

Ramutsindela, M. F. 2001. Down the post-colonial road: Reconstructing the post-apartheid 

state in South Africa. Political Geography, 20(1), 57±84. 

Seidl, F. W. 1974. Community oriented residential care: The sate of the art. Child Care 

Quarterly, 3(3), 150±163. 


The dangers of entitlement 

F. J. A. Snyders 

Chairperson, Department of Psychology 

ABSTRACT An interesting phenomenon and vexing problem in higher education 

in South Africa is the attitude labelled entitlement. In this brief article 

the attitude and process of entitlement is defined, certain characteristics 

of entitlement in chronic organisations are identified, and the 

dangers of this phenomenon at individual and organisational levels 

are mentioned. 

INTRODUCTION 

Aprominent American organisational 

psychologist (Bardwick, 

1991), is fond of telling 

the story of her involvement 

with a major international oil company 

and her friendship with a middle manager 

of this company. This man, in his 

forties, was earning a good salary of between 

$50 000 and $60 000 a year 

(roughly R450 000 to R540 000), but he 

was always broke. As a divorced father, 

he spent almost half of his income supporting 

his only daughter. While the 

father was poor, the daughter lived in 

luxury ^ she attended a private school, 

had private tennis lessons, went to an 

exclusive summer camp, and so on. 

One day the father made an urgent appointment 

with the psychologist, and 

told her that he had been badly upset 

by a phone call from the privileged 

young girl who had rung to remind her 

father that he owed her a new car.`Why 

does she assume that you owe her a 

car?' asked the psychologist. `Because 

she is about to turn sixteen. She says I 

owe her a car because she is sixteen!' 

This way of viewing life, this attitude, is 

called entitlement. People with this attitude 

believe that they are owed many 

things in life; they do not have to earn 

what they get, but they are entitled to it, 

not because of what they do, but because 

of who they are. 

Entitlement defined 

Entitlement may be described as a 

sense of deservingness (Ì deserve respect, 

a bonus, a degree, and so on'). It 

may become a kind of identity which 

presupposes the individual's own rights 

and needs, such as the right to 

. status and power; 

. others' mind and bodies; 

. space and place; 

. not to pay attention to other peoples' 

reactions, not to be empathic; 

. view life as a constant battle, as winning 

and losing, with losing resulting in 

shame and humiliation for the individual; 

. blame outwards and blame others 

without considering one's own role in 

problems and processes; 

. view oneself as superior. 



The dangers of entitlement 

Itmaybewisetosoundawarningto 

those people who are in the process of 

achieving something special, like a first 

or second or doctoral degree, and then 

falling prey to the seduction of entitlement. 

The attainment of a degree does 

not entitle one to anything, but merely 

marks the beginning of a process of 

earning respect, success, status, capital 

gain and so on. Entitlement tends to develop 

into an insidious disease, which 

can lead to heavy complacency, low 

self-esteem and low productivity. One 

may become lazy, complacent and comfortable! 

What follows are some notes 

on the Psychology of Entitlement, and a 

definition of entitlement as an individual 

as well as an organisational disease. 

Colleague Don Foster, a prominent Psychology 

professor at the University of 

Cape Town, describes entitlement as a 

kind of identity as well as a quasi-emotional 

state which may be fuelled by 

ideologies, economic circumstances, 

social constructions and many other societal 

forces in interaction. An example 

of a dangerous ideology of entitlement 

would be when one person represents a 

number of intersecting and overlapping 

entitlements. One may study the State 

Security Services of the previous regime 

(Foster, 1999) to illustrate how a 

context of atrocity and oppression became 

possible by means of the concentration 

of a number of ideologies in 

individuals: 

. militarism (superiority, hierarchy, 

ranking in importance); 

. masculinity (generally men commit 

atrocities; not women); 

. nationalism; 

. racism. 

Similarly, Foster (1999) pointed out the 

overlapping entitlements in black township 

youth during the apartheid years: 

. masculinity once more; 

. an authoritarian notion of discipline; 

. the ideologies of youth, coupled with 

inexperience; 

. the ideology of protest. 

Such entitlement flows very easily from 

perceptions concerning achievement, 

status, power and position. While individual 

entitlement of the kind that I have 

justdescribedmayleadtoatrocities 

such as the holocaust in Europe or 

events described to the Truth and Reconciliation 

Committee in South Africa, 

complex organisations and systems 

may also be immobilised by processes 

of entitlement. 

Readers may be challenged to acknowledge 

whether they have encountered 

the following type of organisation during 

their careers and educational endeavours: 

An organisation in which there 

. is informal tenure for everyone; 

. is an appraisal system with no real 

impact; 

. exists a promotion system that does 

not reflect individual merit; 

. are lots and lots of rules; 

. is lots and lots of paper; 

. are many committees with no real 

authority; 

. is a compensation system that does 

not really reflect what people do; 

. a formal hierarchy exists in which differences 

in power dictate permissible 

behaviour; 

. is a process of pushing down responsibility 

without real delegation or empowerment; 


. are layers of people whose jobs are 

to ensure that no mistakes are made 

and no rules broken. 

Chances are that the reader has just recognised 

a comfortable and homeostatic 

organisation staffed by people who do 

not have to earn their positions, who 

safeguard their security at all cost, who 

keep their jobs and get paid whether they 

produce anything or nothing, who get 

their annual raises and bonuses regardless 

of what they contribute during the 

year, who are promoted as a result of seniority 

and not as a result of competence, 

and who take for granted what they receive 

to the extent that they want more. 

This kind of organisation is stuck in entitlement, 

which is institusionalisation of 

the most destructive kind. 

CONCLUSION 

One needs to ensure that universities 

do not turn into contexts of entitlement 

for students and staff members. Tertiary 

organisations should remain provocative 

and challenging, should build in 

those differences that produce a difference, 

and should yield graduates who 

are capable of advancing and maintaining 

a competitive, civilised and coherent 

society. Although the history of South 

Africa has demonstrated the dangers of 

the phenomenon of entitlement through 

many years, this process is usually concealed 

behind layers of explicit as well 

as hidden agendas in living contexts 

from the home to the community and 

organisation. 

REFERENCES 

Bardwick. J. M. 1991. Danger in the comfort zone: From boardrooms to mailrooms ± how to 

break the entitlement habit that is killing American business. New York: Amacom. 

Foster, D. 2000. Entitlement as explanation for perpetrators' actions. South African Journal of 

Psychology, 30(1), 10±13. 


nually in South Africa (CSIR, 2000). This 

includes 4 000 deaths, 10 000 serious 

injuries and 19 500 minor injuries that 

cost the country an estimated R2,55 billion 

(CSIR, 2000). It involves unimaginarticle 

article article article article article article article article article article article article article article article a 

An exploratory study of pedestrian traffic injuries 

at the University of South Africa 

Madri Jansen van Rensburg, Kgomotso Rathlagane, 

Catherine Cosser, Kobus van Staden, 

Barbara Wade and D. Johan Kruger 

ABSTRACT This study explores pedestrian traffic injuries around the University of 

South Africa (Unisa) main campus in Pretoria. Twenty-five Unisa 

students participated in a purposive sample to provide an indication 

of areas where pedestrians have difficulty crossing the road, and 

where they are involved in traffic accidents. Most of the 25 

participants travelled by train and some by taxi, bus or exclusively 

on foot. All had to walk the final stretch to the main campus. The 

majority of these participants came to the campus five days a week. 

Forty per cent of the participants experienced problems crossing the 

roads in and around Unisa. Although the participants were not 

themselves injured, they had witnessed a total of six traffic accidents 

involving pedestrians in the preceding three years. The roads that 

were reportedly difficult to cross were mainly (a) the Elandspoort 

Road stretching between the station and the stairs leading to the 

Theo van Wijk building (where all six observed accidents occurring), 

and to a lesser extent (b) the Preller Street crossing in front of the 

main entrance to the Theo van Wijk building. The accidents occurred 

mainly during morning and afternoon peak traffic hours. There might 

have been overlap in the number of reported accidents, but the 

researchers were not able to ascertain this with the current 

methodology. The results are interpreted from a public health 

perspective using Haddon's matrix of analysis (Haddon, 1980). A 

collective process of problem diagnosis and problem solving is 

proposed to assist in the design of more `forgiving systems' (Mohan, 

2001) that minimise the impact of human error involving pedestrians 

in road accidents. This study lays the groundwork to increasing 

pedestrians safety in and around the Unisa campus through a 

continued process of collaborative action and research. 


Pedestrian safety is a major 

problem on South African 

roads. According to the 

Council for Scientific and Industrial 

Research (CSIR) approximately 

33 500 pedestrian injuries occur an-

able cost and suffering to countless 

households and families. 

This exploratory study was motivated by 

observations that pedestrians travelling 

to and from the main Muckleneuk campus 

of Unisa find it difficult to cross the 

busy access roads, especially during 

peak traffic hours.The extent of this problem 

was, however, unclear and no research 

on this matter could be traced. 

The issue of pedestrian safety around 

Unisa was thought to be particularly important 

as the number of students who 

visit and study at the main campus has 

increased markedly over the past few 

years. Many of these students have limited 

financial means and take advantage 

of the lower study fees to study as `fulltime'distance 

education students at Unisa. 

Should they be involved in, and survive 

a severe traffic accident, their 

limited resource base would be severely 

taxed and this could place their academic 

endeavours in jeopardy. 

Pedestrian injury prevention 

Injury prevention is a multidisciplinary 

field, which is often managed from a 

public health perspective, where the input 

of medical, social, psychological, legal, 

engineering and other disciplines 

can be integrated. The public health approach 

is not so much concerned with 

whom is to blame, as this is often counter-productive 

and time-consuming. The 

act of blaming also tends to attract much 

emotional tension and is destructive to 

sound reasoning, analysis and intervention. 

Therefore, the public health emphasis 

is not on blaming individuals, groups 

or organisations, but on taking collective 

responsibility for the status quo and actively 

working together to prevent and 

reduce injuries. 

It also describes mishaps such as traffic 

accidents not as àccidents' or àcts of 

God' ^ but as events that are, in principle, 

preventable. At the very least, the injury 

component of accidents can be greatly 

reduced, if not eliminated, even if the 

event itself cannot be eliminated or reduced. 

The schism between intentional 

and non-intentional injury is also problematic 

in the analysis and prevention of 

both types of injuries, as the strategies 

employed to combat them are essentially 

the same.Thus injury prevention focuses 

on both intentional (violent) and 

non-intentional (accidental) injury. 

As for all public health problems, a prerequisite 

for the local-level targeting of injury 

prevention activities is the availability 

of epidemiological data that describe 

the causes, nature and extent of 

the problem, as well as risk factor information 

through which intervention targets 

are identified (Annest & Mallonee, 

1995). Many risk factors for pedestrian 

traffic injury are well known. 

A study in the United Kingdom revealed 

that pedestrian injury rates were related 

to traffic flow, population density, age 

composition of the local population, unemployment, 

gender, education and 

availability of alcohol (LaScala, Gerber 

& Gruenewald, 2000). The pedestrian 

groups at highest risk for traffic accidents 

in Europe are children aged 5 to 

14 years and also the aged (Assailly, 

1997). According to Arrive Alive, people 

older than 60 and younger than 12 can 

often not estimate speed and distance 

correctly due to visual and physical limitations 

(Stiehler, 2002). 

There is also higher risk for people of lower 

socio-economic groups, and for males 

who exhibit higher risk-taking tendencies 

than females. Risk-taking behaviour by 


drivers and pedestrians involved in pedestrian 

road accidents has been shown 

to be an important contributing factor. In 

a study conducted by Flisher, Ziervogel, 

Chalton, Leger and Robertson (1993) on 

schoolchildren in the Cape Peninsula, 

males increased their risk-taking behaviour 

as they grew older. Alcohol use by 

pedestrians increases the odds of dying 

in a motor vehicle accident by at least 

three times (Miles-Doan,1996). 

Research findings by Arrive Alive (1999) 

in South Africa show that the main contributory 

factors to traffic accidents are: 

. high speed of motor vehicle (that 

plays a role in 75% of vehicle accidents 

according to Stiehler, 2002); 

. drivers and/or pedestrians being under 

the influence of alcohol (or other 

substances); 

. vehicle and driver fitness (driving licences, 

tyres, lights, brakes, etc). 

Motorists in general also show high levels 

of disregard for the safety of pedestrians 

and in recent years excessively 

aggressive behaviour by motorists has 

increased substantially. 

An important consideration for injury analysis 

is the pre-event, event and post-event 

aspects as analysed in the Haddon matrix 

(Haddon,1980).The matrix considers 

. pre-events (such as dangerous road 

conditions, absence of safe pedestrian 

crossings, the subjective state 

of driver and pedestrian); 

. events (conditions and behaviours at 

the time of the accident or problem); 

. post-event factors (help offered, 

medical services, rehabilitation, prosecution 

of offenders, accident analysis 

by traffic department and 

appropriate remedial modifications). 

Interventions that aim to reduce and 

control injuries can be classified in four 

broad categories: (a) engineering, (b) 

environmental modification, (c) education 

and behavioural change, and (d) enforcement 

and legislation (Butchart & 

Kruger, 2001). The first factor, (a) engineering, 

involves changing the basic 

structure of the injury-causing products 

to make them safer, such as soft bumpers 

that are impact absorbing, speed 

governors that limit a vehicle's maximum 

speed, or intelligent vehicles that can 

sense pedestrians in the road and perform 

split-second evasive action. 

The second factor, (b) environmental 

modification, involves changing the environment, 

for example the night-time 

lighting of streets, installing traffic lights 

and pedestrian crossings, providing reflective 

clothing to improve night-time 

pedestrian visibility, and traffic-calming 

measures to reduce the speed of impact. 

Some universities, such as the University 

of the Witwatersrand and the 

University of Pretoria, who have also experienced 

problems with pedestrian 

safety ^ built bridges and closed certain 

roads to promote pedestrian safety. 

Education and behavioural change, (c), involves 

awareness raising and transferring 

skills, knowledge and attitudes that promote 

safe behaviour. This is a costly and 

often inefficient way of attaining behavioural 

change, especially for older people. 

It is well known that many people do 

not follow instructions and there is wide 

variation between people's knowledge 

and their actual behaviour (Mohan, 2001). 

Lastly, enforcement and legislation, (d), involve 

the establishment and application of 

safety laws regarding drunken driving, 

speeding and safety standards for vehicles.This 

includes the new Administrative 


Adjudication of Road Traffic Offences Act, 

(Act 46 of 1998) which, if enforced, will 

pave the way for a more efficient system 

of collecting traffic fines and also instituting 

a points demerit system `which will enable 

the identification of habitual 

offenders and ensure that they are removed 

from the roads' (Arrive Alive,1999). 

Injury prevention is much more difficult in 

contexts where there is a large variety between 

the various road users in terms of 

their mode of transport and the technologies 

involved. If Mohan's typology of high 

and low-income communities (2001) is 

used, some important differences between 

road users in South Africa and 

other economically developing countries 

become visible.There is no one homogenous 

group of road users. Instead, differences 

of culture, religions, languages, 

common law, social customs and shared 

values abound. The poorer sections of 

society have reduced levels of upward 

mobility and although they are the dominant 

proportion of the population, they 

have little influence on setting the social 

agenda. In high-income communities 

standardisation and homogenisation of 

technologies have resulted in reduced 

complexity as evident in identical layout 

and design of roads and vehicles. In lowincome 

communities there is a much 

higher complexity and mix of old and new 

technologies (e.g. modern and ancient 

cars, taxis, trucks, lorries and buses, and 

donkey carts, bicycles and pedestrians) 

resulting in a wide variety of designs and 

layouts. These circumstances produce 

environments that create different problems 

to high-incomes societies, and require 

unique and different solutions. 

Mohan (2001) argues that there is a poverty 

of theory amongst injury control professionals 

for handling the situation in 

lower income countries and lower income 

communities. In addition, most road and 

intersection designs are designed primarily 

based on car, bus and truck movement, 

and neglect the needs of pedestrians and 

cyclists who are the most vulnerable 

groups on, and next to, the road. 

Research aim 

The aim of the study is to explore 

whether pedestrians have problems 

when crossing the roads in and around 

Unisa, and whether they have suffered 

or witnessed any pedestrian injuries in 

this area. Demographic differences and 

descriptions of the place, time, date, 

month and circumstances of every injury 

were also recorded. 

Method 

The students who were, at the time, 

doing the Unisa Directed Master's degree 

in Research Psychology during 

2000 developed an interview schedule, 

piloted the instrument and then conducted 

interviews with a sample of pedestrians. 

The data were coded, entered 

on computer and analysed using the 

Statistics for the Social Sciences (SPSS) 

software program. 

Instrument 

The interview schedule consisted of 16 

questions. The questions pertained to 

biographical detail such as age, gender 

and home language. Participants were 

also asked whether they were full-time or 

part-time students, the type of transport 

they typically used to get to Unisa, and 

the times they typically arrived at and left 

the Unisa campus.The questionnaire also 

dealt with the number of times a week 

that they were on campus, where they 

crossed the road (by means of a map) 


and the problems they experienced when 

crossing the road, if any. They were also 

asked about the number of accidents that 

they were involved in, had personally observed 

or were aware of, as well as information 

about these accidents. This 

information included the number of accidents, 

when they occurred (time, date 

and day of the week), what happened, 

where it happened and the severity of 

the injuries. Conditions at the time of the 

accident were recorded as well as the 

type of help offered. 

Participants were given the opportunity 

to comment on their perception of problems 

and to present possible solutions. 

The final section of the questionnaire 

dealt with experiences of threats to personal 

safety (i.e. number and type of 

threats to personal safety that have 

been experienced) as this was identified 

as a concern of pedestrians during the 

piloting of the questionnaire. 

The ethics and politics of 

research 

As the safety of students and staff at Unisa 

is of major concern to management it 

was relatively easy to obtain permission 

to go ahead with the study from the head 

of the Psychology department, Prof 

Ricky Snyders, and the then Vice-Principal 

for Research, Prof Max DÎckel. 

During the preceding year there had been 

some tension between students and management, 

as well as between staff and 

management. It was thought that there 

was a very real risk that this tension might 

spill over into this study. To counter this, 

and because the study was a limited exploratory 

study, the researchers decided 

not to contact the various stakeholders 

(except to gain permission from management). 

The information of the study would 

rather be used afterwards to maximise 

stakeholder involvement and to mobilise 

support around more substantial indicators 

of the scope of the problem. 

The aims of the research were also 

carefully explained at the beginning of 

each interview. The expected suspicion 

and distrust toward the mostly white researchers 

who conducted the interviews 

with the predominantly black 

pedestrians was countered by the presence 

of the African researcher, Kgomotso, 

in the research team. During and 

after the interviews quite a few interviewees 

approached her to clarify the purpose 

and motivation of the research. 

Sample 

A purposive sample of pedestrians who 

study at Unisa was used.Twenty-five pedestrians 

were interviewed during 

March 2000. None of the pedestrians 

who were approached refused to participate 

in the study. 

Results 

The biographical data of the participants 

show that 13 of the 25 participants were 

male (52%) and 12 were female (48%). 

The ages of the participants ranged from 

17 to 41 years of age, with an average of 

23 years. The home language of 14 of the 

participants was Northern Sotho (56%), 6 

spoke Setswana (24%), 2 spoke isiZulu 

(8%), and 1 participant spokeTshivenda,1 

Ndebele, and 1 Setsonga (i.e. 4% each). 

Most of the pedestrians were full-time students 

(n = 23 or 92%) and only two of the 

participants were part-time students (8%). 

Most of the participants used the train to 

travel to Unisa and walked the last 

stretchuptothecampus(64%ofthe 


walk 

taxi 

bus 

train 

FIGURE 1: PIE CHART OF THE PRINCIPAL MODE OF TRANSPORT OF 

PARTICIPANTS 

sample, see Figure 1). The bus was used 

in 16% of the cases, after which they 

walked the last stretch. Four participants 

(also 16%) reported walking all the way 

to Unisa and 4% used a taxi and walked 

the last stretch. 

Participants reported entering the Unisa 

campus between 7h00 and 10h00 in the 

morning, and left between 13h00 and 

17h30. Most arrived at 9h00 (n=10) and 

left at 16h00 (n=12). The majority (n=16, 

64%) studied at Unisa five days a week. 

When asked to indicate where they 

crossed the road they reported the following 

(the numbers refer to the map in 

Figure 2): 

FIGURE 2: MAP OF UNISA INDICATING LOCATIONS WHERE 

PEDESTRIANS CROSS ACCESS ROADS 


#1 Seven participants crossed the 

road at the Elandspoort robot 

(crossing number 1), 

#2 Five participants crossed the 

Elandspoort road between the station 

and the stairs (crossing number 

2), 

#3 Thirteen participants indicated that 

they crossed Preller Street in front 

of theTheo van Wijk building (crossing 

number 3). 

#4 Two participants crossed the Mears 

Street extension close to the assignment 

boxes (crossing number 

4), and 

#5 One participant crossed Leyds 

Street at the B.J. Vorster Tower entrance 

(crossing number 5). 

Most participants ( 45%) crossed Preller 

Road where it goes under the Theo van 

Wijk building (crossing #3), and then 

Elandspoort Road (24% at crossing #1 

and 17% at crossing #2). 

In this sample the Elandspoort Road (at 

crossings #1 and #2) was the road that 

most participants found difficult to cross. 

Nine of the ten participants indicated 

this road as problematic, the other road 

being Preller Road where it goes under 

the Theo van Wijk building (crossing 

#3). The most difficult time to cross the 

road was in the mornings (69%). Some 

found it difficult to cross in both the 

morning and the afternoon (23%), and 

one found it difficult to cross in the afternoon 

only (8%). 

None of the participants were themselvesinjuredinatrafficaccident,nor 

had they heard of an accident. However, 

six participants (24%) personally witnessed 

traffic accidents. Five of the observations 

were on Elandspoort Road 

between the station and the stairs 

(crossing #2) and one at the Elandspoort 

traffic-light (crossing #1) as indicated 

in Table 1. It was reported that in 

four cases men were involved and in 

TABLE 1: SUMMARY OF DANGEROUS SECTION, INJURIES ANDTHE LOCATIONS 

WHERE PEDESTRIANS CROSS THE ROAD 

Location where pedestrians cross the road 

#1 #2 #3 #4 #5 Total 

Total number of places where 7 5 13 2 2 29* 

participants cross the road. 24% 17% 45% 7% 7% 100% 

Number of participants who 7 2 1 ö ö 10 

experienced problems crossing 70% 20% 10% 100% 

the road here. # 

Number of injuries witnessed 1 5 ö ö ö 6 

here by participants. ** 17% 83% 100% 

Key 

* Total more than the total number of 25 participants as some students reporting crossing at 

more than one location. 

# The largest reported problem and injury locations are blocked in grey. 

** Note that the same injury event may be referred to more than once by the different participants. 


two cases women. It is, however, quite 

likely that there is some overlap in the 

observed accidents and that they may 

refer to the same event, although there 

are differences in the month in which 

the events reportedly occurred in. 

In all of the witnessed accidents the pedestrians 

were crossing the road when 

they were struck by a passing motor vehicle. 

Four of these incidences occurred 

during the year 2000, and one in 1999 

and 1997 respectively (two other accidents 

were not described). All of the four 

described accidents occurred during the 

first three months of the year (one in January, 

two in February and one in March). 

The day of the week could only be recalled 

in two cases and it was reported 

to be on a Monday and a Wednesday. 

All of the accidents occurred during 

peak-hour traffic ^ two in the morning 

and three in the afternoon. Reported severity 

of the accidents included fractures 

to a hand and a leg, unconsciousness 

and bleeding.The police and ambulance 

staff offered help in three cases each, 

and traffic officers and a student in one 

case each. 

Field observations show that there is a 

sharp bend in Elandspoort Road between 

the station and the stairs to Unisa's 

main campus. Drivers going from 

South to North experience reduce visibility 

because they arrive at the bend just 

when they are coming from an unpopulated 

highway area and are still travelling 

at relatively high speed. Most of the accidents 

that were reported occurred here. 

The only traffic reduction mechanism is 

a reduced speed sign, which does not 

seem to be very effective. 

When participants were asked to comment 

on the causes of the accidents 

they indicated: 

. heavy flow of traffic; 

. hasty drivers; 

. lack of traffic control; 

. victims become impatient in heavy 

traffic and then cross the road, and 

. the`students'and `the boy' were careless. 

Suggestions to prevent accidents included: 

. build a pedestrian bridge; 

. transport people to the campus via 

buses from close-lying areas; 

. a traffic officer should do point duty; 

. erect pedestrian signs; 

. erect traffic lights, and 

. erect stop signs. 

These suggestions fall mainly in the categories 

of environmental and educational 

interventions. The pedestrian 

bridge would physically remove the pedestrians 

from direct risk of injury, and 

although more expensive, it reduces the 

negative outcome of driver and pedestrian 

error. The use of buses and a traffic 

officer are more active interventions, 

which require constant human activity 

and maintenance. It is unclear what is 

meant by the use of buses as there is a 

regular municipal bus service to Unisa. 

The other measures are simple trafficcontrolling 

devices which are effective 

only when there is high driver and pedestrian 

compliance. 

Only one participant reported an incident 

where personal safety was at risk. 

This occurred when the person observed 

an attempted theft of a motor vehicleontheafternoonofaTuesday 

during March 2000. 


DISCUSSION 

Most of the participants in the study 

were in their twenties. Females and 

males were equally represented, and 

more than half of the participants use 

Northern Sotho as their home language. 

Most of the participants travelled by train 

and nearly all of them were full-time students. 

Most participants arrived at 9h00 

and left at 16h00 and visited Unisa five 

days a week. The reported problem 

areas were mainly the Elandspoort Road 

stretching between the station and the 

stairs leading to theTheo van Wijk building, 

and the Preller Street crossing in 

front of the main entrance to the Theo 

van Wijk building. These are all on the 

shortest route from the station to Unisa. 

In general, 40% of the participants experienced 

problems crossing the roads. 

Only six participants reported witnessing 

a traffic accident involving a pedestrian. 

These events occurred mostly 

during the first three months of the year 

and during morning and afternoon peak 

traffic hours. 

With the aid of a reduced Haddon matrix 

analysis (Haddon, 1980) the observations 

reported by the sample combined 

with field observations reveal the following 

contributing factors: 

1. Pre-events: 

. sharp bend in Elandspoort Road between 

station and stairs to the Theo 

van Wijk building: When driving from 

South to North driver's visibility is reduced 

as they cannot see beyond 

the bend; 

. high speed of vehicles in general; 

. absence of safe pedestrian crossings; 

. pedestrians unwilling to cross at traffic 

light; 

. lack of traffic control, and 

. general disregard for the safety of 

pedestrians. 

2. Events: 

. occur predominantly during peak 

traffic hours in the mornings and 

afternoons; 

. carelessness by pedestrians; 

. victims become impatient in heavy 

traffic and then cross the road; 

. the highest risk for injury and the 

most difficult crossing points are in 

Elandspoort Road; 

. one person had difficulty in crossing 

Preller Street in front of the main entrance 

to theTheo van Wijk building. 

3. Post-event factors: 

. help was offered in all events and victims 

were transported to medical 

care facilities; 

. no obvious preventive investigation 

and actions by stakeholders (including 

pedestrians, drivers, police, traffic 

authorities, academics, 1 etc.). 

Some of the interventions suggested by 

the participants are passive environmental 

and engineering measures, such 

as a pedestrian bridge which can dramatically 

reduce the cost of human error 

^ the so-called forgiving systems (Mohan, 

2001:244). Traffic calming devices 

are also passive environmental measures 

that reduce the speed of vehicles 

(when there is driver compliance) and 

therefore reduce the impact and severity 

of injuries. Other intervention measures 

require more active behaviour, for example, 

placing a traffic official at a pedestrian 

crossing. 

Mohan (2001) argues that in the case of 

motorists there is some form of control in 

the form of licensing, but in the case of 

other road users, such as pedestrians 


and cyclists, there is almost no control or 

ability to identify and target users (other 

than by immediate contact of an actual 

user in the context of a specific time, 

date and place). This control may not be 

strong in South Africa with its high number 

of fake drivers licences and poor enforcement 

figures (Gwatyu, 2001). Road 

users may also be using the road when 

not adequately equipped to do so, due 

to impaired cognitive, perceptual, motor, 

behavioural or psychological abilities. 

This impairment may be caused by subjective 

experiences (e.g. tragedy or psychological 

distress) or neurological 

impairment (disability, alcohol and substance 

abuse, etc.). These individuals 

cannot always be identified and prevented 

from using the road. 

Mohan (2001) warns against preoccupation 

with a single cause of injury. An exclusive 

focus on drivers will not solve the 

problem as most injuries are the result of 

anumberofeventstakingplacetogether. 

Sometimes a contributing factor 

is present because of a decision made 

long before the accident. Prevention (total 

alleviation of a problem) is one of the 

aims, together with planning and design 

to reduce the severity of injuries when 

they occur, and providing adequate 

post-accident treatment. It is important 

to involve the relevant communities and 

interest groups to come up with novel 

and cost-effective countermeasure 

methods and automatic forms of protection 

(Mohan, 2001). 

When one combines a socio-political 

decision-making mechanism that is 

highly centralised and does not accommodate 

the interests of the poorer sections 

of society, it is clear that the poor, 

and by implication the bulk of pedestrians 

and the users of the formal and informal 

public transport system, are 

unable to determine allocation of resources 

and implementation of solutions 

geared to their concerns. Although 

many young full-time students are potentially 

high earners, they are at a stage 

of their life where they have few economic 

resources and few have the support 

of a medical aid scheme. 

CONCLUSION 

This study provides rough indicators of 

areas where pedestrians to and from 

the Unisa main campus have difficulty 

crossing the road and where they are 

injured. Most of the accidents occurred 

in the three months prior to the interviews. 

Six participants could recall witnessing 

accidents in the two years 

prior to the interviews. Some tentative 

solutions were also elicited. However, 

the sample size of this study was very 

small, and the questionnaire was limited 

and did not elicit copious information 

on the accidents and 

characteristics of victims. Owing to the 

exploratory nature of the study, no rates 

such as incidence and prevalence 

could be reliably calculated. It is also 

possible that there is some overlap in 

the observed number of accidents. 

More detailed data collection would be 

useful to establish the extent of the problem 

by mapping the injury events, determining 

the injury severity, treatment 

and ultimate outcome of the event. This 

would also provide baseline data against 

which intervention successes can be 

measured. 

Public health and safety promotion bring 

to their prevention challenges clearly 

defined values and interests. For instance, 

the World Health Organisation 


(1997) notes that democratic values upholding 

individual autonomy and equity 

in relation to gender, culture and power 

should be promoted, while safety promotion's 

defining interest is to reduce 

the amount and severity of injury in the 

target population. A collective process 

of problem diagnosis and problem solving 

usually leads to various positive 

spin-offs, such as more active stakeholder 

and citizen involvement in other 

contexts and greater empowerment of 

the high risk groups. 

We have a societal responsibility to design 

our products and environment so 

that people find it easy and convenient 

tobehaveinasafemanner(Mohan, 

2001, p.244). Mohan argues that the 

`systems must be such that they are 

safe not only for normal people but also 

for those individuals who might belong 

to any groups.' In other words the systems 

should be designed to be forgiving 

systems, where the designs, rules 

and regulations reduce the likelihood 

of people hurting one another or themselves 

when they make mistakes. This 

study lays the groundwork for the establishment 

of forgiving systems for 

the safety of pedestrians who commute 

in and around the Unisa environment 

on a daily basis. 

Acknowledgement 

We should like to thank the pedestrian 

students who participated in this study. 

NOTE 

1 Since then a report on the situation has been commissioned by Unisa's top management.This 

led to a report published during February 2002 by Unisa Institute for Social and Health 

Sciences entitled: ÙNISA at the Crossroads: A Pedestrian Safety Risk Assessment.' 

REFERENCES 

Annest, J. L. and Mallonee, S. 1995. Data needs for injury prevention. In Proceedings of the 

International Collaborative Effort on Injury Statistics, vol. 1. Hyattsville: U.S. 

Department of Health and Human Services. 

Arrive Alive. 1999. ARRIVE ALIVE ± A CLOSER LOOK. [On-line]. 

Available: http://www.transport.gov.za/projects/arrive/closer.html. 

Assailly, J. P. (1997) Characterization and prevention of child pedestrian accidents: An 

overview. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 18(2), 257-262. 

Stiehler, A. 2002. Voetsoldate in 'n padoorlog. Beeld, Thursday 24 January 2002, 8. 

Butchart, A. & Kruger, J. 2001. Public health and community psychology: a case study in 

community-based injury prevention. In Seedat, M., Duncan, N. and Lazarus, S. 

Community Psychology: theory, method and practice. South African and other 

perspectives. Johannesburg: Oxford University Press, 215±241. 

CSIR (2000) CSIR Transportek assists Provincial Governments in curbing pedestrian fatality 

figures. [On-line]. Available: http://www.csir.co.za/transportek/review/Strategicresearch/trafman.htm. 

Flisher, A. J., Ziervogel, C. F., Chalton, D. O., Leger, P. H. and Robertson, B. A. (1993). 

Risk-taking behaviour of Cape Peninsula high-school students and related behaviour. 

South African Medical Journal, 83, 486±490. 

Gwatyu, M. 2001. Meer as 1 miljoen vals rybewyse in SA. Beeld, Thursday 11 October 2001, 

11. 


Haddon, W. (1980). Advances in the epidemiology of injuries as a basis for public policy. 

Public Health Reports (95), 411±421. 

LaScala, E; Gerber, D and Gruenewald, P. J. 2000. Demographic and environmental 

correlates of pedestrian injury collisions: A spatial analysis. Accident Analysis and 

Prevention, 32(5), 651-658. 

Miles-Doan, R. 1996. Alcohol use among pedestrians and the odds of surviving an injury: 

evidence from Florida law enforcement data. Accident Analysis and Prevention, 28(1), 

23-31. 

Mohan, D. 2001. Dealing with injury control and safety promotion in complex environments. In 

Seedat, M., Duncan, N. and Lazarus, S. Community Psychology: Theory, Method and 

Practice. South African and other perspectives. Johannesburg: Oxford University 

Press, 243±256. 

World Health Organisation. 1997. Health for all in the 21st century. Geneva: WHO. 


article article article article article article article article article article article article article article article article a 

ABSTRAK 

Die verband tussen die `time out'-metode en 

woedebuie by die kleuter 

Zelda Cloete 

Die doel van die studie was om te bepaal of die `time out'-metode 

suksesvol toegepas kan word in die hantering van woedebuie 

(`temper tantrums') by kleuters. Twintig kleuters tussen die ouderdom 

van twee en vier jaar is ewekansig in twee groepe verdeel om 

tydens woedebuie met behulp van die `time out'-metode of met 

behulp van alternatiewe metodes hanteer te word. Ouers is as 

deelnemer-observeerders opgelei om oor 'n tydperk van drie 

maande die `time out'-metode toe te pas en om dagboekinskrywings 

te hou oor die suksesvolheid van die metode van woedebuihantering. 

Die sukses van die hantering van woedebuie is gemeet in terme 

van die tydsduur van die woedebui. Die studie toon dat die `time out'- 

benadering tot die hantering van woedebuie beduidend meer 

suksesvol is as alternatiewe metodes. Dit hou bepaalde implikasies 

in vir ouerleiding. Die huidige bevinding moet egter versigtig 

geoordeel word in die lig van die klein steekproef asook die feit dat 

die studie nie ontwerp was om 'n oorsaaklike verwantskap aan te dui 

nie. Verdere navorsing word voorgestel om 'n meer omvattende idee 

van die waarde van die `time out'-metode te verkry. 

Nota: Aangesien daar nie goeie Afrikaanse alternatiewe vir die konsep van 

`time out' gevind kan word nie, word die Engelse term gebruik. 


Woedebuie (`temper tantrums') 

word gesien as deel 

van die normale ontwikkeling 

van die kind. Die woedebuie 

gaan gepaard met 'n geskop en 

geskreeu terwyl die kind op die grond leª . 

Kopstampery, asook gebytery, gekrap en 

asem-ophouery kan voorkom. Die gedrag 

bereik gewoonlik 'n klimaks op ongeveer 

twee jaar. Kinders oefen so hulle wilskrag 

uit en woedebuie kom voor wanneer kinders 

nie hul sin kry nie of gefrustreerd 

raak. 

Meeste ouers word met hierdie soort ongewenste 

gedrag by hulle kleuters gekonfronteer. 

Dit is normaal en kom 

algemeen in die kleuterstadium voor (Barrow,1968). 

In baie gevalle weet ouers egter 

nie hoe om die woedebuie te hanteer 

nie omdat die kleuter moeilik hanteerbaar 

en beheerbaar is (Barrow,1968). Volgens 

Berk (1989) kan fisiese en verbale straf 

ongewenste gevolge vir die kind inhou. 

Daarom kan 'n benadering soos die `time 

out'-metode meer geskik wees om ongewenste 

gedrag soos woedebuie te dissiplineer. 

Die `time out'-metode beteken dat 

'n kind in isolasie, byvoorbeeld in 'n kamer 

gelaat word vir 'n sekere voorgeskrewe 

tyd om emosies onder beheer te kry en

af te koel. Dit gee die ouer ook kans om 

van frustrasie en ander negatiewe gevoelens 

ontslae te raak. 

Daar is praktiese riglyne vir die toepassing 

van die `time out'-metode soos byvoorbeeld 

dat mens nie 'n kamer met 

interessante voorwerpe daarin gebruik 

nie omdat die isolasietyd as straf moet 

dien (Gross,1989). Die plek van isolasie 

behoort egter veilig te wees en die kind 

nie emosionele skade te berokken nie. 

Die tyd waarvoor 'n kind in isolasie gehou 

behoort te word, word bereken as 

een minuut vir elke jaar van ouderdom 

(www.Cyberparent.com). 

Verskeie bronne (Berndt,1992 & Berk, 

1989) bespreek die voordele van die 

`time out'-metode as oplossing vir woedebuie, 

maar die probleem is dat 

empiriese bewyse ontbreek. Die vraag 

is dus of hierdie metode werklik suksesvol 

toegepas kan word in die hantering 

van woedebuie, soos wat algemeen verwag 

word. Empiriese bewyse is nodig 

om ouers in voorligting te oortuig dat 

die `time out'-metode meer suksesvol is 

as ander metodes waarin fisiese of verbale 

straf gebruik word wat negatiewe 

gevolge vir die kind kan inhou. 

In die huidige studie was die navorsingsvraag 

of die `time out'-metode positief 

korreleer met die suksesvolle 

hantering van woedebuie. Om dit te bepaal 

is besluit om die `time out'-metode 

met ander metodes te vergelyk. Die nulhipotese 

sou wees dat daar geen verskil 

is tussen die toepassing van die `time 

out'-metode en die toepassing van alternatiewe 

metodes nie, terwyl die alternatiewe 

hipotese sou lui dat die sukses van 

die hantering van woedebui verskil vir 

die `time out'-metode en alternatiewe 

metodes. 

PROSEDURE 

Ouers is tydens inligtingsessies genader 

om aan die projek deel te neem. Inligtingsessies 

by tien verskillende kleuterskole 

in Gauteng is vir die doel gebruik. By hierdie 

geleenthede was ouers uit verskeie 

sosio-politieke en kultureel-maatskaplike 

groepe teenwoordig. Ouers is tydens die 

inligtingsessies oor die projek ingelig en 

gevra om aan die studie deel te neem. 

Toestemming van die betrokke skoolhoofde 

is verkry en 'n redelike aantal 

ouers het tot die projek toegestem. 

Uiteindelik is 'n steekproef van 20 kleuters 

tussen die ouderdom twee en vier 

jaar saamgestel. Die steekproef het 10 

seuntjies en 10 dogtertjies ingesluit. Die 

steekproef was divers ten opsigte van 

rasse groep, sosio-ekonomiese status, 

en familiestruktuur. Die 20 proefpersone 

is deur middel van ewekansige toesegging 

in twee groepe verdeel. Elke proefpersoon 

het 'n nommer ontvang en die 

nommers is in 'n hoed geplaas en getrek. 

Die eerste 10 proefpersone is aan 

die `time out'-groep toegewys en die 

oorblywende 10 aan die alternatiewe 

metodegroep. Enige metode anders as 

die `time out'-metode is as 'n alternatiewe 

metode beskou. Die alternatiewe 

benadering kon dus metodes soos verbale 

straf, aandagafleiding of ignorering 

tydens woedebuie insluit. Ouers kon self 

oor die metode besluit. 

Na afloop van die steekproefseleksie is 

die ouers van al 20 proefpersone in die 

`time out'-metode opgelei. 'n Opleidingsessie 

het sowat een uur geduur. Die 

ouers is ingelig oor die woedebuie en 

hoe om woedebuie van ander gedrag te 

onderskei, die korrekte toepassing van 

die `time out'-metode, die metode van 

waarneming en hoe om die inligting in 'n 

dagboekformaat aan te teken. Ouers 


moes leer dat suksesvolle hantering van 

'n woedebui beteken dat die kind die 

woedebui binne 'n bepaalde tyd staak. 

Die ouers moes suksesvolle hantering 

met 'n 1 en onsuksesvolle hantering met 

'n 0 aandui. Dit was belangrik dat hulle 

sou onthou om die dag, datum, tyd en 

aard van die voorval aan te teken. 

Ouers is aan die einde van die opleidingsessie 

ondervra om te verseker dat hulle 

wel oor die nodige kennis beskik en die 

prosedures in hulle eie woorde kon beskryf. 

Dit was belangrik om die ouers van 

kinders wat nie volgens die `time out'-metode 

hanteer sou word nie, ook aangaande 

die `time out'-metode in te lig om te verseker 

dat hulle nie die metode as deel van 'n 

alternatiewe strategie sou toepas nie. 

Hierna het die ouers ^ oor 'n periode van 

drie maande as deelnemer ^ observeerders 

waarnemings gemaak en dagboekinskrywings 

gedoen oor die 

suksesvolheid van die metodes wat 

hulle toegepas het in hulle pogings om 

hulle kleuters se woedebuie te beheer. 

Die observerings was natuurlik nie passief 

nie. Die ouers moes ingryp en het 

derhalwe intervensies bewerkstellig en 

dan die gevolge van die betrokke intervensies 

waargeneem. 

Afgesien van die dagboekinskrywings is 

addisionele data deur middel van individuele 

onderhoude met die ouers ingesamel. 

Die onderhoudskedule het 

gestruktureerdesowelas ongestruktureerde 

vrae bevat.'n Aanvanklike loodsstudie 

is onderneem voordat enige 

onderhoude met die ouers gedoen is ten 

einde te verseker dat die onderhoudskedule 

bruikbare en gewenste data kon 

lewer. Die inligting wat deur die onderhoude 

bekom is, was belangrik om die 

aard van 'n kind se woedebuie vas te stel 

enomtebepaalhoeouersdie woedebuie 

hanteer het.Dit wasookmoontlikom'n indruk 

te vorm oor hoe akkuraat, eerlik en 

volledig ouers die intervensie en waarnemingstake 

hanteer het. Hierdie inligting 

was belangrik omdat die ouers so'n beduidende 

rol moes speel.Hierteenoor was 

dienavorserseffek(invloedvandiekarakter 

van die navorser op die respondent) 

betreklik gering. Enige invloed was sistematies 

omdat al die proefpersone deur 

dieselfde navorser gesien is. 

'n Beperking van die observasies kon 

wees dat objektiwiteit en neutraliteit verlore 

kon gaan omdat die ouers self die observasies 

gemaak het. Gestruktureerde 

vrae aangaande die toepassing van die 

`time out'-metode en hoe die observasies 

gemaak is kan 'n mate van objektiwiteit 

daarstel. 'n Voordeel van deelnemerobservasie 

is egter dat die subjekte in hulle 

natuurlike omgewing waargeneem word 

en nie daarvan bewus is nie (eksterne observeerdereffek 

is uitgeskakel). 

ETIESE OORWEGINGS 

Die projek was prakties uitvoerbaar omdat 

proefpersone vrylik beskikbaar was 

en bereid was om deel te neem aan die 

projek. Materiaal en fasiliteite vir die projek 

was ook beskikbaar. Die kleuters kon 

natuurlik nie self besluit of hulle sou wou 

deelneem nie, maar hulle wetlike 

voogde, naamlik die ouers, was voldoende 

ingelig om ingeligte besluite oor 

deelname te kon neem. Konfidensialiteit 

van inligting kon gewaarborg word en 

die ouers se reg op privaatheid is te alle 

tye erken. Proefpersone was bewus van 

die feit dat hulle te enige tyd van die projek 

kon onttrek Die bevindings en gevolgtrekkings 

van die studie is na afloop 

van die projek met die ouers bespreek. 

Op hierdie wyse kon die ouers dus voordeel 

trek uit hulle deelname. 


Proefpersone was nie fisies of geestelik 

benadeel deur die korrekte toepassing 

van die `time out'-metode nie. Ouers is 

vooraf opgelei oor die gebruik van die 

`time out'-metode en hulle moes 'n vorm 

teken waarin hulle onderneem om die 

metode volgens voorskrif toe te pas om 

te verseker dat die kleuter nie benadeel 

so kon word deur die gebruik van die 

`time out'-metode nie.Voorts het die navorser 

oor voldoende opleiding beskik in 

die hantering en gebruik van die metode. 

Die prosedure was onder toesig van 'n 

gekwalifiseerde sielkundige. Die gebruik 

van alternatiewe metodes vir die hantering 

van woedebuie is deur ouers self 

bepaal. Die verantwoordelikheid van die 

toepassing van sulke metodes het dus 

by die ouers berus. Maar ook hierdie 

ouers moes 'n vorm onderteken waarin 

hulle onderneem het om metodes te 

gebruik wat nie sou lei tot fisiese en/of 

psigiese benadeling van die kleuter nie. 

DATA-ANALISE EN RESULTATE 

Die inligting verkry uit die dagboekinskrywings 

is soos volg verwerk: 'n 

waarde van1 is vir suksesvolle hantering 

toegeken versus 'n waarde van 0 vir onsuksesvolle 

hantering. Frekwensietellings 

is gebruik om 'n aanduiding te 

verkry van algehele sukses oor die drie 

maande-tydperk. Die metode was eenvoudig. 

Indien 'n ouer oor die tydperk 

van drie maande 'n metode meer keer 

suksesvol as onsuksesvol gevind het, is 

die waarde 1 toegeken vir die algemene 

suksesvolheid van die toepassing van 

die metode. Die inligting is deurgaans 

vergelyk met die inligting wat uit die individuele 

onderhoude bekom is as 'n betroubaarheidskontrole 

van die dagboekinligting.Verdagte 

voorvalle is weggelaat 

en nie vir verdere analise oorweeg nie. 

Dit het geblyk dat in geval van die `time 

out'-metode sewe ouers oorwegend suksesvol 

was in die hantering van hulle kleuters 

se woedebuie, terwyl drie ouers 

oorwegend onsuksesvol was. In teenstelling 

hiermee kon slegs twee ouers daarin 

slaag om hulle kleuters se woedebuie 

oorwegend suksesvol te hanteer met alternatiewe 

metodes. Agt ouers in die alternatiewe 

benadering groep was 

oorwegend onsuksesvol.'n Chi-kwadraat 

analise van hierdie inligting het aangetoon 

dat die twee benaderings (`time out' 

versus alternatief) beduidend verskil ten 

opsigte van die oorwegende suksesvolheid 

van die hantering van woedebuie. 

Die berekende Chi-kwadraat indeks van 

5, 2525 was beduidend op die 0,05 vlak. 

BESPREKING 

In hierdie studie was die `time out'-metode 

beduidend meer suksesvol in die 

hantering van woedebuie by kleuters as 

wat die geval is met alternatiewe benaderings. 

Maar mens moet in ag neem 

dat die studie nie sonder beperkings is 

nie. Byvoorbeeld, die navorser het nie 

beheer gehad oor die waarnemings nie 

en moes haar op die ouers se oordeel 

verlaat.Ouersissogoedasmoontlik 

gemotiveer deur aan te dui dat die projek 

baie belangrik was en dat hulle volledige 

inskrywings in die dagboeke moes 

maak. Al is die konfidensialiteit van die 

inligting beklemtoon was dit steeds nie 

moontlik om te verseker dat ouers algeheel 

eerlik is oor die frekwensie en aard 

van die kleuters se woedebuie nie en die 

wyse waarop woedebuie normaalweg 

hanteer sou word nie. Die feit dat ouers 

geweet het dat hulle tot die `time out'- 

metode of die alternatiewe metode 

groep behoort, kon ook 'n rol gespeel 

het. Ouers het geweet dat die navorser 

belangstel in die `time out'-metode en 


dit kon daartoe gelei het dat hulle hierdie 

metode oor-evalueer en alternatiewe 

metodes onder-evalueer het. 

Verdere steuringsveranderlikes wat op 

die resultate kon inwerk en nie beheer 

kon word nie, is onder andere die persoonlikheid 

van die ouer en kind, en die 

ervaring van die ouer in observasie en 

die `time out'-metode. Maar dit was nie 

wenslik om hierdie tipe studie buite die 

natuurlike omgewing van die ouer en 

kind te doen nie. Die studie is nie werklik 

eksperimenteel van aard nie en kousaliteit 

kan nie uit die bevindings afgelei 

word nie. Mens sou dus nie kon beweer 

dat die `time out'-metode verantwoordelik 

is vir die verkorte duur van woedebuie 

nie. Dit sou natuurlik ook riskant wees 

om op grond van die beperkte getalle 

van die steekproef te veralgemeen, veral 

in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks waar 

heterogeniteit van die algemene populasie 

groter steekproewe vereis. 

GEVOLGTREKKING 

Woedebuie by kleuters is 'n algemene 

verskynsel. Ouers sukkel egter soms 

om woedebuie te hanteer vanwee« die 

onbeheerbaarheid van die kleuter. Hanteringsmetodes 

mag soms fisiese en 

psigiese nadele vir die kleuter inhou. Die 

`time out'-metode is voorgestel as 'n metode 

wat die kind nie fisies en psigies benadeel 

nie, maar dit is nie duidelik of die 

metode wel doeltreffend is nie. Hierdie 

studie het aangedui dat die `time out'- 

metode wel 'n doeltreffende benadering 

tot die hantering van woedebuie by kleuters 

kan wees. Ouers sou tydens ouerleidingklinieke 

en inligtingsessie opgelei 

kon word om die `time out'-metode korrek 

en met oorleg toe te pas. 

Die resultaat moet egter versigtig beskouwordomdatdiesteekproefklein 

was en die studie nie ontwerp was om 'n 

kousale verband aan te dui nie. Verdere 

navorsing is nodig om hierdie resultaat 

te ondersteun. 

Verdere vrae wat deur toekomstige navorsers 

aangespreek kan word, is die 

volgende: 

. Kan die `time out'-metode toegepas 

word sonder verlies aan selfagting 

by die kind? 

. Leer die `time out'-metode ongewenste 

gedrag af? 

. Kan die `time out'-metode doeltreffend 

deur alle ouers en kinders toegepas 

word? 

. Die `time out'-metode is hoofsaaklik 

beperk tot die huis. Watter alternatiewe 

metodes vir die hantering van 

woedebuie sou in situasies buite die 

huis (byvoorbeeld, in die motor of 

supermark) gebruik kon word? 

VERWYSINGS 

Barrow, L. 1968. Tantrums, jealousy and the fears of children. Australia: Halstead. 

Berk, E. B. 1989. Child development. Mass: Allyn & Bacon. 

Breakwell, G. M., Hammond, S. and Fife-Shaw, C. 1995. Research methods in psychology. 

London: Sage. 

Gross, Jean. 1989. Psychology and parenthood. Philadelphia: Open University Press. 

http: //www.cyberparent.com/gran/timeoutinfo.htm: General `time out' information.s. 

http: //www.cyberparent.com/spoiled: Discipline with self-esteem. 

Rosnow, R. L. and Rosenthal, R. 1996. Beginning behavioral research. New Jersey: Prentice 

Hall. 


Differences in body image perceptions among 

adolescent males and females 

Caryn Potash 

ABSTRACT Body image is an important part of identity development, particularly 

in adolescence when accommodation to pubertal change is a key 

developmental task. This study examines the differences between 

adolescent male and female perceptions of body image. It tested the 

hypothesis that female adolescents would have poorer body image 

perception than that of their male counterparts. An availability sample 

of 20 adolescents (10 male, 10 female) between the ages of 14 and 

15 years, was used in which a body image questionnaire was 

administered. Differences in the mean scores of the two groups were 

analysed using a t-test. It was found that female adolescents do in 

fact have a poorer body image than males of this age. The findings, 

which are comparable with other findings on this subject, imply that 

there is a difference between male and female adolescents with 

regard to body image at this age. In general, female adolescents 

have a poorer body self-image than males. This is due in large part to 

current cultural standards for physical appearance combined with 

social, cultural and psychological pressures. Many females may feel 

less attractive and devalued if they think that their bodies fall short of 

the socio-cultural ideals. The findings of this study help to lay the 

groundwork for research exploring intrapsychic and interpersonal 

consequences which include socio-cultural factors attached to body 

image dissatisfaction for adolescents. 

Body image may be understood 

as a multidimensional 

self-attitude toward one's 

body, particularly its appearance 

(Muth & Cash, 1997). Body image 

is associated with how people think, feel 

and behave with regard to their own physical 

attributes (Rosenblum & Lewis, 

1999). Across the life span, body image 

canbeseenasavitalaspectofselfworth 

and mental health. 

Many researchers have focused on the 

role of gender in terms of body image. 

Gender has been recognised as a salient 

factor in body image development. 

Throughout their life time, women are 

more discontent with their bodily appearance 

because they often view 

themselves as being overweight, even 

at average weight levels (Muth & Cash, 

1997). Body image has been found to be 

central to both clinical and subclinical 

eating disturbances which are especially 

prevalent among young women. 

Body image undergoes change during 

adolescence. The combination of the 



adolescents' changing physical appearance, 

their increasing cognitive abilities, 

and their capacity for introspection may 

render them particularly vulnerable to 

excessive and negative preoccupation 

with their own and others' perceptions 

of their bodies (Rosenblum & Lewis, 

1999). 

Body image lies at the heart of adolescence 

as it is an important part of identity 

development, particularly at the 

stage of adolescence when accommodation 

to pubertal change is a key developmental 

task (Ferron, 1997). 

Adolescents' search for identity and a 

gender role is the consequence of a dialectic 

between the well-known body of 

childhood and the unknown, sexually 

mature body, brought about by puberty 

changes. From early childhood, young 

males express a preference for the mesomorph 

type of male figure.This implies 

a striving toward the tall, muscular and 

lean look. When males reach adolescence, 

they aspire toward this `look' and 

judge themselves negatively if their physical 

appearance falls short of this unrealistic 

ideal (Ferron,1997). 

Through the media, girls are subject to 

highly valued images of an extremely 

thin female body, and very often react 

negatively to the natural modifications 

of their figure due to puberty. Young 

malesexpressmoresatisfactionand 

pride in their changing body than young 

females (Ferron,1997). In order to have a 

positive adjustment to the morphological 

changes they undergo, boys evaluate 

themselves on factors such as body 

efficiency and physical ability. Girls assess 

the changes in their body based 

on whether they are becoming more or 

less physically attractive. Various researchers 

explain that girls are faced 

with several contradictory models of social 

acceptability: the athletic woman 

with firm muscles, the seductive woman 

with a slender figure and the motherly 

woman with soft curves (Ferron,1997). 

Ferron (1997) makes the assertion ^ 

basedonextensiveresearch^that 

adaptation to the bodily changes of puberty 

exerts a strong influence on adolescents' 

social adjustment, psychological 

well-being, and health behaviours. Many 

studies of body image in adolescence 

have analysed the extent to which boys 

and girls manage to adjust to the bodily 

transformations of puberty and to overcome 

the personal and relational difficulties, 

which may ensue from these 

changes. 

Cultural norms and expectations lead 

girls and women to be attentive to, and 

to invest psychologically in their physical 

appearances, which may undermine 

their well-being and contribute to their 

developing eating disorders and other 

psychological problems (Muth & Cash, 

1997). Pathological eating disorders 

have been identified as one of the most 

common and serious forms of adolescent 

illness in developed societies. One 

factor that appears to be common to 

the adolescents diagnosed as suffering 

from an eating pathology, is a high level 

of perceived body image dissatisfaction. 

Perceived body image dissatisfaction 

has been reported to be highly prevalent 

within non-eating disordered of populations 

of adolescents, particularly females 

(Kostanski & Gullone,1998). 

Cash and Brown (in Abell & Richards, 

1996) maintain that many researchers 

who have studied the relationship between 

satisfaction with body shape and 

self-esteem have looked only at females. 

They explain that it is likely that the pre- 


valence of eating disorders among 

young women has motivated this type 

of research on female weight and body 

shape satisfaction. In general, researchers 

have found that women who express 

greater dissatisfaction with their weight 

and body shape tend to have lower selfesteem 

scores than women who have a 

healthier body image. A woman's feelings 

about her weight may be a particularly 

crucial aspect of her body image. 

Whereas most research has only looked 

at females, researchers have recently 

begun to explore the body image of 

men. It seems that females, more so 

than males, are negatively preoccupied 

with their body shapes. However, the 

way in which a man's feelings about his 

body influences his general sense of 

self-worth is unresolved (Abell & Richards,1996). 

Although women tend to 

equate their body image and self-worth 

more than men, and are, therefore, more 

likely to feel distressed about their body 

shape, the extent of male body dissatisfaction 

has been underestimated (Hayslip, 

Cooper, Dougherty & Cook,1997). 

As men are now experiencing body image 

concerns similar to females, there 

is an increasing need to include men in 

studies of this nature. Men are now 

adopting the same unrealistic standards 

that have been tormenting women for 

years, and are defining themselves more 

by their looks (Hayslip et al.,1997). 

A review of the relevant literature, indicates 

that there seem to be historical differences 

with regard to the way in which 

men and women perceive their bodies. 

In general, it seems as though women 

have poorer perceptions of their bodies 

than men. The purpose of this study 

was to look at gender differences in respect 

of body image in adolescence. 

This study looked at male and female 

adolescents so as to gauge any differences 

between the genders with regard 

to their body image perceptions.The hypothesis, 

based on a preliminary examination 

of some of the relevant literature 

in developmental psychology and selfimage 

research aimed at adolescents, 

is that female adolescents are less satisfied 

with their physical appearance than 

males are of that age. 

AIM AND HYPOTHESIS 

This study aimed to examine the differences 

between gender and body image 

amongst adolescents. To measure body 

image, a self-report body image questionnaire 

was used. It consisted of nine 

questions which focused on issues of 

health and body image perceptions. The 

questionnaire was found on a body image 

site on the Internet. Examples can 

be viewed on the Internet, for example 

the Web pages of the Eating Disorder 

Referral and Information Center (2001) 

and Oppy (2001). The instrument was 

adapted for South African use. The psychometric 

properties are undetermined, 

and the reliability and validity of the 

questionnaire are therefore unknown. 

The adolescents were asked to respond 

`yes' or `no' to each of the questions. The 

more `yes' responses, the poorer the 

body image of that person.The research 

hypothesis is that females adolescents 

will answer `yes' more frequently than 

the males will. 

SAMPLE 

This study made use of an availability 

sample that comprised 20 adolescent 

individuals (10 male,10 female) between 

the ages of 14 and 15 years. The group 


was homogenous in race and socioeconomic 

status; all the respondents 

were white and came from a middle to 

upper class socio-economic status. The 

respondents were not volunteers, 

although they consented to participating. 

PROCEDURE 

The students were approached for the 

study during one of their Guidance lessons. 

They were all from the same 

Grade Nine class from a private high 

school in Cape Town. After being made 

aware of the procedure, they were 

handed the questionnaire. They had ten 

minutes in which to complete it. After 

ten minutes the questionnaires were 

handed back to the researcher in order 

for the data to be tested. 

The means of the data obtained from the 

two groups (male and female) were 

compared using an independent sample 

t-test. The independent t-test was used 

to compare the average number of `yes' 

responses made by males and females. 

The information was analysed by using 

the independent t-test to test the hypothesis 

that the average number of `yes' responses 

would be the same among the 

female and the male adolescents. 

ANALYSIS 

Figures 1 and 2 show the dsitribution of 

`yes' responses for the male and female 

groups. A `yes' response indicates a 

poorer body image reponse. Higher 

scores indicate a lower total body image 

score. 

The mean of `yes' responses for the 

male group (n = 10) was 1.6 with a standard 

deviation of 1.577 and the mean 

`yes' responses for the female group 

(n = 10) was 6.3 with a standard deviation 

of 2.71. The two groups are statistically 

significantly different at the 1% 

level in terms of their mean scores 

(t = ^5.54; df = 9; p50.001). The null 

hypothesis that the average numbers 

of the male's `yes' responses are the 

same as the female's has been rejected. 

5 

4 

3 

2 

1 

0 

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 

Number of 3 1 4 2 3 0 0 3 0 0 

`yes' responses 

Males 

FIGURE 1: MALE `YES' RESPONSES TO THE BODY IMAGE QUESTIONNAIRE 


10 

8 

6 

4 

2 

0 

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 

Numberof 3 1 4 2 3 0 0 3 0 0 

`yes' responses 

Females 

FIGURE 2: FEMALE `YES' RESPONSES TO THE BODY IMAGE QUESTIONNAIRE 

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 

An analysis of the data shows clearly 

that female adolescents have a poorer 

body self-image than their male counterparts. 

There is a significant difference 

between the two groups. This study 

therefore corroborates the hypothesis 

that female adolescents express greater 

body dissatisfaction than male adolescents 

do.The null hypothesis which says 

that there is no difference between the 

two groups with regard to body image 

perceptions is therefore rejected. 

The results of the study, which found that 

young female adolescents have poorer 

body image perceptions than males of 

the same age, is comparable to similar 

studies of this nature (Muth & Cash, 

1997).Compared with men, women have 

more negative body image evaluations, 

stronger investments in their looks and 

more frequent body image dysphoria. 

While this study focused on gender differences 

with regard to perceptions of 

body image in adolescence, it seems 

that it can also be compared with studies 

that pertain to other age groups. 

For example, in their study, Kostanki and 

Gullone (1998) assert that gender difference 

with regard to body image was 

constant across the age range. Furthermore, 

they found that perceived body 

image dissatisfaction might well be established 

before the individual reaches 

adolescence. 

The findings of the current study, in 

which female adolescents express less 

body image satisfaction than males of 

the same age, are comparable with the 

findings of previous studies of this nature. 

Adolescence is a pivotal time for individuals 

as they begin to gain a sense 

of their identities, which includes the development 

of body image conceptions. 

The loss of the prepubescent body and 

the increasing disparity between girls' 

real and ideal bodies cause girls dissatisfaction 

and distress (Rosenblum & 

Lewis, 1999). Rosenblum and Lewis 

(1999) assert that, in general, boys do 

not show an increase in dissatisfaction 

with their bodies, for, on the contrary, 

they experience increasing satisfaction 


with certain body parts. They also found 

that across the same period in adolescence, 

girls' body image worsens while 

boys' improves. They make mention of 

other studies that have indicated that 

adolescents begin to pay increased attention 

to their body shape at around 15 

years of age. In another study with adolescents 

Keel et al. (1997) found that girls 

reported more body dissatisfaction, depression 

and lower self-esteem, and endorsed 

more disordered eating items 

than boys. These findings were supported 

by the data collected in the current 

study. 

The limitations of this study pertain to issues 

related to the sample as well as to 

data-gathering measures. Because the 

sample was small and non-random it is 

difficult to generalise the findings to the 

wider population. Since the sample was 

homogenous,thefindingscanonlybe related 

to groupsthat aresimilar tothe ones 

that were worked with.The sample in this 

study was restricted to Caucasian adolescents 

of the middle and upper class. 

These findings can therefore not be generalised, 

because the standards for 

beauty and determinants of body image 

have been shown to differ across other 

cultural and ethnic groups. However, because 

all adolescents progress through 

the physical changes of puberty, it would 

be of interest for further research to examine 

the way in which adolescents from 

different socio-economic, cultural and 

ethnic groups respond to these changes. 

Another limitation of this study related to 

data-gathering procedures; the body image 

questionnaire. Because the questionnaire 

was adapted for South African 

use,its psychometric propertieswere undetermined 

and, for this reason, there 

were problems with reliability and validity. 

The study does therefore not intend to 

yield conclusive results to be generalised 

to the wider community or to other various 

populations. 

In conclusion, the findings confirm the 

reality that there are differences in body 

image perceptions between the sexes 

and that female adolescents have a 

poorer body self-image than that of 

males of their age. Due in large part to 

media-induced cultural standards for 

physical appearance combined with social, 

cultural and psychological pressures 

that are central to adolescence, 

some females may feel less attractive 

and devalued if they feel that their 

bodies fall short of these sociocultural 

ideals. The findings of this study help to 

bring these issues to light, as well as laying 

the groundwork for research exploring 

intrapsychic and interpersonal 

consequences that include sociocultural 

factors attached to body image dissatisfaction 

for adolescents. 

REFERENCES 

Abell, S. and Richards, M. 1996. The relationship between body shape satisfaction and selfesteem: 

an investigation of gender and class differences. Journal of Youth and 

Adolescence, 25, 691±703. 

Eating Disorder Referral and Information Center. 2001. Body image questionnaire ± how do 

you measure up? [On-line]. Available: http://www.edreferral.com/body_image.htm. 

Ferron, C. 1997. Body image in adolescence: Cross-cultural research ± results of the 

preliminary phase of a quantitative survey. Adolescence, 32, 735±745. 

Hayslip, B; Cooper, C; Dougherty, L. and Cook, D. 1997. Body image in adulthood: a 

projective approach. Journal of Personality Assessment, 68, 628±649. 


Keel, P; Fulkerson, J. and Leon, G. 1997. Disordered eating precursors in pre- and early 

adolescent girls and boys. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 26, 203±216. 

Kostanski, M. and Gullone, E. 1998. Adolescent body image dissatisfaction: relationships with 

self-esteem, anxiety, and depression controlling for body mass. Journal of Child 

Psychology and Psychiatry and Allied Disciplines, 39, 255±262. 

Muth, J. L. and Cash, T. F. 1997. Body-image attitudes: what difference does gender make? 

Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 27, 1438±1452. 

Oppy, A. 2001. Body Image ± Health vs Obsession. [On-line]. Available: http://www.med.- 

monash.edu.au/healthpromotion/pamphlets/BodyImage/male.htm. 

Rosenblum, G. and Lewis, M. 1999. The relations among body image, physical 

attractiveness, and body mass in adolescence. Journal of Child Development, 70(1), 

50±64. 


of alkoholiste. Tans verwys problematiese 

Internetgebruik na ongeveer 5% tot 

10% van die ongeveer 304 miljoen netgebruikers 

wereldwyd (Nua Internet Surveys, 

2000). Soos tegnologie toeneem 

en al hoe meer beskikbaar raak vir die 

gemiddelde mens, word al hoe meer bearticle 


ABSTRAK 

Die verband tussen persoonlikheidsfaktore en 

wisselende vlakke van Internetgebruik 

Ilze Neethling 

Problematiese Internetgebruik word in psigologieliteratuur ook 

aangedui as Ìnternetverslawing'. Relevante studies is egter skaars 

en geen fasiliterende faktore is tot dusver geeÈ ien nie. In hierdie 

studie word gepoog om te bepaal of Internetgebruikers verskil ten 

opsigte van persoonlikheidstipe en dienooreenstemmende Internetbetrokkenheid, 

met die oog daarop om persoonlikheidstipe as 

fasiliterende faktor tot die ontwikkeling van problematiese Internetgebruik 

te identifiseer. Twintig Internetgebruikers is evalueer deur 

middel van twee gestandaardiseerde vraelyste om onderskeidelik 

vlak van Internetbetrokkenheid asook Persoonlikheidstipe te bepaal. 

'n Ex-post facto ontwerp is aangewend. Proefpersone is bekom deur 

middel van 'n advertensie op die Internet en vraelyste is versend en 

ontvang via e-pos. Die Pearson-r asook t-toets is gebruik om 

beduidenheid te bepaal. Geen beduidende verskil is tussen die twee 

persoonlikheidstipes gevind nie en die gevolgtrekking word gemaak 

dat daar geen linieÃ re verband tussen persoonlikheidstipe en vlak van 

Internetbetrokkenheid is nie. Metodologiese probleme behels 'n klein 

navorsingsgroep, nie-ewekansigheid, onbewese meetinstrument(e) 

en algemene leemtes ten aansien van selfrapportering. VanweeÈ 

hierdie leemtes is bevindinge inkonklusief en word aanbeveel dat 

toekomstige studies oor die verband tussen persoonlikheidstipe en 

Internetbetrokkenheid hierdie leemtes aanspreek voordat enige 

definitiewe gevolgtrekkings gemaak kan word. Die negatiewe 

gevolge wat Internetgebruik vir sommige individue inhou, regverdig 

steeds ondersoeke in hierdie verband. Hierdie studie beklemtoon die 

behoefte aan verdere navorsing oor die mens ± Internetinteraksie om 

sodoende die voordele van die Internet te maksimaliseer en die 

negatiewe impak daarvan te minimaliseer. 

Teen hierdie tyd het meeste 

mensehulweggevindnadie 

kuberruim. 'n Stygende aantal 

persone ondervind egter probleme 

om hul weg terug te vind en beveg 

'n `verslawing' net so ernstig as patologiese 

dobbelaars, dwelmverslaafdes 


trek by Internetgebruik. Daar word verwag 

dat syfers in Suid-Afrika ook sal 

toeneem met die meer vrylike en bekostigbare 

beskikbaarheid van rekenaars 

en lynfasiliteite, asook die stygende vlak 

van geletterdheid. Dit impliseer derhalwe 

dat problematiese Internetgebruik 

ook sal toeneem. 

Ìnternet' is 'n term wat verskillende tipes 

funksies aanlyn verteenwoordig. Met 

problematiese Internetgebruik word verwys 

na die onbeheerbare, tydrowende 

gebruik van Internetfasiliteite wat nie 

verband hou met beroeps- of akademiese 

aangeleenthede nie en wat 

resulteer in sosiale, of finansieÈle nagevolge. 

Emosionele ontrekkingsimptome 

kom voor wanneer die persoon nie 

aanlyn is nie asook pre-okkupasie met 

aanlyn-aktiwiteite (Shapira, Goldsmith, 

Keck, Khosla & McElroy, 2000). 

Soveel tyd word uiteindelik op die Net 

spandeer dat probleme ervaar word in 

huwelike, families en beroepsverband. 

Sogenaamde `verslaafdes' spandeer 

gewoonlik vier ure of meer per week op 

die Net in persoonlike hoedanigheid.Oor 

die algemeen ervaar die individu 'n emosionele 

verbintenis tot die aanlynvriende 

en aktiwiteite wat hy/sy binne die rekenaarskerm 

`skep', en hierdie sogenaamde 

verhoudings vervang later sy/haar 

reeds-bestaande verhoudings met 

vriende of familie (Clay, 2000). Hierdie 

virtuele gemeenskappe skep 'n ontsnappingsmeganisme 

van die realiteit. Naam, 

ouderdom, beroep, voorkoms en fisiese 

response tot ander persone of situasies 

kan verbloem word. Alternatiewe persoonlikhede 

word geskep of voorgehou. 

Internetgebruikers, veral diegene wat 

eensaamheid en onsekerheid in die 

werklike lewe ervaar, gryp na hierdie nuwe 

vryheid en gebruik die geleentheid 

om hul gevoelens, geheime, en begeertes 

te openbaar aan gesiglose vreemdelinge. 

Dit skep wel die illusie van 

intimiteit, maar wanneer realiteit intree 

en die beperkinge van hierdie gesiglose 

gemeenskappe en vriendskappe openbaar 

word, veral ten opsigte van die gebrek 

aan liefde en ondersteuning wat 

slegs van `werklike' mense bekom kan 

word, ervaar die Internetafhanklike 

werklike teleurstelling en pyn (Young, 

2000a). 

Wanneer 'n individu voldoen aan die algemene 

DSM-IV kriteria vir substansie 

afhanklikheidsversteuring ten aansien 

van pre-okkupasie, onttrekking, sosiale/ 

beroeps/finansie« le gevolge vanweeÈ Internetbetrokkenheid, 

wordhy/sygediagnoseer 

en behandel vir problematiese 

Internetgebruik (Shapira et al., 

2000). Greenfield (1999) steun ook sterk 

op die DSM-IV kriteria vir patologiese 

dobbel. Geen konsensus is egter tot op 

datum oor die vasgestelde kriteria vir 

die bepaling van problematiese Internetgebruik 

bereik nie en is die versteuring 

ooknognieindieDSM-IVopgeneem 

nie (Brown, 2000). 

Problematiese Internetgebruik kan as 'n 

nuwe vorm van afhanklikheidsversteuring 

beskou word, met soortgelyke negatiewe 

gevolge. Hierdie problematiese 

gebruik hou veral verskeie sosiale en 

kulturele implikasies in vir die gemeenskap 

wat deur hierdie individue bewoon 

word. Die geaffekteerde individu se bestaan 

sentreer rondom die gebruik van 

Internetfasiliteite. Sy/Haar effektiwiteit 

en produktiwiteit neem af op talle vlakke; 

interpersoonlike verhoudinge ondergaan 

drastiese negatiewe 

veranderinge; en kinders wat in hierdie 

verband grootword, ontwikkel min sosiale 

vaardighede. 


Kommer oor die toenemende Internetgebruik 

en die negatiewe implikasies 

daaraan verbonde, het ontaard in 'n hewige 

debat onder sosiale navorsers. 

(Shapira et al., 2000). Voorstanders van 

hierdie tegnologie beweer dat die Net 

sosiale kontak mag bevorder, terwyl kritici 

beweer dat Internetbetrokkenheid 

op sigself lei tot groter isolasie onder 

die mens terwyl interpersoonlike verhoudinge 

vervang word. Dit mag uiteindelik 

uitmond in 'n radikale verandering 

van die wyse waarop sosiale interaksies 

plaasvind deurdat intieme, ondersteunende 

verhoudings in die werklike 

lewe vervang word met die meer oppervlakkige 

verhoudings aanlyn. Greenfield 

(2000) omskryf die Internet dan ook as 

à socially connecting device that's socially 

isolating at the same time' (DeAngelis, 

2000:2). Ter ondersteuning van 

hierdie stelling toon navorsing uitgevoer 

deur die Stanford Instituut dat 25% van 

standaard Netverbruikers ervaar dat 

hulle baie minder tyd met familie en 

vriende spandeer (Nua Internet Surveys, 

2000). 

Navorsing toon verder dat hoe meer intens 

individue betrokke raak by Internetgebruik, 

hoe groter is die voorkoms van 

depressie, eensaamheid en sosiale onttrekking 

onder hierdie indiwidue (Clay, 

2000), wat noodwendig geestesgesondheid 

en lewenskwaliteit negatief beõÈ n- 

vloed. Hierdie aspekte plaas dit binne 

die belangstellingsveld van die sielkunde. 

Aangesien problematiese Internetgebruik 

klaarblyklik aan die toeneem is en 

soveel negatiewe gevolge vir sommige 

individue inhou, is dit belangrik om fasiliterende 

faktore daartoe te identifiseer. 

Baie min kennis is egter tot dusver beskikbaar 

ten aansien van die mens ^ Internet 

interaksie.Problematiese Internetgebruik 

is 'n betreklik jong verskynsel en 

studies is skaars. Ook word meestal 

slegs gefokus op die verband tussen kliniese 

versteurings en problematiese Internetgebruik 

(Shapira et al., 2000; 

Greenfield,1999).Of problematiese Internetgebruik 

nou 'n aparte kliniese versteuring, 

die simptoom van 'n reeds 

bestaande versteuring, en of beide is, 

die Internet het bygedra tot 'n vermoedelik 

nuwe vorm van `patologie' wat ondersoek 

behoort te word. Die gebruik van 

die Internet blyk, soortgelyk aan alkohol 

en ander toleransievormende substansies,'n 

addisionele gedragsvorm te wees 

wat 'n kompulsiewe patroon kan bevorder. 

Kennis is nodig om die probleem te 

belig, en fokuspunte vir kliniese ingryping 

moet ontwikkel word indien dit wel 

as kliniese probleem kwalifiseer. 

Geen studies wat pertinent fokus op die 

moontlike verband tussen psigologiese 

faktore soos persoonlikheidskenmerke 

en Internetgebruik kon gevind word nie. 

Alhoewel die verhouding tussen persoonlikheid 

en patologie onseker bly, 

speel dit 'n beduidende rol in die ontwikkeling 

en verloop van verskeie versteurings 

(Barlow & Durand,1995). Dit is dus 

'n moontlikheid dat persoonlikheidskenmerke 

ook 'n beduidende rol mag speel 

in die ontwikkeling en verloop van problematiese 

Internetgebruik. 

Bestaan daar derhalwe 'n verband tussen 

verskillende persoonlikheidstipes 

en die wisselende vlakke van Internetbetrokkenheid? 

Is 'n intravert of ekstravert, 

meer geneig tot hoe« r Internetgebruik, 

en die uiteindelike ontwikkeling 

van problematiese gebruik, of kom geen 

verskil voor nie? Kan persoonlikheidstipe 

as 'n fasiliterende faktor tot problematiese 

Internetgebruik beskou word? 


Hierdie vrae is relevant tot die fokus van 

hierdie studie, wat val op die bepaling of 

'n ekstravert of intravert meer neig tot 

hoe« r vlakke van Internetgebruik, en dus 

meer kwesbaar is vir die ontwikkeling 

van problematiese Internetgebruik. 

KERNBEGRIPPE 

Persoonlikheid dui op die totaliteit van 

alle eienskappe soos kognisies, gewoontes, 

waardes, houdings, emosies, 

vooroordele en doelstellings wat die individu 

se gedrag in interaksie met die 

omgewing bepaal (Meyer,1992). Volgens 

Jung ontstaan verskillende persoonlikheidstipes 

vanuit die kombinering van 

houdings en funksies gesetel in die 

psige van die mens (Viljoen, 1997). Elkeen 

van die funksies van die psige manifesteer 

op 'n intraverte of ekstraverte 

wyse. 

Ekstraversie en intraversie dui dus op 

die verskillende orie« ntasies te make 

met die kanalisering van psigiese 

energie. Jung stel dit soos volg: `progression, 

as adaptation to the outer 

conditions could be regarded as extraversion; 

regression, as adaptation to 

the inner conditions, could be regarded 

as introversion' (Viljoen, 1997:122). 

Intraverte is dus merendeels na binne 

gerig, en met hulle eie emosies en belewenisse 

gepreokkupeer. Hulle kom 

gewoonlik baie afsydig en onsosiaal 

voor. Ekstraverte daarenteen, rig hul 

aandag op die eksterne omgewing, 

gebeurtenisse en persone sonder om 

baie aandag aan subjektiewe waarneming 

te skenk. Sulke individue openbaar 

'n lewendige belangstelling in 

sosiale aktiwiteite (Viljoen, 1997). Na 

gelang van die primeª re kanalisering 

van die individu se psigiese energie, 

kan hy/sy dus as primeª r innerlik of primeª 

ruiterlikgeorie« nteerd gekarakteriseer 

word. 

Aangesien intraverte minder sosiaal is 

as ekstraverte, minder vriende het en 

meer geneig is tot eensaamheid (Young, 

2000b) word verwag dat hulle groter betrokkenheid 

sal toon by Internetgebruik 

vanwee« die toeganklikheid, bekostigbaarheid 

en anonieme aard daarvan. 

Hulle behoort dus ook meer kwesbaar 

te wees vir problematiese gebruik. Navorsing 

uitgevoer deur McKenna en 

Bargh (publikasie hangend) toon dan 

ook dat die Internet 'n veilige wyse verskaf 

vir intravert en sosiaal eensame 

persone om verhoudings te vorm en onderhou 

(Clay, 2000). Hierdie navorsing 

impliseer dat daar wel 'n verband mag 

bestaan tussen persoonlikheidstipe en 

betrokkenheid by die Internet. Op grond 

hiervan word persoonlikheid vir die 

doeleindes van hierdie studie derhalwe 

breedweg verdeel in terme van slegs 

die hoofkategoriee« naamlik ekstraversie 

en intraversie. 

Wisselende grade van Internetbetrokkenheid, 

of wisselende vlakke van Internetbetrokkenheid, 

dui op die mate 

waartoe 'n individu minder of meer betrokke 

is as 'n ander by die gebruik van 

Internetfasiliteite buite beroeps- of studieverband. 

Dit sluit in aspekte soos 

subjektiewe kommer oor buitensporige 

gebruik, pre-okkupasie met Internet 

wanneer af-lyn, pogings om Internetgebruik 

weg te steek, verdedigende houdings 

ten aansien van Internetgebruik, 

onvermoe« om Internetgebruik te staak, 

gevoelens van buite beheer wees, die 

gebruik van die Internet om gemoedstemming 

te verander, of eenvoudig 

om te òntsnap', tyd spandeer op die 

Net, en ook die mate waarin familie of 

vriende kla dat die individu se gebruik 


sy/haar beroep en/of persoonlike verhoudings 

negatief beõÈ nvloed. Vir die 

doeleindes van hierdie studie word individue 

van mekaar onderskei op grond 

van puntetellings behaal in die vraelys. 

Hoe« r tellings dui ooglopend op hoe« r 

betrokkenheid by Internetgebruik terwyl 

laer tellings dui op laer betrokkenheid. 

HIPOTESE 

H0: Daar is geen verband tussen persoonlikheidtipes 

en wisselende grade 

van Internetbetrokkenheid nie. 

H1: Daar is 'n verband tussen verskillende 

persoonlikheidstipes en die wisselende 

grade van Internetbetrokkenheid. 

(nie-rigtinggewend) 

Klassifikasiefaktor (X): Persoonlikheidstipe. 

Konstrukte: Ekstraversie en Intraversie. 

Veranderlike (Y): Internetbetrokkenheid. 

METODE 

Diestudieisontdekkendvanaard 

deurdat dit 'n relatief nuwe verskynsel 

ondersoek. Dit fokus spesifiek op 'n 

moontlike verband tussen die twee tipes 

persoonlikhede en hul betrokkenheid 

by Internetgebruik. Sodoende 

word persoonlikheidstipes ondersoek 

as 'n fasiliterende faktor tot problematiese 

Internetgebruik en derhalwe word 

'n vraelys wat ontwerp is om problematiese 

Internetgebruik te identifiseer, 

aangewend. 

Die ontwerp is nie-ewekansig en nieeksperimenteel 

(ex post facto). Die 

proefpersone het reeds aan 'n vaste vlak 

van 'n bepaalde onafhanklike veranderlike 

behoort voor die aanvang van die navorsingsprojek, 

naamlik hul 

betrokkenheid of gebruik van Internetfasiliteite 

(Fife-Schaw,1998c). Geen manipulasie 

of intervensies geskied nie. Die 

enigste kriterium vir deelname was betrokkenheid 

by Internetgebruik. 

'n Gerieflikheidsteekproef asook die 

sneeubalmetode is aangewend om 

proefpersone te bekom vir die studie. 

Hierdie steekproewe kan dus nie op 

ewekansigheid aanspraak maak nie. 

Dit impliseer nie dat goeie resultate 

nie verkry kan word nie, maar wel dat 

geen aanduiding van die betroubaarheid 

van die resultate wat verkry verskaf 

kan word nie omdat die trekking 

van die bepaalde steekproefelement 

onbekend is.Voordele van die metodes 

behels egter vinnige uitvoering, gerief 

en relatiewe lae onkostes (Fife-Schaw, 

1998d). 

SUBJEKTE 

Die teikenpopulasie het bestaan uit 

hoofsaaklik 'n gerieflikheidsteekproef 

van 20 Unisa studente wat bekom is 

deur 'n advertensie vir vrywilligers op 

Students-on-Line (SOL) te plaas van die 

middel van Julie tot die middel van Augustus 

2000. Die tydsfaktor het dit ongelukkig 

nie toegelaat om verdere 

proefpersone op te spoor vir deelname 

nie. Aangesien Ìnternetbetrokkenheid' 

ondersoek word, is dit raadsaam geag 

om proefpersone op die Net op te spoor. 

'n Verdere oorweging by die keuse van 

hierdie data-insamelingsmetode was 

die geografiese isolasie van die navorser 

self, asook die lae onkostes verbonde 

aan die metode. 


Enige persoon kon deelneem aan die 

studie mits hy/sy toegang gehad het tot 

Internetfasiliteite en geredelik van hierdie 

fasiliteit gebruik maak. 

Vanuit die 35 respondente is 20 individue 

geselekteer vir die navorsingsgroep 

deur middel van 'n ewekansige 

steekproeftrekking met vervanging. Alle 

proefpersone was blank en studente 

te Unisa. Geen navrae/vraelyste is ontvang 

van enige ander etniese groepe 

nie, wat 'n indikasie mag wees van laer 

toegang tot Internetfasiliteite onder die 

ander etniese groepe in Suid-Afrika 

vanwee« die sosiale agterstand wat 

spruit uit die vorige bedeling. Navorsing 

ondersteun ook die mindere toegang 

van ander etniese groepe, 

bejaardes, asook diegene met laer opvoedingsvlakke 

tot die Net (Nua Internet 

Surveys, 2000). 

Geen van die proefpersone het aangedui 

dat 'n probleem met Internetgebruik 

ervaar word nie. Alhoewel die spesifieke 

tydsduur wat daagliks op die Net 

spandeer word vir persoonlike besoeke 

nie noodwendig 'n aanduiding is van 

problematiese Internetgebruik nie, verhoog 

die tydsduur wat op die Net spandeer 

word met toenemende problematiese 

Internetgebruik. Sommige individue 

ervaar problematiese Internetgebruik 

na slegs tien ure aanlyn, terwyl 

ander weer geen probleme ervaar na 

selfs veertig ure aanlyn nie (Young, 

2000c). 

Wanneer patroonmatigheid in hierdie 

studie wel in ag geneem word, toon 

slegs ses (30%) van die proefpersone 

aan dat hulle gereeld meer as een uur 

per dag aanlyn bly. Dit word inTabel 1 in 

meer besonderhede aangetoon. 

TABEL 1. FREKWENSIEDISTRIBUSIE VAN PROEFPERSONE WAT MEER AS EEN 

UUR PER DAG AANLYN BLY VIR PERSOONLIKE BESOEKE (N = 20) 

Nooit Selde Soms Gereeld Baie Altyd 

Gereeld 

3 3 8 2 3 1 

Nota: Waar hierdie indeling per geslag geskied, blyk dit verder asof vroue meer geneig 

is as mans om langer aanlyn te bly (Tabel 2). 

TABEL 2. FREKWENSIEDISTRIBUSIE VAN PROEFPERSONE WAT MEER AS EEN 

UUR PER DAG AANLYN BLY INGEDEELVOLGENS GESLAG (N = 20) 

Geslag Nooit Selde Soms Gereeld Baie Altyd 

Gereeld 

Manlik 

(N = 10) 2 2 3 1 2 0 

Vroulik 

(N = 10) 1 1 5 1 1 1 


Wat geslag verder aanbetref was tien 

proefpersone vroulik en die ander tien 

manlik. Hierdie indeling is doelbewus 

toegepas om verstrengeling ten opsigte 

van geslag te beperk. 

Tenopsigtevandievroulikeproefpersone, 

was sewe in die ouderdomsgroep 

20/30 en drie tussen 30 en 40 jarige ouderdom. 

Vyf van die manlike proefpersone 

was tussen 20 en 30 jaar oud, vier 

tussen 30 en 40 jarige ouderdom, terwyl 

slegs een proefpersoon tussen 40 en 50 

jarige ouderdom sorteer het. In totaal 

was twaalf proefpersone tussen 20 en 

30 jaar, ses proefpersone tussen 30 en 

40 jaar en een proefpersoon ouer as 40 

(Tabel 3). 

TABEL 3. FREKWENSIEDISTRIBUSIE 

VAN OUDERDOM (N = 20) 

Ouderdom Manlik Vroulik 

20^30 5 7 

31^40 4 3 

41^50 1 0 

'n Redelike verskil kom voor in die proporsies 

van ouderdom in die proefgroep. 

In 'n studie met hierdie grootte steekproef 

is dit waarskynlik van beperkte 

waarde maar met 'n groter steekproef 

mag dit straks die aandag vestig op 'n 

faktor wat die tellings wat verkry is, kon 

beõÈ nvloed. 

TOETSMATERIAAL 

Gestandaardiseerde vraelyste in die 

vorm van ordinale metingskale is aangewend 

vir die bekom van die nodige inligting 

oor Internetbetrokkenheid. 

Na deeglike oorweging is besluit op die 

Èkstraversie/Intraversie Inventaris' om 

die twee persoonlikheidstipes te meet 

soos opgestel deur Jarabek (1997). Die 

vraelys is bekom via die Internet. Sommige 

persoonlikheidskale, byvoorbeeld 

die Jung skaal, beslaan 400+ items en 

probleme is voorsien ter beantwoording 

per e-pos. Vanwee« die tydsaspek daaraan 

verbonde, was dit te betwyfel of 

proefpersone bereid sou wees om so 'n 

lang vraelys te beantwoord. 'n Verdere 

oorweging by die keuse van die Jarabek-vraelys 

was die maklike toepassing 

daarvan sonder toesig van 'n professionele 

sielkundige. Die Ekstraversie/Intraversie 

Inventaris behels slegs 27 

stellings met 'n verskeidenheid kategoriee« 

antwoorde waaruit die proefpersone 

kan kies.'n Maksimum van 100 punte 

kan behaal word. Tellings onder 40 dui 

op intraversie, terwyl tellings bo 60 dui 

op ekstraversie. Dit dui daarop dat tellings 

tussen 40 en 60 as `gemiddeld' beskou 

mag word. Daar moet egter onthou 

word dat metings wat persoonlikheid 

meet, aannames maak omtrent vlakke 

van ekstraversie en intraversie vanuit 

antwoorde geselekteer op items ten 

aansien van gedragspatrone, en nie persoonlikheidsvlakke 

direk meet nie (Fife- 

Schaw,1998a). Geringe verskille in puntetellings 

dui byvoorbeeld nie die mate 

aan waarin 'n persoon meer of minder 

intravert/ekstravert as 'n ander is nie, en 

daar kan slegs geseª word dat 'n individu 

meer of minder intravert/ekstravert as 'n 

ander is.'n Afsnypunt van 50 om tussen 

die twee tipes persoonlikhede te onderskei 

is dus arbitreª r. 

Hierdie vraelys is onderworpe aan kopiereg 

en daar is dienooreenkomstig op 

Internet as verbruiker geregistreer op die 

`Body and Mind Queendom.com' Webblad 

waar die vraelys bekom is. Antwoorde 

is direk op die Webblad 

ingevoer. Die program is so ontwerp dat 

tellings onmiddellik vanaf die Webblad 


verkry is. Ooreenkomstig psigometriese 

toetsingsresultate soos verskaf op die 

blad self, word ook geen probleme voorsien 

ten aansien van geldigheid en betroubaarheid 

van hierdie vraelys nie. 

Die `Test for Internet Addiction' is ook 

verkry op Internet by die `netaddiction' 

Webblad soos opgestel deur Dr Kimberley 

Young,'n leidende figuur in navorsing 

ten opsigte van problematiese Internetgebruik. 

Hierdie vraelys kan ook aangewend 

word om te bepaal presies hoe 

betrokke die subjek is by Internetgebruik. 

Dit bestaan uit 18 vrae en proefpersone 

kan antwoorde selekteer 

vanuit die volgende ses kategoriee« 

naamlik: `rarely; occasionally; frequently; 

often; always'; en `does not apply'. 

Puntetellings van onderskeidelik 0 tot 5 

word per antwoord toegeken en tot 'n 

persentasie omgeskakel. 'n Hoe« r telling 

dui ooglopend op hoe« r mate van Internetgebruik. 

Punte tussen 20 en 49 dui 

op standaardgebruik sonder enige negatiewe 

sosiale/ emosionele/beroepsgevolge; 

50 tot 79 dui op 'n matige 

versteuring (gebruik ietwat buite beheer 

met geringe negatiewe gevolge) terwyl 

punte tussen 80 en100 dui op 'n ernstige 

benadeling op alle vlakke vanwee« Internetgebruik. 

Vir die doeleindes van hierdie 

studie word wisselende vlakke van 

betrokkenheid bepaal na gelang van die 

individue se plek op die skaal. 

Hierdie vraelys is egter onderwerp aan'n 

verskeidenheid kritiek (DeAngelis, 2000) 

en is derhalwe vergelyk met ander soos 

aangewend deur Dr David N. Greenfield 

van The Center for Internet Studies; en 

studies wat tans uitgevoer word te Universiteit 

Quebec, Trois-Rivieres, onder 

leiding van Dr Andre Cloutier (1999). Die 

gevolgtrekking was dat die inhoud van al 

drie vraelyste breedweg ooreenstem en 

geldigheid op sigswaarde toon. Geen 

ander vraelyste in hierdie verband is 

tans beskikbaar nie. 

Dit is belangrik om daarop te let dat die 

vraelys ten aansien van problematiese 

Internetgebruik nie 'n professionele 

diagnose konstitusioneer nie, maar 

slegs vir inligtings- en opvoedkundige 

doeleindes aangewend is. 

PROSEDURE 

Die navorser is deur die Unisa SOL 

Webmaster in kennis gestel van enige 

vrywilligers, waarna die vraelys per e- 

pos aan die vrywilligers versend is. Van 

die studentevrywilligers het ook medestudente 

in hul studiegroepe betrek om 

deel te neem aan die studie en die 

sneeubalmetode is dus ook aangewend. 

Responssydigheid is beperk deur 

opvolg e-posse te stuur en die proefpersone 

te herinner aan sluitingsdatums. 

Alle vrywilligers het wel die 

voltooide vraelyste terugbesorg. Alle 

vraelyste is vergesel van 'n dekbrief 

waarin die doeleindes van die studie 

uiteengesit word, asook waar etiese 

kwessies aangespreek word. 

Proefpersone is versoek om die twee 

vraelyste te voltooi om hul vlak van Internetbetrokkenheid 

te bepaal, asook hul 

onderskeie persoonlikheidstipes. Die 

Jarabek Ekstraversie en Intraversie Inventaris, 

en die Internetbetrokkeheidvraelys 

soos opgestel deur Kimberley 

Young, is vanaf die Internet getrek, oorgetik 

op Microsoft Excel en as aanhegsels 

aan die vrywilligers per e-pos 

versend, waarna die voltooide vraelys 

weer per e-pos aan die navorser terugbesorg 

is. Hierdie vraelyste is geredelik 

beskikbaar op Internet en die studie kan 

dus maklik repliseer word. 


Data-analise is vergemaklik deurdat response 

ten opsigte van persoonlikheid 

direk op die spesifieke Webblad ingevoer 

kon word, vir onmiddellike resultate. 

Vir hierdie doeleindes is daar as verbruiker 

geregistreer op die Webblad, alhoewel 

dit nie 'n voorvereiste is om die 

vraelys te mag gebruik nie. Die Young 

vraelys self verskaf inligting hoe om response 

te analiseer en interpreteer en 

hierdie vraelyste is per hand ontleed. 

Response is op 'n databasis liasseer onder 

beskerming van sleutelkodes ter wille 

van anonimiteit. Na data-analise, 

tabulering en verslagskrywing, is proefpersone 

gedurende Oktober 2000 per 

e-pos van resultate verwittig. 

Statistiese prosedures en analise word 

apart bespreek. 

ETIESE KWESSIES 

Navorsing uitgevoer deur middel van rekenaartegnologie 

belig unieke etiese 

kwessies waaronder die verkryging van 

erkende, ingeligte toestemming vanaf 

die proefpersoon, asook `debriefing'. Tot 

op datum bestaan geen gestandaardiseerde 

metode vir die insameling en bevestiging 

van ingeligte toestemming 

aanlyn nie (Azar, 2000). In hierdie studie 

is die vraelyste vergesel van 'n dekbrief 

wat hierdie kwessie aanspreek. Proefpersone 

is ingelig dat voltooide vraelyste 

'n passiewe vorm van ingeligte 

toestemming verteenwoordig, aangesien 

geen proefpersoon geforseer word 

om 'n voltooide vraelys terug te besorg 

nie. Daar is voorts onderneem om alle 

proefpersone na afloop van die studie 

deur middel van e-pos te verwittig van 

die resultate. 

STATISTIESE PROSEDURES EN 

ANALISE 

Hipotesetoetsing gaan oor die verband 

tussen veranderlikes. Die beduidenheid 

van die helling van die reglynige grafiek 

wat hierdie verband weerspiee« l, word getoets. 

As daar 'n verband tussen twee veranderlikes 

is, beteken dit dat 'n persoon 

se relatiewe posisie op een veranderlike 

verband hou met sy relatiewe posisie op 

die ander veranderlike. As die veranderlikes 

nie verband hou nie, sal veranderinge 

op die een veranderlike nie ooreenstem 

met veranderinge op die ander nie. Die 

rigting en sterkte van verbande word dus 

aangedui. Aangesien geen kousale verbande 

dus ondersoek word nie en die veranderlikes 

hier as kontinue aangewend 

word, is besluit op die Pearson r korrelasiekoe« 

ffisie« nt as statistiese metode (Fife- 

Schaw,1998b). 

Die twee stelle response van die proefpersone 

is getabuleer vir ontleding en 

vergelyking. Alpha (beduidenheid) is gestel 

op 0.05.'n Beduidende resultaat impliseer 

dat die nulhipotese verwerp 

moet word en die alternatiewe hipotese 

aanvaar moet word. 'n Statistiese rekenaarprogram 

is aangewend hiervoor. 

RESULTATE 

Die resultate word inTabel 4 aangedui. 

TABEL 4. PEARSON KORRELASIE 

TUSSEN PERSOONLIK- 

HEIDSTIPE EN INTERNET- 

GEBRUIK 

Pearson-r: 0.324304 

P-waarde: 0.10 


Aangesien die p-waarde aansienlik hoe« r 

is as alpha (0.05) word die H0 hipotese 

dus aanvaar, naamlik dat geen verband 

tussen persoonlikheidstipe en Internetgebruik 

voorkom nie. 

In 'n alternatiewe analise is die puntetellings 

kategories ingedeel ooreenkomstig 

persoonlikheidstipe bloot om die 

data vanuit 'n ander invalshoek te benader. 

Intraversie: 540 (N = 3) Gemiddeld: 

40^60 (N = 14); Ekstraversie: 

460 (N = 3). Die gemiddelde puntetellings 

dienooreenkomstig verkry op die 

skaal vir Internetbetrokkenheid is vergelyk 

om patroonmatigheid te bepaal. Dit 

word in Figuur 1 aangetoon. 

Bevindinge dui op intraverte (Kategorie 

1) as die laagste verbruikers van Internet 

(16.34%) met ekstraverte (Kategorie 3) 

as die hoogste verbruikers (28.67%) 

Vanwee« die ongebalanseerde asook uiters 

klein aantal proefpersone per 

groep, is ter aanbeveling van die Sielkunde 

Departement, Unisa, egter nie 'n 

FIGUUR 1. VERSKILLE TUSSEN DRIE 

PERSOONLIHEIDSKATE- 

GORIEE« 

Verskille tussen gemiddeldes 

FIGUUR 2. OOREENSTEMMENDE 

TELLINGS BY VYF 

PROEFPERSONE 

grafiese voorstelling van 

ooreenstemmende tellings 

55 54 53 

26 26 26 

46 46 

14 14 

X Internettellings 

Y Persoonlike 

tellings 

F-toets toegepas om beduidenheid vas 

te stel nie. 

Ooreenstemmende puntetellings gevind 

ten opsigte van Internetbetrokkenheid 

onder sommige proefpersone met korresponderende 

tellings ten opsigte van 

persoonlikheidstipe, is ook interessant. 

By vyf proefpersone is 'n betreklik oortuigende 

patroon opgemerk. Dit word in 

Figuur 2 aangedui. 

Op die oog af lyk dit asof individue wat 

ooreenstemmende persoonlikheidseienskappe 

toon wel mag neig tot dieselfde 

graad van Internetbetrokkenheid, 

alhoewel hierdie verband nie bevestig 

kon word nie. 

1 2 3 

Y 38,33 51,43 70,67 

X 16,33 25,14 28,67 

Y 

X 

BESPREKING EN 

GEVOLGTREKKINGS 

In hierdie studie is gepoog om te bepaal 

of Internetgebruikers verskil ten opsigte 

van persoonlikheidstipe en dienooreenstemmende 

Internetbetrokkenheid, met 

die oog daarop om persoonlikheidstipe 

as fasiliterende faktor tot die ontwikkeling 

van problematiese Internetgebruik 

te identifiseer. 

Dit was verwag dat daar 'n verskil tussen 


die verskillende persoonlikheidstipes 

sou voorkom ten opsigte van Internetbetrokkenheid. 

Dit was verder verwag dat 

intraverte groter betrokkenheid by Internetgebruik 

sou toon as ekstraverte 

(Young, 2000c), alhoewel die hipotese 

uitsluitlik fokus op die moontlikheid van 

'n korrelasionele verband. 

Geen linieª re verband tussen persoonlikheidstipe 

en mate van Internetbetrokkenheid 

is egter gevind nie met die 

gevolg dat die H1 hipotese verwerp is. 

Geen van die proefpersone betrokke 

het ook voldoen aan die kriteria vir problematiese 

Internetgebruik nie met die 

gevolg dat slegs gefokus is op patroonmatigheid 

van resultate wel verkry. Ten 

spyte van gebrek aan toegang tot individue 

wat problematiese Internetgebruik 

ervaar asook verdere metodologiese 

probleme, is besluit om die studie te voltooi 

ter wille van die leerervaring asook 

vir kursusdoeleindes. 

Dit is interessant dat indeling ooreenkomstig 

persoonlikheid daarop dui dat 

ekstraverte hoe« r verbruikers van die Internet 

mag wees as intraverte. Studies 

wat hipotetiseer dat intraversie, eensaamheid, 

en isolasie verband hou met 

hoe« r Internetbetrokkenheid (Young, 

2000c) verloor uit die oog dat die Internet 

unieke interaksionele aktiwiteite behels, 

in vergelyking met televisie 

byvoorbeeld, wat straks die aantrekkingskrag 

vir ekstraverte mag inhou 

(Shapira et al., 2000). Dit is juis die interaksionele 

aard van die Internet wat die 

laer betrokkenheid van intraverte mag 

verklaar en die vermoedelike hoe« rbetrokkenheid 

van ekstraverte. 

Hierdie studie spreek ook nie die tipe 

Netfasiliteite aan wat deur die verbruiker 

benut word nie. Navorsing soos uitgevoer 

deur Young (2000a) toon dat intraverte 

geredelik betrokke raak by e-pos 

fasiliteite en geselskamers waar verhoudings 

gevorm kan word, terwyl ekstraverte 

meer neig tot besoeke aan 

byvoorbeeld pornografiese Webblaaie 

(DeAngelis, 2000). Die tipe Netfasiliteit 

moet derhalwe as verstrengelingsfaktor 

beskou word wat die resultate van hierdie 

studie kon beõÈ nvloed. Geslag speel 

'n verdere rol ten aansien van keuse van 

Internetfasiliteit. Alhoewel vroue ewe 

kwesbaar is as mans vir die ontwikkeling 

van problematiese Internetgebruik, verskil 

hulle drasties ten opsigte van die tipe 

fasiliteit wat gebruik word (Greenfield, 

1999). Navorsing toon dat vroue verkies 

om te flankeer of om in kuberseks betrokke 

te raak in seksueel georie« nteerde 

geselskamers terwyl mans hul hoofsaaklik 

tot pornografiese Webtuistes 

wend, soortgelyk aan ekstraverte (De 

Angelis, 2000). E-pos fasiliteite blyk 

weer om 'n aantrekkingskrag vir beide 

geslagte te wees.Vier-en-tagtig persent 

van geregistreerde verbruikers gebruik 

hierdie fasiliteit op 'n daaglikse basis 

(Nua Internet Surveys, 2000). Die interaksie 

tussen geslag, tipe Internetfasiliteit, 

persoonlikheid, en Internetbetrokkenheid 

is dus buite rekening gelaat in 

hierdie studie, alhoewel gepoog is om 

geslag te beheer deur 'n gelyke aantal 

mans en vroue toe te wys aan die studiegroep. 

Internetbetrokkenheid bestaan derhalwe 

binne 'n konteks van ambivalente en 

teenstrydige gebruiksvorme soos bogenoemde 

opsomming illustreer. Hierdie 

studie beklemtoon dus die nodigheid 

om aandag te skenk aan die multidimensionele 

fasette van Internetgebruik. 

Deurdat op die Net en op Internetverbruikers 

gefokus word, is verder nagelaat 

om aandag te skenk aan die fisiese 


geografie van die subjekte. Geen ander 

studies is egter gevind wat melding 

maak van geografiese indeling of invloed 

op Internetbetrokkenheid nie. Redes 

hiervoor mag wees die anonimiteit 

wat die Net aan individue bied. Hierdie 

tegnologie verskaf aan die individu sosiale 

kontakmetodes wat geografie verbysteek 

en dus 'n `gemeenskaplike 

geografie' skep deur middel van e-pos 

adresse of Webtuistes: naamlik die Net 

self. 

Alhoewel interessante resultate dus verkry 

is, was die navorsingsgroep baie 

klein (N = 20) wat wel die vlak van beduidenheid 

kon beõÈ nvloed het. Die ideale 

situasie sou wees om die studie te herhaal, 

hierdie keer met 'n groter navorsingsgroep. 

Indien die hipotese bevestig 

kon word, sou hierdie studie daartoe kon 

bydra om bestaande studies wat aandui 

dat persoonlikheid 'n rol mag speel in Internetbetrokkenheid, 

te ondersteun; om 

persoonlikheid (intraversie of ekstraversie) 

as moontlike fasiliterende faktor te 

identifiseer vir die ontwikkeling van problematiese 

Internetgebruik; asook om 

verdere navorsing te stimuleer. 'n Vraag 

wat hieruit gegeneer sou kon word is of 

die moontlike verband tussen persoonlikheid 

en Internetbetrokkenheid slegs 

voorkom onder algemene Internetgebruikers, 

en of die patroon ook voorkom 

onder individue wat problematiese Internetbetrokkenheid 

ervaar. 

Die kwessie van etiek is reeds bespreek, 

maar verdere aspekte moet wel aangeraak 

word vanwee« die betreklik nuwe 

metode van data-insameling. Die beskerming 

van die navorser se intellektuele 

eiendom lewer 'n omstrede etiese 

en morele probleem vir diegene wat 

Net-gebaseerde navorsing uitvoer. Navorsers 

wat hierdie metode van data-insameling 

navolg, stel hul metodes en 

protokol bloot aan kollegas lank voor 

die finale produk gepubliseer kan word. 

Alhoewel nabootsers nie toegang kan 

verkrytotdataopsigselfnie,isdie 

moontlikheid van plagiaat ten opsigte 

van idees nie uitgesluit nie en moet navorsers 

hierdie risiko wel deeglik in ag 

neem (Azar, 2000). Die risiko om beheer 

te verloor oor idees kan dus nie uitgesluit 

word met hierdie metode van datainsameling 

nie, maar die Net fasiliteer 

wel wetenskap op sy hoogtepunt naamlik 

die deursigtigheid van die navorsingsproses. 

Navorsers stel hulself verder ook bloot 

aan die moontlikheid om rekenaarvirusse 

op te tel wat doelbewus deur sogenaamde 

vrywilligers aangestuur word. 

Ter slotsom moet die bevindinge van 

hierdie studie met omsigtigheid hanteer 

word en nie sonder meer aanvaar word 

nie, aangesien die studie met verskeie 

metodologiese probleme gekonfronteer 

was. Dit sluit in die grootte van die studiegroep 

en algemene beperkinge van 

selfrapporteringstudies. Die geldigheid 

van Young se Internetbetrokkenheidvraelys 

kan ook in twyfel getrek word 

aangesien dit nie 'n gestandaardiseerde 

psigologiese meetinstrument is nie en 

dienooreenkomstig die resultate van 

hierdie studie kon beõÈ nvloed het. 

Proefpersone was verder oorwegend 

vrywilligers en die studie is dus onderworpe 

aan vrywilligersydigheid. Sommige 

persoonlikheidstipes mag ook meer 

genee« wees om deel te neem aan navorsingstudies 

wat via die Internet uitgevoer 

word. Die gewillige deelname van die 

proefpersone kan dan ook as aanduiding 

beskou word van hierdie individue se geredelike 

betrokkenheid tot Netaktiwiteite. 


Geen steekproefraam, steekproeffout, 

betroubaarheidsinterval of parameter 

was voorts beskikbaar nie. Aangesien 'n 

ex post facto ontwerp gebruik is, is dit 

ook onmoontlik om tydsvoorrang te bepaal. 

Dit is derhalwe moontlik dat Internetbetrokkenheid 

'n invloed mag heª op 

persoonlikheidstipe, en vice versa.'n 

Verdere ideaal sou wees om 'n opvolgstudie 

op hierdie groepie proefpersone 

uit te voer om te bepaal of enige fluktuering 

van Internetgebruik voorgekom het 

oor 'n tydsverloop, moontlike redes 

daarvoor, asook of enige veranderinge 

in persoonlikheid plaasgevind het. 

Aangesien geen studies opgespoor kon 

word wat uitsluitlik fokus op die verband 

tussen persoonlikheidstipe en Internetbetrokkenheid 

nie, is dit ook nie moontlik 

om hierdie studie te vergelyk met andere 

nie en moet dit oorwegend as 'n loodsstudie 

beskou word. Bevindinge kan dus 

nie veralgemeen word nie maar is hoofsaaklik 

slegs van toepassing op die 

steekproefpopulasie.'n Meer komplekse 

navorsingsontwerp wat hierdie leemtes 

aanspreek en veral ook verstrengeling 

beheer, soos ouderdom, tipe Internetfasiliteit 

wat besoek word, geslag, of reeds 

bestaande patologie, sal waardevol 

wees om die verhouding tussen die veranderlikes 

verder te ondersoek. 

Joseph Walther en Larry Reid van die 

Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute in die 

Verenigde State van America (VSA) stel 

voor dat toekomstige navorsing ten aansien 

van Internetbetrokkenheid die volgende 

insluit (DeAngelis, 2000): 

1. 'n Empiriese benadering tot problematiese 

Internetgebruik asook `gesonde' 

Internetgebruik. 

2. Meer teorie en navorsing waarom 

die Internet so aanloklik is vir sekere 

individue, in vergelyking met ander 

tegnologie. 

3. Meer studies waar tydsvoorrang bepaal 

kan word ten opsigte van wat 

eerste kom: problematiese Internetgebruik 

of reeds-bestaande versteurings 

of sosiale probleme. 

4. Ondersoeke om te bepaal of individue 

se betrokkenheid by die Net oor 

tyd fluktueer, en waarom. 

As gevolg van die omvang van Internetgebruik 

en die negatiewe gevolge wat Internetgebruik 

vir sommige individue inhou, 

bly dit steeds 'n verskynsel wat navorsing 

regverdig in hierdie verband (Shapira et 

al., 2000;Young, 2000b). Alle veranderlikes 

wat straks kan bydra tot die ontwikkeling 

van hierdie problematiese Internetgebruik 

behoort ondersoek te word. 

Die Internet verteenwoordig 'n beduidende 

verskuiwing van vorige kommunikasievorme 

vanwee« sy universele 

toepaslikheid op talle areas van die lewe. 

Dit is beide tegnies asook persoonlik van 

aard. Internetgebruik neem dan ook 

daagliks toe vanwee« die meer bekostigbare 

en vryliker beskikbaarheid van rekenaars. 

Internet het toepassing op bykans 

alle areas van besigheid, ekonomie, 

asook op persoonlike vlak, en daar word 

geglo dat dit baie aspekte van die weª reld 

se ekonomie en kommunikasie mag revolusioneer. 

Met reg kan dit dan ook `the 

spearhead of the digital industrial revolution' 

(Greenfield,1999:1) genoem word. 

Navorsing gerig op die mens ^ Internetaksie 

in hierdie studie is dan ook nie gemotiveer 

vanuit teenkanting tot die Internet 

nie, maar vanwee« 'n onvermoe« om te 

begryp hoe hierdie wonder-tegnologie 

so 'n groot positiewe bydrae kan lewer 

terwyl dit terselfdertyd 'n negatiewe impak 

op soveel lewens het. 


VERWYSINGS 

Azar, B. 2000. Online experiments: ethically fair or foul? Monitor on Psychology, 31(4) http:// 

www.apa.org/monitor.num 

Barlow, D. H., and Durand, V. M. 1995. Abnormal psychology: An integrated approach. 

Pacific Grove: Brooks/Cole. 

Brown, J. 2000. 11 million Net addicts? Come on! Nua Internet surveys. Salon Technology. 

Available: http://www.Salon.com/tech/log/1999/08/24/addicts/mdex.num. 

Clay, R. A. 2000. Linking up online. Monitor on Psychology, 31(4). Available: http:// 

www.apa.org/monitor.num 

Cloutier, A. 1999. Graduate Study on Internet-dependancy. Available: http://www. uqu.uquebec.ca/lampronj/mdex-en.num. 

DeAngelis, T. 2000. Is Internet addiction real? Monitor on Psychology, 31(4). http:// 

www.www.apa.org/monitor/addiction/com. 

Fife-Schaw, C. 1998a. Levels of measurement. In Breakwell, G. M., Hammond, S., and Fife- 

Schaw, C. eds. Research methods in psychology (38±49). London: Sage. 

Fife-Schaw, C. 1998b. Bivariate statistical analysis. In Breakwell, G. M., Hammond, S., and 

Fife-Schaw, C. eds. Research methods in psychology (338±360). London: Sage. 

Fife-Schaw, C. 1998c. Quasi-experimental designs. In Breakwell, G. M., Hammond, S. and 


Fife-Schaw, C. 1998d. Surveys and sampling issues. In Breakwell, G. M., Hammond, S. and 


Greenfield, D. N. 1999. Psychological factors in compulsive Internet use. The Nature of 

Internet Addiction. Available: http://www.virtual-addiction.com. 

Greenfield, D. N. 2000. How do I know if I have a problem with Internet use? The Center for 

Internet Studies. Available: http://www.virtual-addiction.com. 

Jarabek, L. 1997. Extraversion/Introversion inventory. Personality Tests. Body ± Mind 

Queendom. Available: http://www.queendom.com/extraver.html 

Meyer, W. F. 1992. Basiese konsepte van die ontwikkelingspsigologie. In Louw, D. A. ed. 

Menslike ontwikkeling (3±47). Pretoria: HAUM. 

Nua Internet Surveys 2000. How many online? Available: http://www.nua.com 

Shapira, N. A., Goldsmith, T. D., Keck (Jr) P. E., Khosla, U. M., and McElroy, S. 2000. 

Psychiatric features of individuals with problematic Internet use. Journal of Affective 

Disorders. Available: ttp://fc 1n05e.fda.edu/cgi-. 

Viljoen, H. G. 1997. Die analitiese teorie van Carl Jung. In Meyer, W. F., Moore, C. and 

Viljoen, H. G. eds. Personologie: van individu tot ekosisteem (105±139.). Sandton: 

Heineman. 

Young, K. S. 2000a. Center for On-line Addiction: What is Internet addiction? Available: 

http://netaddiction.com. 

± 2000b. Center for On-line Addiction: the Internet Addiction Test. Available: 

http://netaddiction.com 

± 2000c. Center for On-line Addiction: What makes the Internet addictive? Available: 

http://netaddiction.com 


were before the injury. But you are not! 

How long will it take you to become 

aware of this? This may be the worstcase 

scenario for some brain-injured 

persons but even mild injury results in 

significant changes. Medical experts 

can estimate the severity of a brain injury, 

but they cannot tell you accurately 

what your life will be like. In a matter of 

seconds ^ no matter how safe you think 

you might be ^ life, as you know it, can be 

radically changed forever. 

It has been estimated that the incidence 

of traumatic brain injury in South Africa 

is approximately 316 of every 100 000 

people a year. (WHO,1995). Of all types 

of injury, traumatic brain injury is most 

likely to result in death or permanent disability. 

The most common cause of traumatic 

brain injury is motor vehicle 

accidents, which account for approxiarticle 


Experiences of traumatic brain injury 

Kate Grieve 

ABSTRACT For many people suffering from traumatic brain injury, life is lonely, 

confusing and terrifying. Severe brain injury can have devastating 

consequences and even mild brain injury can change one's life 

forever. Because each person has a unique brain, no two injuries are 

alike. In addition, the effects of brain injury are not always visible or 

diagnosed at the time of injury. They may range from physical, 

emotional or social changes to experiencing all three simultaneously. 

Doctors may speculate about the effects of a severe head injury, 

based on the extent of trauma to the brain and the location of the 

damage, but they can seldom accurately predict what a person's 

quality of life will be like. This article provides a brief glimpse at the 

nature of traumatic brain injury, the subjective experiences of some 

brain-injured individuals and their families, and the effect that the 

injuries have had on their lives. 

Imagine waking up one day and not 

being able to talk or walk, and perhaps, 

being blind but no one knows 

it. You are imprisoned in your body, 

unable to communicate your thoughts 

and do not remember why you are here. 

What if you will never be able to remember 

what happened to you because the 

event that caused your injury was not registered 

in your brain and can never be 

retrieved? What if your long-term memory 

is gone forever? What if you suffer 

from short-term memory loss and cannot 

remember what day it is or what you 

had for breakfast? You may be able to 

understand what is going on around you 

but be unable to communicate due to 

the brain being unable to function. As a 

result, some people will mistake your 

brain injury for mental incapacity. Yet 

you feel like the same person inside you 


mately half of all brain injuries, both in 

South Africa and elsewhere (WHO,1995). 

Traumatic brain injury is more than just a 

head injury. It entails damage to and/or 

functional impairment of, the brain. Depending 

on the severity, brain injuries 

can result in mild, moderate or severe 

impairments in various areas of functioning. 

Severity is assessed, for example, by 

alterations in the person's level of consciousness, 

the length of post-traumatic 

amnesia as well as physiological and 

radiological evidence of brain injury. 

Although individuals differ considerably, 

there are certain patterns of cognitive, 

behavioural and emotional difficulties 

that commonly result from traumatic 

brain injury (Lezak,1995).Cognitive deficits 

include difficulties with attention and 

concentration, memory, language processes, 

reasoning, planning and problem 

solving. Regulation of behaviour 

and emotions may also be affected, 

seen for example in increased irritability, 

mood swings, aggression, anxiety and 

depression. 

Faced with the bewildering array of 

changes resulting from traumatic brain 

injury, it is not surprising that patients 

feel unsure of themselves and the world 

about them. Sometimes the changes are 

so marked that family members experience 

them as different people altogether, 

when compared with the way 

they were before the injury. Although research 

findings provide a great deal of 

information about the consequences of 

traumatic brain injury, it is people's own 

descriptions of what has happened to 

them that really provide an idea of what 

it is like to have a brain injury.The followingwaswrittenbyayoungmanwho 

sustained a traumatic brain injury: 

In1991,I was the fastest sprinter in my 

high school. But in August of that 

same year, something happened that 

I'm constantly reminded of yet can't 

remember. I walked in front of a moving 

car and was hit. It caused a traumatic 

brain injury that put me in a 

wheelchair, took away my ability to 

speak, and robbed me of many memories, 

dreams and abilities. I sometimes 

have short-term memory loss, 

so I frequently forget stuff! My brain 

injury affected my emotions, including 

anger. I used to be pretty even 

tempered. I normally yelled once in a 

blue moon and that's it. I still am even 

tempered, but now if I happen to get 

upset, I hold everything in and tense 

up. I just can't find any way to express 

myself. My hands shake because of 

spasticity. And sometimes I might 

drool which is really embarrassing. 

Many young people find it helpful to participate 

in chat room discussions on the 

Internet, to share their own experiences 

and learn from others. Here is another 

one: 

I used to have perfect 20/20 vision 

out of these blue eyes, but because 

of the damage to my left optic nerve, 

I can't scan lines of text. If you held up 

any word I could read it, no problem, 

but when reading lines, my eyes get 

tired out immediately and I forget 

what I've just read. I used to be a voracious 

reader, so this change has 

really messed me up! Now I have to 

take the lazy man's way out and have 

most things read to me! Although 

doing so is effective, I don't like it! My 

peripheral vision also isn't great, 

which is also why I sometimes bump 

into things and people. I can't talk but I 

have this augmentative communication 

device called the Liberator. Using 


icons and letters, I can say just about 

anything. I also finger spell, and use a 

few signs like thanks, I'm sorry and I 

know. But although my fingers can 

do the walking, they're still really slow 

at talking. You don't know how frustrating 

it is to be a part of a conversation 

or discussion and want to say 

something, but just can't get it out fast 

enough so it's said at the right time. I 

have tried to use the chat rooms, but 

CAN'T keep up! 

These are the major things about me 

that have been affected by my injury. 

But even though a lot has changed, I 

still love a funny joke, a good game of 

cards, rock and roll, pretty girls, and 

just being with people! 

Life doesn't only change for the person 

who has the brain injury. Families are affected 

too. The following was written by 

the sister of a young man with a severe 

brain injury: 

He is now alert and responsive, for 

the most part, but cannot walk, talk 

or eat. He had a pump inserted into 

his abdominal cavity to dispense a 

muscle relaxant for the excessive 

muscle tone in his legs, and then later 

had the tendons cut behind his knees 

for the same reason. He suffers from 

severe muscle spasms in his throat, 

so he cannot swallow or talk. Despite 

all of this, he has a normal life expectancy. 

He suffers from short-term 

memory loss and, unfortunately, 

does not remember that our aunt, uncle, 

two cousins, dad, sister or mom 

died during the past 10 years ^ so he 

gets confused as to why they don't 

visit him, and it's heartbreaking to 

have to grieve with him again and 

again when he asks where they are 

and then finds out they're no longer 

living. He has only one friend who 

continues to visit with him ^ a friend 

he's had since high school. Everyone 

else has gone on with their lives. 

Even when an injury is less severe and 

the person can return to work, the 

changes are still dramatic for the family. 

This was written by the wife of a brain injured 

man: 

You don't want to believe that the 

doctors can't fix something you see 

is wrong. You think because he was 

hit on the head, and no bones were 

broken that it can't be all that bad. 

Sometimes I wonder if that makes it 

worse. 

The problems are ignored, misdiagnosed 

or you're told it's all in your 

head. I really wondered if they were 

right? He seems physically fine, except 

for numbness, aches, constant 

headaches and muscle spasms. You 

try to be optimistic and say, Ìt's not 

that bad.' Family, friends and co-workers 

think he's fine too. But I see the 

day-to-day losses. I see the loss of a 

partner and spouse. I see more of me 

taking the lead and it's so hard. He 

was the kind of person to say, `Hey, 

lets go do this . . .' or spontaneously 

play with the kids. Now when he 

comes home from work, he goes into 

a mental ``shut-down'' and I'm left with 

a shell of the person who is supposed 

to be my life-partner. 

I miss having an equal. Feeling that I 

am loved and cherished. Someone 

who asks how my day was, jumping 

in and taking care of the kids and me 

when I am sick, doing special little 

things or saying just the right thing 

when I need it. Now, on bad days I 


have someone who is self-absorbed 

and withdrawn with bouts of uncontrollable 

anger, who doesn't remember 

conversations we just had, 

initiate things or can finish certain 

tasks. I remember my wedding vows 

of ``for better or worse'' and know that 

even though he's changed, I love him 

and will always. No one could ever 

take the place of him in my heart. 

Even though in the perfect life, I 

would have my husband back, as we 

all wish for, I know that I can persevere. 

And on those bad days, you'll 

find me here on TBIChat.' (http:// 

tbichat.org/stories ) 

A medical doctor, Claudia Osborne, who 

sustained a brain injury, has written 

about the common experiences of survivors 

of brain injury, retelling and modifying 

the story of the Wizard of Oz to 

describe the journey back to life after a 

brain injury. On Dorothy's journey along 

the yellow brick road, she was accompanied 

by the Scarecrow,Tinman and Lion, 

to visit the Wizard of Oz. The Scarecrow 

was the great problem-solver of the 

`team', he was the cerebral one,`the great 

thinker'. The Tinman, however, was `the 

person of great heart'; the one always 

caring, reaching out with empathy and 

compassion, and who was always crying, 

indeed at times, threatening to rust 

down. The Lion, `the person of great 

courage', was in truth scared to death, 

but summonsed his internal courage 

and risked all. When they got to Oz, the 

Wizard said: Ì can't help you Dorothy: 

You have it all within you.' The message 

from Claudia is that within each one of 

us, we have our own scarecrow, tinman 

and lion, each a part of our whole self 

and each a part that we need to recognize 

and tap. In this way we will be our 

potential, our capabilities, our resourcefulness 

and so, we will be an integrated 

human being, tender, confident and resolute. 

Web sites (such asTBIChat) provided by 

support groups for brain-injured individuals 

and their families, play an extremely 

important role in helping people 

with a brain injury to adjust to life. In 

South Africa, there are several hospitals 

that offer rehabilitation during the acute 

phase after the injury. However, once 

the patient is discharged, very little is 

available outside private health care. An 

organisation that helps to fill this gap is 

Brain Injury Group (BIG), formally called 

the South African National Lobby Group 

for People with Acquired Brain Injuries. 

BIG is a non-profit organisation which 

was formed in February 2000. BIG's mission 

is to improve the quality of life of 

brain-injured people, their families and 

carers by promoting awareness through 

education and lobbying, to help develop 

and maintain community support services, 

and to serve as an officiating body 

to unify the collective actions and intentions 

of all interested support groups 

and organisations. 

One of the greatest needs of brain-injured 

individuals is to be accepted as a 

person of worth and to lead a meaningful 

life. You can learn more about brain 

injury by studying neuropsychology in 

the Honours paper Physiological Psychology. 

If you have a family member 

or know someone who is brain injured, 

or if you are interested in the work that 

BIG does, you can contact them at: P O 

Box 27397, Sunnyside, PRETORIA, 0132; 

tel (012) 348 2303, fax (012) 333 0393; 

e-mail: braint@intekom.co.za ; Web 

page: https://tbinet.org/lobbybig. 


REFERENCES 

Lezak, M. D. (1995) Neuropsychological Assessment. NY: Oxford University Press. 

Osborne, C. L. (1998). Over My Head. Kansas City: Andrews McMeel Publishing. 

WHO Collaborating Centres for Neurotrauma (1995). Prevention, Critical Care and 

Rehabilitation of Neurotrauma: Perspectives and Future Strategies. 


Evaluation of scientific articles 

Sheree Clark, Karen Dick, Claudia Epprecht, 

Larise du Plessis, Lazarus Matlakala, Maggi Moremi, 

Lucas Raganya, Eileen Rich, Carol Richards, 

Narropi Sewpershad, Vicky Timm 

ABSTRACT The scientific community relies on research articles to expand its 

body of knowledge. Scientists act as their own gatekeepers to ensure 

proper standards in their disciplines. Therefore, peer evaluation of 

articles plays a major role in the publication of scientific work. The 

problem is that many mediocre articles find their way past the 

gatekeepers and into prestigious journals, while many good articles 

are rejected. Whereas the publication of mediocre articles is to be 

avoided the loss of an article that could have offered a significant 

contribution should be avoided at all cost. This article outlines the 

extent of the problem of falsely accepting and falsely rejecting 

articles, and indicates what authors could do to increase their 

chances of publication. Literature is reviewed to show that good 

articles conform to proper format and stylistic qualities, ethical 

content and particular standards in their contribution to knowledge. 

The article suggests that rating scales might be used to increase the 

validity and reliability of evaluation procedures, but argues that such 

rating scales should be properly constructed and be used with 

caution. 

The general consensus within 

academia is that scientific 

journals play an important role 

in enabling the scientific community 

to endorse additions to its body 

of accepted knowledge and in providing 

the means by which scientists compete 

for prestige and recognition in their 

areas of expertise. However, to get published, 

the authors of manuscripts have 

to get past various editorial boards, editors 

and external reviewers. According 

to Campanario (1995:305), these `gatekeepers 

of science' play an important 

role in the process of communication 

within the scientific disciplines. 

This article looks at the evaluation of 

scientific articles from a variety of viewpoints. 

Certain universal standards are 

normally adhered to in terms of the publication 

of journal articles, and these are 

briefly discussed along with ethical considerations. 

Finally, a number of salient 

points are covered within the field of the 

construction and utilisation of rating 

scales. 

Robert Sternberg, an author, editor and 



professor of psychology and education 

at Yale University, believes that certain 

standards must be set for evaluating 

psychology papers. It is interesting to 

note that there are many conflicting 

views in the literature as to whether 

these standards are actually maintained. 

Sternberg (1993:155) maintains that 

although very little has been written 

about how psychologists evaluate a paper's 

worth, there does seem to be a 

high level of consistency among the ratings 

accorded to the work of colleagues 

in the field of psychology. However, in a 

study reviewing the literature on memory 

and verbal learning, Tulving and Madigan 

(see Sternberg, 1993:154) found 

that only 10 per cent of a selected sample 

of 540 academic publications are 

printing work that they termed `worthwhile'. 

They felt that this 10 per cent was 

an indication of progress within this particular 

field as these papers clarified existing 

problems, opening up new areas 

of investigation and providing titillating 

glimpses into the unknown. The remaining 

90 per cent of research published fell 

into two categories. Those that could be 

labelled ùtterly inconsequential' and did 

not affect future research or understanding 

in any way ^ and those that were basically 

à technically competent variation 

on well-known themes' (Sternberg, 

1993:154) and do therefore not add anything 

new to knowledge in the field. 

A typical journal article is cited an average 

of 15 times. But ònly 2 per cent of 

the more than 32 million papers which 

were cited at least once between 1945 

and 1988 were cited more than 50 

times' (Garfield 1990b; Hamilton, 1990 

as cited in Companario, 1995:306). The 

argument here is that many papers of 

mediocre standard have been published 

in journals. 

However the opposite is also true. Campanario 

(1995) used data compiled by 

the Institute of Scientific Information to 

analyse a number of important or highly 

cited papers whose authors initially had 

much difficulty in getting them published 

at all. These papers, which were all originally 

rejected by scientific journals, received 

numerous citations when they 

were eventually published ^ ranging 

from 100 citations to 4 410. Even more 

disturbing is the fact that seven authors 

in this group eventually received Nobel 

prizes for the work reported in their previously 

rejected articles. 

There are a variety of reasons why a 

good manuscript's receives a negative 

evaluation.Often a reviewer does not recognise 

the manuscript's value and 

therefore rejects it. Sometimes it appears 

that the reviewers are actually resistant 

to original or controversial ideas 

that challenge the existing status quo. 

Some reasons given are that the paper 

is not interesting, or scientific or original 

enough. However, this does not explain 

the many articles that are initially rejected 

and then published elsewhere. 

David Horrobin, a medical editor, maintains 

that `there is objective evidence 

that some referees, and even some 

highly respected ones in top academic 

positions, are at best ignorant and careless, 

and at worst deliberately obstructive' 

(Campanario, 1995:305). Understandably 

then, the peer review system 

receives a lot of criticism in the literature. 

In the light of the above, it is therefore 

essential that both researchers and publishers 

have some guidelines to ensure 

the articles that are produced and accepted 

for publication achieve the main 

goal of the peer review system, which is 

`to promote original ideas, valuable ap- 


proaches, or new methods, and to reject 

mediocre ones' (Campanario,1995:321). 

Authors' responsibility 

There are two main areas of focus for an 

author to ensure that the quality of the 

work is superior. The first and most important 

factor is the value of the knowledge 

produced, which is discussed 

below under Sternberg's eight standards 

for evaluation. The second factor is the 

quality of writing in the paper.The quality 

of writing involves not only format and 

style but also ensuring a content that adheres 

to certain ethical principles. 

Format and style 

Most scientific articles are presented in 

a standard, recognisable format, called 

Introduction, Method, Results and Discussion 

(IMRAD). The format aids readers 

who wish to obtain information 

swiftly and accurately to save time. Owing 

to the vast amount of information 

available to researchers it is necessary 

that the author presents his/her work in 

an accepted format that provides both 

uniformity and predictability. In one of 

the largest studies investigating the way 

readers process scientific articles, Burrough-Boenisch 

investigated the reading 

strategies of 63 readers. The results 

indicated that there was enormous variation 

in the reading strategies reported. 

Burrough-Boenisch concludes that one 

of the possibilities is that ÌMRAD is useful 

because it's sheer predictability enables 

readers to use it to create the 

reading strategy most appropriate to 

their situation' (Hartley,1999:257). 

An article should also conform to the 

prescribed format for articles published 

in American Psychological Association 

(APA) publications for empirical studies 

and literature reviews, which are universally 

used guidelines (Ware & Davis, 

1997). Those contributions that diverge 

too much may be sent back for rewriting 

even before being reviewed (Bem,1995). 

A number of successful stylistic strategies 

for authors are indicated in the literature 

concerning this subject: 

^ Focus on an objective by developing 

a main idea and `write it in a strong 

thesis sentence' (Hurst & Camp, 

1999:22) as this will then guide the 

writing and inform readers as to intent. 

^ The topic of choice should be of interest 

and have a concise, informative title 

that will attract the attention of 

potential readers. 

^ Building background is defined as 

providing the essential knowledge to 

aid in reader comprehension (Hurst & 

Camp,1999). The writer should therefore 

give readers sufficient informa- 

^ 

^ 

^ 

tion on all relevant literature. 

Fundamental criteria for good scientific 

writing are accuracy and clarity 

(Bem,1995). 

Maxwell and Cole (1995) advocate 

the use of simple words and sentences 

that facilitate comprehension 

and clarity. 

Cite all references and sources of information. 

Ethics 

A wide range of factors play a role in ensuring 

that the content of a scientific article 

achieves the required ethical 

standards. The most important of these 

are indicated briefly below. 

Consequential justification: When writing 

about research involving human 

subjects, the Nuremberg Code of 1947 


indicates that research should yield fruitful 

results for the good of society, and 

that such results should not be procurable 

in other ways. In other words, the 

social benefits accruing from research 

involving human subjects should be 

made explicit. The anticipated results 

should justify the performance of the experiment 

(Walters,1995). 

Fairness: The rationale of the study 

should indicate how the research would 

directly benefit the community from 

which the subjects are taken. The site 

should be chosen in these terms and 

samples should be selected on the basis 

of scientific principles without bias being 

introduced by issues of accessibility, 

cost or malleability (Learner, 2001). 

Competencies of the researcher: Researchers 

should recognise the boundaries 

of their particular competence and 

limitation of their expertise. Researchers 

should not engage in any activity for 

which they have not been properly 

trained (Professional Board of Psychology,1999). 

Risk-benefit analysis: In research involving 

human subjects inherent risks 

should be outweighed by the benefit to 

the subject or the community from 

which he/she comes and the importance 

of the knowledge to be gained 

from the completed research (Walters, 

1995) 

Informed consent: According to the Nuremberg 

Code, research subjects should 

be able to exercise free power of choice, 

and should have sufficient knowledge 

and comprehension of the subject matter 

involved to enable then to make informed 

decisions. Informed consent 

means knowing consent, or that the individual 

or his/her legally authorised representative 

is able to exercise freedom 

of choice. It is essential that human subjects 

are able to give voluntary consent 

(Walters, 1995). Point 9.11.1 of the Draft 

for the Ethical Code of Professional 

Conduct as set out by the Professional 

Board of Psychology in South Africa 

(1999:38) states that psychologists 

should ùse language that is reasonably 

understandable to research participants 

in obtaining their appropriate informed 

consent. Such informed consent is appropriately 

documented'. 

Providing participants with information 

about the study: Point 9.18.1 of the Draft 

for the Ethical Code of Professional Conduct 

as set out by the Professional Board 

of Psychology (1999:39) states: `Psychologist 

provide a prompt opportunity for 

participants to obtain appropriate information 

about the nature, results and conclusions 

of the research, and 

psychologists attempt to correct any misconceptions 

that participants may have.' 

Point 9.15.3 of the code (1999:39) states: 

Àny other deception that is an integral 

feature of the design and conduct of an 

experiment must be explained to participants 

as early as is feasible, preferably at 

the conclusion of their participation, but 

no later than at the conclusion of the research.' 

Confidentiality: The privacy of the subject 

and his/her family must be protected in 

all aspects of the design and implementation 

of the study. All information relating 

to a traceable individual and his or her family 

must be kept confidential at all levels 

of research implementation, extending 

through the process of data analysis, preparation 

of reports and publication. The 

possible risk of exposure must be addressed 

by describing the methods in 

place to ensure that no harm can come 


to the subject as a result of having participated 

in the study (Leaning, 2001). Any 

limitations with regard to confidentiality 

must be fully discussed (Professional 

Board of Psychology,1999). 

Dignity: The researcher must demonstrate 

the ways in which the conducting 

of the research, and the ways in which 

the information will be handled and used 

supports the dignity and autonomy of 

the subjects. Throughout the research 

process and reporting of results steps 

should be taken to enhance the subjects' 

sense of well-being, autonomy 

and dignity (Learning, 2001). Point 9.6.4 

of the South African Draft Ethical Code 

for Psychologists (Professional Board of 

Psychology,1999:37) states: `Psychologists 

take reasonable steps to implement 

appropriate protections for the rights 

and welfare of human participants, other 

persons affected by the research, and 

the welfare of animal subjects.' Point 

9.7.1 of this code (1999:37) states: `Psychologists 

conduct research competently 

with due concern for the dignity 

and welfare of the participants.' 

Editors' responsibility 

In order to avoid rejecting manuscripts 

containing worthwhile work, the editors 

and reviewers must be constantly 

aware of the possibility that they may 

reject a paper because they themselves 

do not àppreciate the importance of a 

potentially influential manuscript' (Campanario,1995:305). 

Communication with the author should 

be open and non-authoritarian. Constructive 

criticism of an article which 

has the potential to contribute to 

science, may encourage the author to 

revise and improve his/her manuscript 

and therefore strengthen his/her contribution. 

Perhaps the main fault is that 

the article is just not suitable for the 

publication but will contribute to knowledge 

in another journal. There may be 

only minor problems that can easily be 

rectified, such as a too-long submission. 

Editors and reviewers must therefore 

aim to 

^ monitor work carefully 

^ allow originality and dissent 

^ 

^ 

encourage revision 

stimulate improvement with constructive 

criticism. 

Eight standards for evaluating 

the contribution of knowledge to 

psychology papers 

According to Sternberg (1993), the following 

eight standards should be applied 

to the evaluation of all 

psychological papers. He maintains that 

those articles that meet all or even 

some of these criteria are likely to be 

evaluated as worthwhile and will distinguish 

`truly important papers from other 

papers' (Sternberg, 1993:155). All researchers 

should have an awareness 

of these standards when evaluating the 

work of others, and should try and 

achieve them when writing their own 

papers. A real study will be drawn upon 

to highlight the standards used to evaluate 

the contribution an article can 

make to an existing body of knowledge. 

The study in question is the well-known 

study to determine sources of attachment 

in infants (Harlow & Harlow, 1966 

as cited in Mussen, Conger, Kagan, 

Huston,1984). 

In a series of experiments conducted on 

infant monkeys in the 1960s, Harlow et 

al. identified a new source of motherînfant 

bond known as contact comfort 


(Mussen et al, 1984). Young monkeys 

were raised in a cage with two different 

inanimate mothers, one made of wire 

from which the infant could nurse from a 

nipple placed on the chest and another 

one made of terry cloth, which did not 

provide any food.It was found that the infants 

spent most of their time with the 

terry-cloth mother and only went to the 

wire mother when they were hungry. If 

they were frightened they ran to the terry-cloth 

mother for comfort and security. 

1. The paper contains one or more 

surprising results that nevertheless 

make sense in a theoretical context: 

The results of the Harlow experiment 

were contrary to prevalent psychoanalytical 

and behavioural 

theories which believed that basic 

drives such as hunger, thirst and 

pain were the main forces behind 

the development of an attachment 

bond. The infants in this study spent 

most of their time with the cloth 

mother and ran to her for comfort 

and security when frightened. They 

only approached the wire mother 

when they were hungry. The attachment 

they developed towards the 

cloth mother was therefore driven 

by emotional, not biological needs. 

2. The results presented in the paper 

are of major theoretical or practical 

significance: The findings of Harlow's 

study were a `fatal blow to theories 

emphasising biological drive 

reduction' (Mussen et al,1984:120). 

It stimulated years of future research 

into various factors that interact to 

produce a strong attachment bond 

between a mother and her infant. 

The practical significance of these 

findings has had far-reaching effects 

on the attitude towards childcare. 

3. The ideas in the paper are new and 

exciting, perhaps presenting a new 

way of looking at an old problem: 

Harlow's study focused attention on 

the emotional reasons for the formation 

of an attachment bond and disproved 

the theory that infant ^ carer 

attachments developed mainly to 

satisfy biological drives. 

4. The interpretation of the results is 

ùnambiguous': Lack of ambiguity is 

a standard that can be approached 

but not attained' (Sternberg, 

1993:167). When the findings of this 

study were first published in 1966 it 

appeared that the results were conclusive 

and interpretation was simple 

and straightforward. However, 

further research that has been carried 

out on this phenomenon indicates 

that the development of the 

infant^mother attachment bond is 

due to a wider variety of interacting 

factors. `Numerous studies have 

linked maternal sensitivity or levels 

of reciprocal interaction in the first 

year of life to attachment classification' 

(Fish, Stifter & Belsky,1993:1). 

5. The paper integrates into a new, 

simpler framework data that had 

previously required a complex, 

possibly unwieldy framework: Prior 

to this study, attachment was 

viewedasareactiontobiological 

instincts and very little attention 

was focused on the emotional aspects. 

These findings suggested a 

way in which the concept of attachment 

could be understood from a 

more holistic, interactive perspective. 

Although the framework was 

simpler when the focus was solely 

on biological drives, the information 

gathered from this more complex 

frameworkisstillpresentedina 

manageable manner. 

6. The paper contains a major debunk- 


ing of previously held ideas: The 

findings of this study debunked the 

strongly entrenched beliefs that an 

infant is driven to form attachments 

only to satisfy biological needs and 

instincts. This research indicated,`the 

strength of a child's attachment to 

either parent is not related in any simple 

way to the frequency with which 

the parent feeds, changes or cares 

for the physical needs of the child' 

(Ainsworth et al., 1978 as cited in 

Mussen et al.,1984). 

7. The paper presents an experiment 

with a particularly clever paradigm 

or experimental manipulation: The 

experimental manipulation in this 

study was unique and unusual, 

although the ethical considerations 

of such a study being carried out today 

would be questionable. 

8. The findings or theory presented in 

the paper are general ones: The 

theory presented in this study is very 

general, as it is possible to apply it to 

many broad aspects of child development. 

The use of rating scales 

One method of increasing the reliability 

and validity of evaluation procedures is 

to introduce structure that leads to greater 

formalisation of processes. Rating 

scales are used to structure evaluation 

processes. They help to improve consensus 

among evaluators, and to maintain 

set levels of standards. However, 

many problems arise in the construction 

of rating scales. According to Guilford 

(1954:264) the numerical scale is among 

the easiest to construct and apply, and 

also the simplest in terms of handling 

the results. Ùnfortunately, the apparent 

ease of construction is deceptive and 

theeaseofusecarriesaheavyprice: 

lack of validity due to a number of 

sources of bias that enter into rating 

measures' (Kerlinger, 1986:494). Kerlinger 

points out that the scales are seemingly 

so easy that they are used 

indiscriminately, frequently without 

knowledge of their intrinsic defects. He 

describes this problem as their extrinsic 

weakness. Intrinsic weakness refers to 

the proneness to constant or biased error 

of the scale. 

Intrinsic defects: Of all forms that constant 

rating error takes, the halo effect 

is the most pervasive.The halo effect refers 

to the tendency to rate an object 

constantly in the same direction as a result 

of its general impression. Other important 

forms of constant error are the 

error of severity and leniency.The former 

is referred to as the general tendency to 

rate things too low on all characteristics, 

while the latter is held to be the opposite 

general tendency to rate things too high 

on all characteristics. In addition, there is 

the tendency to avoid all extreme judgements 

and wrongly give objects middle 

ratings on all attributes. This is called 

the error of central tendency. It usually 

manifests itself when the rater is rating 

something with which he or she is not familiar 

or has little knowledge about (Guilford,1954; 

Kerlinger,1986). 

Even if the biases of the rater when 

using rating scales such as the error of 

leniency, severity, central tendency and 

halo effect can be controlled, the rating 

scale as a measuring instrument might 

still present some problems. Problems 

may arise when the dimensions to be 

rated are described in ambiguous or 

general terms within the rating scale. 

For example, when a numerical scale is 

used, it is sometimes unclear what each 

of the numbers means and how the dif- 


ferent rating levels differ from one another. 

Even if concepts such as excellent, 

good, fair and poor are used to 

describe ratings in the rating scale, the 

degree of ambiguity and indefiniteness 

is reduced only slightly. When the rating 

categories of a scale are ambiguous, 

the potential use of the results, the purpose 

for which the results were intended, 

and the validity of the results 

are reduced. A rating scale that violates 

the criterion of usability (i.e. a criterion 

that refers to a number of practical considerations 

such as the rater's minimum 

amount of training in measurement and 

evaluation) is itself a source of error. 

Moreover, the directions for use and any 

information that can enhance the quality 

of the rating scale are important features 

of the rating scale as a measuring and 

evaluation instrument. A rating scale 

should be designed in such a way that 

results obtained from using it can be easily 

interpreted and related to the subject 

matter for which it was used. 

It is advisable that those who construct 

rating scales be conversant with the errors 

that can occur. They should be able 

to develop procedures for estimating 

these errors and they should be able 

to utilise methods of rating scale construction 

that minimise errors. Guilford 

(1954) indicates that numerical ratings 

are often rejected in favour of other 

types of rating. In fact, other types are 

often devised for the purpose of overcoming 

some of the weaknesses of numerical 

ratings. However, numerical 

scales could be useful in a variety of situations, 

provided their construction 

and use are considered carefully. 

Therefore, if used `with knowledge, skill 

and care, ratings can be valuable' (Kerlinger,1986:494). 

Historically, qualitative and quantitative 

measures have been treated as two `mutually 

exclusive' approaches in the construction 

of rating scales. However this 

has changed, and nowadays qualitative 

and quantitative measures are often 

combined in a single scale. The combination 

of the two approaches provides 

for a richer and more insightful analysis 

of complex phenomena. However, one 

should keep in mind that a combinational 

approach is not without problems. 

The combination of qualitative and 

quantitative measures in a single scale 

has implications for the focus of the rating 

scale. This kind of scale has to be 

constructed more around research content 

than around research methodology. 

Focusing on the content of a research 

study enables rating scales to accommodate 

both qualitative and quantitative 

information in a single evaluation. 

CONCLUSION 

The scientific community relies on research 

articles to expand its body of 

knowledge. Scientists act as their own 

gatekeepers to ensure proper standards 

in their disciplines. Therefore, peer evaluation 

of articles plays a major role in 

the publication of scientific work. The 

problem is that many mediocre articles 

find their way past the gatekeepers and 

into prestigious journals, while many 

good articles are rejected.Whereas one 

would like to avoid the publication of 

mediocre articles the loss of an article 

that could have offered a significant contribution 

should be avoided at all cost. 

In this article we outlined the extent of 

the problem of false acceptance and 

false rejection, and indicated what 

authors could do to increase their 

chances of publication.We reviewed lit- 


erature showing that good articles conform 

to proper format and stylistic qualities, 

ethical content, and particular 

standards in their contribution to 

knowledge. We suggested the use of 

rating scales to increase the validity 

and reliability of evaluation procedures, 

but argued that rating scales would 

serve to better evaluation procedures 

only if sufficient attention is given to 

theproperconstructionanduseof 

such scales. 

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118 (2), 172±177. 

Campanario, J. M. 1995. Commentary on influential books and journal articles initially 

rejected because of negative referees' evaluations. Science Communication, 16 (3), 

304±325. 

Fish, M., Stifter, C. A. and Belsky, J. 1993. Early patterns of mother ± infant dyadic 

interaction: infant, mother, and family demographic antecedents. Infant Behaviour and 

Development, 16, 1±18. 

Guilford, J. (1954). Psychometric methods, 2nd ed. New York: McGraw-Hill. 

Hartley, J. 1999. From structured abstracts to structured articles: A modest proposal. `J'. 

Technical Writing and Communication, 29 (3), 255±270. 

Hartley, J., Sydes, M. and Blurton, A. 1996. Obtaining information accurately and quickly: are 

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seven, no. 3, 228±237. 

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psychology and research methods courses. Paper presented at the Annual 

Convention of the American Psychological Association, Chicago. 

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Ì began coughing in 1988. I went for 

an X-ray and was given medication 

but my health deteriorated. My situaarticle 


The psychosocial effects of retrenchment 

A testimony of migrant mineworkers 

B. L. Meel 

ABSTRACT Many mineworkers become diseased and disabled due to the harsh 

environments caused by mining operations. In South Africa the 

majority of mineworkers migrate to the mining regions. These regions 

are not only far from the miners' rural homes, but are also different in 

terms of culture and social structures. When miners become 

diseased and disabled they are retrenched and sent home where 

they have to face the psychological and sociological consequences 

of unemployment and the stigmatisation due to illness. The present 

study aimed to explore the nature of the psychosocial impact of 

retrenchment on these workers. Fourteen former mineworkers were 

interviewed (with the help of an interpreter) at the Umtata General 

Hospital. A partially structured, open-ended interview format was 

used. A qualitative exploration of these interviews showed that these 

individuals appear to experience severe loss of community. For a 

majority of the former mineworkers, the conflict between the selves 

they take home from the mines, and the ideal self cherished by the 

community leads to mental confusion. The mining houses could go a 

long way towards alleviating these problems by providing proper 

information and guidance about the health conditions of retrenched 

workers. 


The mining environment is 

harsh. The work is strenuous 

and often dangerous. 

Ìnside the mines it is hot and dark 

and there is no ventilation.On the underground 

shifts we are most afraid of 

thestonetablebreakingandfalling 

down on us.The food is bad. It is often 

porridge or a mixture of mealies, pap, 

soup, potatoes, beans, cabbage, rice 

and fish tails. 

Ì was working underground. My job 

was loading and sweeping stones 

and driving them to the stoves. Underground 

it was warm and dusty, 

lacking fresh air. Breathing underground 

was more difficult than outside, 

the air being warm and dusty.' 

Most of the mineworkers come from far 

afield to work in an environment that is 

culturally very different from their own. 

Physical and psychological strain can 

easily take their toll. Many workers fall ill 

and become disabled.

tion became critical in 1995 such that 

I was dismissed'. 

The problem is that the majority of these 

workers are returned home without 

proper guidance and preparation. They 

are ignorant about their ailments, and ill 

prepared to face the psychosocial consequences 

of their retrenchment which 

is often without sufficient monetary 

compensation. This study focuses on 

the experiences of former mineworkers 

in their rural areas of origin after their retrenchment 

from the mines. Fourteen of 

the former mineworkers were interviewed 

(with the help of an interpreter) 

at the Umtata General Hospital. A partially 

structured, open-ended interview 

format was used. A qualitative analysis 

of these interviews showed that many 

mineworkers face daunting problems 

related to poverty, unemployment, disease 

and, subsequently, stigma upon 

their return to their communities. More 

often than not, this leads to problematic 

selfidentity. The returning miner experiences 

conflict between the self he takes 

home from the mines and the ideal self 

cherished by his community. 

The self of the retrenched miner 

Mxolisi describes his social life, the expectations 

before he went to the mines, 

the failure of these expectations and the 

sense of loss that characterises him 

now. 

Òld men used to say: `Ìt's hard at the 

mines.'' They taught and encouraged 

us to work hard whilst still at home. 

They said they were equipping us for 

the hard labour in the mines by asking 

us to scoop manure from the 

kraals and carry it to the fields . . . 

On the train to the mines we talked 

about buying things.We talked about 

buying cattle, plowing the fields and 

paying lobola. Wewantedtobelike 

our fathers. Now we are back from 

theminesandwefeellikechildren. 

Our sense of reasoning is very poor. 

My passport books got lost a long 

time ago together with other documents 

. . . I began having chest problems 

in the mines. I have been 

admitted to the hospital on several 

occasions. Once I stayed in the hospital 

for three months. It is better . . . 

here at home than in the mines.' 

The miners come home without the 

money and the respect they anxiously 

went out to earn at the mines. They look 

more like anti-heroes: 

Àt first, miners were respected because 

they had money and they had 

manageable lives. Miners earned 

more money than other people. 

Miners would gain strong muscles 

and beautiful complexions and smart 

clothes. They bought a lot of livestock. 

They even bragged to others 

while going to the mines that they 

would employ them in their households 

as boys! Now there's no more 

money in the mines. Now the mines 

are no longer attractive . . . Now the 

community undermines you. People 

at home never knew how hard the 

work underground was. When a 

mineworker arrived at the mines, he 

would feel like going back home but 

he would be too ashamed of going 

home because people would mock 

him. So he had to persevere until the 

end of his job . . .We were treated like 

animals. Cows plow the fields with 

yokesontheirnecks...wewere 

slaves to work. Culturally you are a 

man because of how many livestock 


you have.When you have no livestock 

that means you are not a man, and 

this worries you. Now when I sit and 

think, I discover that I've wasted my 

time. I could have joined the Transkeian 

Defence Force.' 

The community spirit that kept the mineworkers 

alive underground as well as the 

hostel life, the food and the beer they 

had `for free', the medical check-ups, the 

risky adventures involved in drinking 

hard liquor, and `going after women', are 

all suddenly left behind. Most would willingly 

return to the hostels and to the shift 

work underground, in spite of the brutality 

of the boss boys, the sodomy, the prevarication 

of management, the 

emasculation of their labour for maximum 

productivity and scanty wages, 

and the inherent dangers of death and 

disease. 

According to the informants at the clinic, 

most mineworkers cannot think for 

themselves after having been reduced 

to `boys',`dogs' and `babies' in the mines. 

The self that the mineworker takes 

home is impoverished: financially, physically, 

mentally and morally. 

The self expected by the 

community 

The expectations for the former migrant 

mineworker, who is relieved of his obligations 

at the mines, is to return home 

and to take his place as à man among 

equals', and to bring material achievement 

to his homestead. He is expected 

to perform his obligations towards the 

family, kin group, and to maintain his personal 

welfare both as an individual and 

as a member of a community. 

Àt first miners were respected because 

they had money and they had 

manageable lives. Miners earned 

more money than other people. 

Miners would gain strong muscles 

and beautiful complexions and smart 

clothes. They bought a lot of livestock. 

They even bragged to others 

while going to the mines that they 

would employ them in their households 

as boys! Now there's no more 

money in the mines. 

Ònthetraintothemineswetalked 

about buying things.We talked about 

buying cattle, plowing the fields and 

paying lobola. We wanted to be like 

our fathers.' 

The conflict 

Nguni culture, as a whole, encourages 

men to be independent, not interdependent, 

and not dependent on woman. The 

reality is that the women generally assume 

the role of household heads in the 

absence of the men. Many engage in 

petty trading and gardening, which enables 

them to run their households and 

frequently to save more than their husbands. 

This together with retrenchment 

leads to an identity crisis on behalf of 

the former mineworkers ^ the man's role 

is now open to questioning. For those retrenched 

mineworkers whose wives become 

involved with other men there is 

an even bigger problem. Indeed, families 

eventually break up for want of money, 

unfaithfulness and misunderstanding. 

For example, Zwelidumile's failure in his 

business opens him to harsh treatment 

from his wife: 

`With my compensation, I bought 

clothes, many other things for my family 

and finally a van. I intended to 

use the van for public transport. But 

the driver/mechanic I hired stole most 


of the parts. Then the car stalled and 

broke down. I had no money. I could 

not come to town to report the matter 

to the police. It was only last week 

that I received some money for a 

piece job I did. The breaking down of 

the car created problems in the family, 

especially with my wife. She believed 

that I had made up the whole 

story . . . Women trust you when you 

are still struggling to achieve a certain 

goal. When you are counting to 

achieve something, your wife trusts 

you. And she stays by your side. But 

once you fail in your attempt, she deserts 

you'. 

For a majority of the former mineworkers, 

the conflict between the selves 

they take home from the mines, and the 

ideal self cherished by the community 

leads to mental confusion. Khehla does 

not understand the deeper reasons for 

which his wife left him: 

`There was tension in my family. And 

during that time my wife left me with 

the children . . .The reason for the separation 

is that she got involved with 

another man. She never told me the 

actual reason for her departure. She 

just left. She left behind all my children 

with me . . . All my kids are at 

home doing nothing. Two of them are 

involved in taxis as conductors in 

Butterworth.' 

The outcome 

A number of former mineworkers leave 

their rural communities, out of a sense 

of frustration, and tramp once more into 

the towns and neighbouring cities: 

`Most of them come from places outside 

Umtata like Tsolo and Engcobo. 

They come here to seek employment 

but they don't get jobs so they resort 

to living in Itipini [a large squatter at 

Umtata]. They help people by carrying 

their parcels in town for a few 

cents or rands . . . Most of them were 

married but they lost their families 

because of poverty and unemployment. 

They are well mentally but in 

reality you cannot be healthy when 

you don't have the means to sustain 

life.' 

But eventually they become too ill to 

earn a living by doing normal work. It is 

not unusual for retrenched mineworkers 

to arrive back home ignorant about their 

health status. 

Ì am still young but I cannot make a 

living for myself. My health affects 

my working ability because I get tired 

very quickly. I find it very difficult to 

practise cultivation, especially digging. 

I am not so serious as I used to 

be. It is just the coughing. I am not 

strong any more. I only perform easy 

tasks like looking after the children 

[baby-sitting], cleaning the yard, looking 

after the chickens. I cannot carry 

out difficult work. When I try to, I get 

pains all over my body. My heartbeat 

is not well. It is difficult to climb steep 

slopes. If I go on foot, I must walk very 

slowly. If I walk fast my whole body 

begins to ache. I just cough, nothing 

else. 

`When I got back from the mines I 

managed to put up a fence at home. I 

ploughed. I had this pain and went to 

the clinic in Ross Mission where I was 

given tablets and medicine. I've been 

having this pain for six months. It 

shows itself up in my chest and I feel 

warm and then it pierces me on the 


sides. Because of the pain I can't help 

others with piece jobs like putting up 

afenceasIusedtodoinMandela 

[Park].I'm unable to fence even a garden.I 

don't have the stamina to work.I 

cannot walk fast. I cannot climb uphill. 

I do cut trees though I take a very long 

time. I am able to go shopping. I'm 

very slow when walking. I have a hard 

time carrying out my duties in the family 

like paying fees and feeding the 

family . . . It's been a while since I 

have felt these pains. But normally I 

don't feel them every day. Due to 

``my'' sickness, I can't work hard like 

fixing a fence or even walking fast.' 

About 14 per cent of the formermineworkerswhovisitedtheUmtataBECbetween 

April and August 2000 indicated 

that they were given no reasons for their 

retrenchment. The reasons for ignorance 

vary but are usually one or more 

of the following: not being properly informed 

by the mine's medical personnel, 

not understanding the explanations provided 

and not experiencing symptoms of 

illness at the time of retrenchment. The 

ignorance about their health status has 

far-reaching consequences for the former 

miner, his family and the community. 

Upon his return he has to explain the 

reasons for his retrenchment to his family 

and members of the community ^ a 

family and a community who are themselves 

ignorant and superstitious. Ignorance 

about his illness often means that 

treatment is delayed. When symptoms 

appear or get worse, ignorance of his 

health status opens the former mineworker 

to exploitation by traditional healers. 

Ì had a neighbour who used to work 

in the Rustenburg mines. He was sick 

andwenttothedoctorsandtothe 

herbalists for consultations. He also 

visited a sangoma. He received treatment 

but ended up dying . . . The former 

miners prefer sangoma and 

iqwira. They believe the sangoma 

would give you muti that will protect 

you from illnesses and danger. I went 

to a sangoma in Johannesburg. They 

cut you using a razor and rub in a bit 

of medicine made with ash. This muti 

is to protect you from getting illnesses. 

They also have muti that 

cures long-term illnesses. But the 

sangoma cannot heal this disease 

caused by the mines.' 

When the former- miner finally comes to 

learn of his exact medical situation he 

may learn that it is terminal. Ignorance 

about the source of illness may lead to 

incorrect interpretations of death which 

may impact negatively on his family and 

the community. 

Many of these diseases or health conditions 

do not occur singularly.They usually 

occur together with other diseases 

and states of impairment. Sometimes 

the ears, the eyes, the shoulders and, 

general, bodily pains are involved. Many 

of these mineworkers suffer from dypsnoea 

after prolonged bouts of coughing. 

They get dizzy and weak, rendering 

them unable to perform jobs that require 

energy. Mxolisi complains that he is unable 

to walk, run, visit his friends, garden 

and that his voice is low due to coughing. 

Mntwanayo's history seems to have 

been one of accidents and disease as 

evident from the wheelchair he rides in, 

and his burnt and scaly hands. He begins 

by talking of his ears: 

`Before my ears were fine. It was at 

the mines that I began having problems 

with my ears. There's dust 

trapped inside which blocks my 


hearing. Now starting from the last of 

last month I can't hear properly . . . In 

the mines I was never sick. I was 

never sick before I went to the 

mines. When I got there the drilling 

machine injured me on the knee 

and I could see my kneecap (which 

has now been amputated). I was admitted 

to the hospital but I never received 

any money for that injury . . . I 

was not even aware that I was supposed 

to be compensated . . . During 

the first months when I got back 

from the mines I felt nothing wrong 

with my body. Then later on my 

shoulders began getting weak. So I 

would do exercises but not strenuous 

exercises . . . I also have a chest 

problem because there was a fire 

once and I was trapped in the 

flames. I was admitted into the mine 

hospital once more. They gave me 

only the pills for treatment. It was 

not till later on that they diagnosed 

me with TB and admitted me to the 

hospital. They said I was not eating 

healthy foods . . . Most of the time, I 

get tired even after having done 

nothing for the entire day. My chest 

is not well now; it gives me troubles. 

Now I do not work hard. The doctor 

instructed me not to work, but at 

least I can fence the garden [that is, 

from a wheelchair ]. Apart from gardening, 

I can stroll a bit [in the 

wheelchair] or rather stay at home. 

Sometimes I feel tired. This often 

takes place during the day. And 

sometimes I feel stressed out. My 

shoulders frequently get weak. Then 

I would exercise although I can't do 

strenuous exercises . . . Sometimes 

I cannot roll the wheels of this 

wheelchair . . . It is nice here at 

home. It is unlike in the mines because 

there one can die even without 

getting sick. Before I went to the 

mines, I was never sick. The best 

time of my life was when I was at 

home dependent on my parents. 

When I began working at the mines, 

I had no responsibilities.' 

Most of the former miners who visit the 

clinic come to regard living with disease 

as a normal part of their lives. In going 

out as full-bodied and physically strong 

men to build their homesteads and to 

find better lives back at home, they create 

a rift in their lives which they can no 

longer make whole. Their presence at 

the clinic now is made necessary by financial 

demands; to help them carry on 

their `normal' lives. Sadly, often the reason 

for going to the clinic is the need to 

claim compensation rather than to obtain 

medical treatment. 

The mining environment is harsh and 

dangerous. People leave their rural environments 

in the hope of saving money 

and returning to a better life. Unfortunately, 

they open themselves to the hazardous 

consequences of mine work ^ 

the high risk of injury and disease.When 

these workers return to their communities 

they face daunting problems relatedtopoverty,unemploymentand 

disease. Many of these problems are 

amplified by ignorance, especially ignorance 

concerning the nature of the diseases 

from which they suffer. The 

mining houses could go a long way to 

help alleviate these problems by (a) ensuring 

that the miners who are boarded 

on the grounds of illness are financially 

justly compensated, (b) informing them 

of the nature of their illnesses and, 

(c) preparing them psychologically for 

the realities back home. 


Acknowledgement 

The author wishes to thank the following 

people: 

± the former mineworkers who co-operated 

in the interviews. 

± the staff of the Occupational Health Unit, 

and Professor Awotedu, for permitting me 

to carry out this study 

± Mr Ismael A. Chibikom, a graduate 

student of Anthropology, for helping in 

the process of interviewing the former 

mineworkers 


Ècstasy' use: motivational factors and awareness 

of harmful effects 

Jenny Terblanche 

ABSTRACT Ecstasy or MDMA is a popular recreational drug which is thought to 

be relatively benign in comparison with previously popular drugs 

such as LSD. In its pill form it is very convenient to use, however, for 

regular users this habit is not without consequence. The research 

conducted for this study was an attempt to gauge Ecstasy users' 

level of awareness of the harmful side-effects of this drug, more 

specifically, to test the hypothesis that the lower the level of 

awareness and the higher the motivation to take Ecstasy, the 

greater the consumption. A sample was drawn from newsgroups on 

the Internet attracting 12 survey participants. The results of the study 

revealed no relationship between the 2 independent variables, and 

no significant relation was found between these 2 independent 

variables and the amount of Ecstasy consumed. Overall, however, 

the results of this study have highlighted the ongoing need for 

awareness programmes to keep users informed of the potential risks. 

The research project was based on the 

field of substance abuse, in particular 

MDMA, which is known as Ecstasy or 

E. This drug was first discovered in 

1912 and was initially patented as an 

appetite suppressant. It is now used as 

a recreational drug and its popularity 

has increased immensely since the 

1980s. Ecstasy is an amphetaminebased 

stimulant with hallucinogenic 

properties which induces an acute increase 

in levels of the neurotransmitters, 

serotonin and dopamine (Wareing, 

Fisk & Murphy, 2000:181). In lay terms 

this translates as feelings of euphoria 

with stimulant effects and a feeling of 

closeness towards others (Boot, 

McGregor & Hall, 2000:1 818). 

Ecstasy is widely used by adolescents 

(some as young as 13 years) as a dance 

drug and is usually taken at nightclubs or 

parties known as Raves. Asurveyof 

schoolchildren across the whole of England 

found that 25% of 14-year-olds had 

tried Ecstasy at least once (Saunders, 

1993:41). 

The motivation for consuming Ecstasy 

obviously varies from individual to individual. 

However, there is evidence of certain 

common incentives such as: the 

facilitation of social intercourse, anticipated 

weight loss, freedom from sexual 

pressure, escape from social constraints 

and the fulfilment of spiritual needs. 

Some people have described their experiences 

of the drug as a mind-expansion 

exercise or as a profound, lifechanging 

event. Clearly, there are many 

Ecstasy users who are convinced that 


appendix appendix appendix appendix appendix appendix appendix appendix appendix appendix appendix

this substance has had a beneficial effect 

on their lives. 

The common perception among the 

youth is that Ecstasy is a safe drug that 

has none of the unfortunate side-effects 

of some of the previously popular drugs 

such as LSD or cocaine. However, a 

study of previous research in this field indicates 

that this notion is incorrect. 

Although Ecstasy is not addictive, there 

is an indication of psychological dependence 

as well as tolerance leading to 

ever-increasing doses. Moreover, the 

findings on the toxic effects of Ecstasy 

are, to date, contradictory and inconclusive. 

However, it would appear that large 

doses over a period of time, in most 

cases, result in neurotoxicity without 

any subjectively experienced symptoms. 

In recent years there have been at least 

two (highly publicised) reports of deaths 

related to the use of this drug. However, 

it should be noted that confounding factors 

such as pre-existing health problems, 

the compound effect of 

additional drug intake, heat exhaustion 

and dehydration were instrumental in 

these deaths. 

Yet, numerous studies have shown that 

there are, in fact, harmful side-effects 

associated with the use of Ecstasy. Janseninanarticledealingwithmental 

health problems associated with the 

useofEcstasy,listsanumberofproblems 

that have been reported, namely 

confusion, anxiety, amnesia, panic attacks, 

depression, mania, suicide, insomnia, 

nightmares, depersonalisation, 

de-realisation, hallucinations, flashbacks, 

post-traumatic stress disorder, 

post-hallucinogen perception disorder, 

paranoia and other persistent false beliefs, 

other types of psychosis, automatic 

or repetitive behaviour, dissociative disorders, 

irritability and aggression with 

mood swings, tolerance, dependence 

and increased risk of problems with 

other drugs (Jansen,1997:135). 

THE PRESENT STUDY 

The decision to conduct a study in this 

field was motivated by the perusal of research 

abstracts of psychology students 

at the University of South Africa (Unisa) 

(Unisa, 2001). In one of the studies, the 

need for further research on user's 

awareness of the harmful effects of this 

drug was indicated. A subsequent extensive 

survey of the relevant literature 

supported the claim that more studies 

in this area were needed. 

In an article in the Journal of the 

American Medical Association the following 

quote appears: Ecstasy is seen 

as relatively benign, said Robert Carlson, 

PhD, an addiction researcher at 

Wright State University of Medicine in 

Dayton, Ohio. `[Prevention] messages 

are not getting across, and something 

needs to be done.' (Vastag, 2001). Widespread 

scepticism with regard to government 

studies remains, and a general 

perception that Ecstasy is safer than 

other drugs, including alcohol and tobacco. 

Furthermore, there is a willingness 

to take calculated risks. It was 

noted that Ècstasy users make clear 

decisions, despite the known or unknown 

risks, that the benefits outweigh 

those risks.' (Vastag, 2001). 

It has been acknowledged that effective 

campaigns can only take place once researchers 

establish why people take Ecstasy. 

A social approach, as opposed to 

a clinical approach, to understanding 

users is recommended. After extensive 

observation and interviews with Ecstasy 


users, researchers have come to the 

conclusion that each individual or group 

is driven by unique motivations. 

Thus, the objective of this research project 

was to gauge the level of awareness 

among Ecstasy users regarding the 

harmful side-effects and to gain insight 

into the motivational factors that lead to 

the recreational use of this drug.The primary 

research question was: Ìs there a 

relationship between the amount of Ecstasy 

consumed and the level of awareness 

of harmful side-effects? Secondary 

questions were:`What are the motivating 

factors for taking this drug and how do 

these factors relate to both the level of 

awareness and consumption?' The following 

hypothesis was investigated 

based on these questions: `The amount 

of Ecstasy consumed by users increases 

due to strong motivational factors 

and a low level of awareness of the 

harmful side-effects'. 

The following sections explain how the 

hypothesis was put to the test.The measuring 

instrument, sampling procedure 

and the method of analysis are described, 

followed by the presentation 

and discussion of the results. 

RESEARCH DESIGN AND 

PROCEDURE 

The project was conceptualised as an 

exploratory pilot study to test the assumption 

that users are unaware of the 

harmful side-effects of Ecstasy. The 

study was designed to measure and 

analyse the variables àwareness', `motivational 

factors' and `consumption'. 

These variables were operationalised in 

terms of more specific concepts or constructs. 

A questionnaire was compiled to 

enable respondents to provide information 

about their Ecstasy consumption, to 

self-rate their motivation for taking Ecstasy, 

and to test knowledge of the 

harmful side-effects of using Ecstasy. 

Analysis of variance was used to determine 

the effect of motivation and knowledge 

of harmful effects on the 

dependent variable, Ecstasy consumption. 

Data Collection: The questionnaire was 

posted onto several drug-related news 

groups on the Internet, for example, àlt.- 

drugs.abuse, and àlt.drugs.ecstasy'. 

Participants were requested to e-mail 

the completed questionnaire to the researcher. 

As a data-collection instrument, 

the questionnaire was designed 

to measure a number of different factors. 

The questionnaire: The questionnaire 

(see Appendix A) featured constructs 

deemed relevant, based on Jansen's 

findings (Jansen, 1997). Information 

about Ecstasy consumption was collected 

in terms of (a) actual dose (per 

day; per week; per fortnight; per 

month or per year), and (b) desired 

dose (per day; per week; per fortnight; 

per month or per year). Knowledge of 

the discrepancy between the actual 

dose and the desired dose was required 

for analytic purposes. There 

was the possibility that some users 

might wish to consume larger doses if 

they had the freedom to do so, or if 

theycouldaffordit.Themotivationto 

take Ecstasy was operationalised in 

terms of peer pressure, experimentation, 

increased confidence, weight 

loss, excitement or fun, spiritual awakening, 

sociability, intimacy, sexual 

pleasure, increased energy, prolonged 

periods of wakefulness and relaxation. 

These concepts are clear and unambiguous, 

and were selected on the 

strength of information obtained from 


a survey of relevant literature, that is, 

from articles and from personal accounts 

on the Internet sites, `www.ecstasy.org', 

and `www.erowid.com'. 

Awareness of side-effects was operationalised 

in terms of awareness of 

paranoia, neurotoxicity, panic attacks, 

flashbacks, psychosis, hallucinations, 

dehydration, loss of memory, confusion, 

depression, mania, suicidal tendencies, 

heart palpitations, insomnia, 

nightmares, irritability, aggression, 

mood swings, tolerance, physical addiction 

and inability to concentrate. 

These symptoms were selected from 

an article written by Jansen (1997:135). 

However, most of these symptoms are 

known side-effects of Ecstasy use and 

have been indicated in several articles 

and newspapers. Phenomena that are, 

in fact, not side-effects of long-term 

Ecstasy, such as heart palpitations 

and physical addiction, were included 

in the questionnaire to get an indication 

of the consistency and quality of 

respondents' answers. For example, 

dehydration was included to see 

whether respondents could distinguish 

between effects primarily 

caused by using Ecstasy, and effects 

caused by secondary circumstances. 

Dehydration is not caused by Ecstasy, 

but by prolonged periods of dancing 

without sufficient fluid intake. It was 

also necessary to collect information 

on additional drugs used in conjunction 

with Ecstasy to establish whether 

the answers to questions on the 

awareness of harmful side-effects 

were not based on subjectively experienced 

side-effects resulting from 

these other drugs. Thus the impact 

that this confounding variable may 

have had on the survey results could 

be determined. 

The questionnaire was considered appropriate 

for the purposes of the survey 

as it represented the relevant 

variables, and also attempted to account 

for possible nuisance variables. 

However, it should be noted that the 

side-effects of Ecstasy as indicated 

by Jansen (1997) are true for regular, 

long-term users of Ecstasy and are not 

strictly applicable to the occasional, 

short term user. This factor could have 

affectedthereliabilityandvalidityof 

the results as almost half of the respondents 

consumed less than ten tablets 

a year and could therefore not be 

classified as `regular' users. In the present 

study the measurement was not 

intended to gauge the respondents' 

subjective experience of side-effects 

but rather to measure their knowledge 

of known side-effects. Still, it would 

have been useful to gather data on 

theperiodoftimetherespondents 

had been using Ecstasy. Or, alternatively, 

the implicit assumption that the 

side-effects featured on the questionnaire 

related to long-term users in addition 

to regular users should have 

been made explicit to the respondents. 

Ethical considerations: Respondents 

were informed of the purpose of the 

survey, the time it would take to complete 

the questionnaire as well as the 

qualifications of the researcher by 

means of an introductory paragraph 

to the questionnaire. Respondents 

were also assured of confidentiality of 

the data received. It was anticipated 

that some respondents would be reluctant 

to divulge certain information 

for fear of legal repercussions. In 

many countries the recreational use 

of drugs is illegal. However, participation 

was entirely voluntary, there was 

no physical presence of the inter- 


viewer to pressurise respondents and 

respondents were able to withdraw at 

any time without anyone ever knowing. 

Therefore, the privacy of participants 

was not an issue due to the 

method of data collection, that is, privacy 

was ensured by the anonymity of 

the Internet. Although participants 

were requested to e-mail their completed 

questionnaires, they were not 

obliged to furnish the researcher with 

their names or any other personal information. 

Furthermore, respondents 

were assured that apart from the optional 

provision of feedback, (i. e. the 

results of the study) they would not 

be subjected to any further correspondence 

nor would their e-mail addressesbeusedorpassedontoa 

third party for any other purposes. 

DATA ANALYSIS 

Descriptive data were compiled for relevant 

variables and represented visually 

in the form of tables and bar 

diagrams. The level of awareness was 

calculated as the number of correct 

answers. Motivational level was determined 

as the number of motivational 

factors selected. In the descriptive 

graphs these values were expressed 

as percentage values. The level of Ecstasy 

consumption was indicated by 

the number of tablets used a year. A 

two-way analysis of variance was conducted 

to test the hypothesis that Ecstasy 

consumption is a function of 

awareness and motivation. Vasser- 

Stats, a statistical calculation tool 

available on the World Wide Web site 

(http//.www.faculty.vassar.edu-lowryanova 

2x2.html) was used to perform 

the necessary calculations. 

RESULTS 

A total of 12 subjects from various 

parts of the world took part in the survey. 

The sample is described inTable 1. 

Two of the participants were Australians, 

2 Americans and 3 of unknown 

nationality. The remaining participants 

were Swedish, Dutch, Swiss, Scottish 

and Canadian. Thus the sample cannot 

be said to represent any particular 

geographically defined culture. Rather, 

the sample may be described as representing 

a `global' Rave/drug culture. 

Furthermore, since these 

participants were selected from an Internet 

source it can also be assumed 

that the sample was drawn from are a 

broader `cyber' community. 

Unfortunately, the response to the survey 

was low. This could possibly be attributed 

to the fact that potential 

participants were put off by a fear of 

being traced by authorities. The sample 

was therefore too small to facilitate any 

real, meaningful or significant inferences. 

On the whole, it would appear 

that this survey catered to the relatively 

well-informed, `seasoned' or `sophisticated' 

drug users who were keen participants, 

readily supplying additional 

information and who gleaned much of 

their information about Ecstasy from 

the Internet. At face value, these respondents 

appeared fairly aware of the 

risks, took precautions to counteract 

some of these side-effects and were 

convinced that the benefits of taking 

Ecstasy far outweighed the risks. 

The age of participants ranged from 17 

to 52. The average age (mean) of respondents 

was 29.66 years. Eleven of 

the twelve respondents were male. 

Ecstasy consumption: The survey re- 


TABLE 1: DEMOGRAPHICS AND DRUG CONSUMPTION 

Respon- Age Gender Nationality Approximate Desired dose Other 

dents dose per year per year drugs 

(tablets) (tablets) 

1 18 M Swedish 5 5 Ng 

2 33 M Dutch 8 6 Ng 

3 25 M American 3 3 Ng 

4 24 M Australian 84 84 Y 

5 17 M Unknown 240 240 Y 

6 20 M Swiss 120 30 Ng 

7 45 M Australian 130 130 Y 

8 21 M Unknown 120 120 Y 

9 29 M Unknown 6 12 N 

10 39 M Scottish 50 50 Ng 

11 52 M American 2.5 2.5 Y 

12 33 F Canadian 30 30 Y 

Key: M = male, F= female; Y = yes; N = no; Ng = negligible 

sults demonstrated differences in Ecstasy 

consumption related to the age 

of respondents. The average dose of 

Ecstasy per year for respondents aged 

25 years and under totalled 95.33 tablets, 

whereas the average dose of Ecstasy 

per year for respondents aged 

older than 25 years amounted to 39 tablets. 

Although a substantial negative 

correlation (r = ^ 0,35) was found between 

age and consumption, the sample 

was too small to prove the 

significance of this correlation. With regard 

to the discrepancy between actual 

consumption and desired dose per 

year, most respondents reported that 

they were consuming as much Ecstasy 

as they wanted to. In only one instance 

a user expressed the desire to consume 

more (twice) than the amount he 

currently consumed whilst two of the 

respondents would have preferred to 

use less than they currently consumed. 

It seems that in most instances the level 

of consumption of Ecstasy was directly 

related to the level of consumption of 

various other drugs. Of the five respondents 

who consumed less than 10 Ecstasy 

tablets a year only one took a fair 

amount of other types of drugs. Of the 

seven respondents who consumed 30 

or more tablets a year, two respondents 

consumed other drugs in moderation 

whereas the remaining five respondents 

reportedconsumingasubstantial 

amount of other drugs in addition to Ecstasy. 

Motivating factors: Tables 2 and 3 

contain information about motivational 


factors. The three main reasons given 

by respondents for consuming Ecstasy 

were: fun and excitement (10 out of 12 

respondents), experimentation (10 out 

of 12 respondents) and to feel good 

(11 out of 12 respondents). This information 

is summarised in Figure 1. The 

only female respondent cited `sexual 

pleasure' as a motivation for taking Ecstasy. 

Prior to the commencement of 

this study, the researcher made the 

assumption that women, more so than 

men, would take Ecstasy as a means 

of losing weight ^ not as a primary 

motivation, but as an added incentive. 

However, this assumption could not 

be verified as there was only one female 

respondent and weight loss was 

not indicated as a motivating factor. It 

was also noted that respondents were 

unlikely to admit to taking Ecstasy for 

reasons such as boosting of confidence, 

weight loss and sexual pleasure. 

However, if one looks at the 

other reasons given by respondents 

such as: to feel closer to others, intimacy 

and to feel good, it could be deduced 

that more users are taking 

Ecstasy to boost confidence than they 

would readily admit to. 

The motivational index showed motivational 

levels ranging from 21% to 57%. 

The motivation level index was probably 

not a valid index of the real level of motivation 

as some of the factors were not 

rated by any of the participants. 

Level of awareness: The findings of the 

study regarding the level of awareness 

(seeTables4and5,andFigure2)were 

as follows: The level of awareness of all 

participants was generally low with an 

average index of 38%. There were no 

significant differences amongst age 

groups with regard to this variable. Respondents 

below 25 years of age 

TABLE 2: MOTIVATIONAL FACTORS IN 

THE USE OF ECSTACY 

Motivational factor Frequency 

Lose weight 0 

Confidence 1 

Fun and excitement 10 

Spiritual awareness 5 

Closer to others 8 

Peer pressure 0 

Relax 4 

Experiment 10 

Extra energy 2 

Sexual pleasure 1 

Sociable 6 

Intimacy 6 

Stay awake 2 

Feel good 11 

TABLE 3: MOTIVATIONAL LEVELS 

Subject 

Motivation 

N of factors % 

1 4 29 

2 5 36 

3 5 36 

4 3 21 

5 3 21 

6 8 57 

7 5 36 

8 6 43 

9 4 29 

10 8 57 

11 8 57 

12 7 50 


12 

Number of 

respondents 

10 

8 

6 

4 

2 

0 

Weigh Fun and Close to Relax Extra Sociable Stay awake 

Loss Excitement others motivation energy 

FIGURE 1: MOTIVATIONAL FACTORS 

Paranoia Hallucinations Confusion Irritability Tolerance Flashbacks 

FIGURE 2: LEVEL OFAWARENESS OF SIDE-EFFECTS 

SIDE EFFECTS 


TABLE 4: AWARENESS FACTORS IN 

THE USE OF ECSTACY 

Awareness factor Frequency 

Paranoia 4 

Panic 3 

Insomnia 6 

Hallucinations 4 

Neurotoxicity 7 

Memory loss 8 

Confusion 7 

Depression 6 

Psychosis 3 

Irritibility 6 

Aggression 2 

Mood swings 7 

Tolerance 6 

Concentration 8 

Mania 1 

Flashbacks 1 

Suicidal tendencies 2 

Nightmares 1 

scored an average of 44% whilst respondents 

over 25 years scored an 

average of 32%. However, there was a 

considerable range of awareness within 

the group, ranging from 0% to 78%. 

Analysis of variance: An analysis of 

variance revealed that there was a 

0.001673 probability that the independent 

variables or factors affected the 

dependent variable (level of consumption) 

to any significant degree. A simple 

exploration of the intercorrelations 

among these variables revealed no significant 

correlations (see Table 6). The 

negative correlation between motivation 

and dosage indicates a very unexpected 

result, but it is risky to interpret 

this result as a possible trend, because 

the sample was small and the index of 

motivation level may not have been a 

good index since some of the motivational 

factors were not selected by any 

participant. Figures 4 and 5 depict the 

results graphically. 

General: The popular choice of venue 

for the consumption of Ecstasy was 

fairly predictable. Drugs are usually consumed 

at parties or nightclubs or when 

people go out to enjoy themselves. All 

12 respondents took Ecstasy at parties 

whilst 8 respondents also took Ecstasy 

at nightclubs and an equal number of respondents 

took Ecstasy at home. The 

primary source of information on Ecstasy 

was the Internet. All 12 participants 

made use of this source whilst 

TABLE 5: AWARENESS LEVELS OF 

SIDE-EFFECTS 

Subject 

Awareness 

N of factors % 

1 14 78 

2 3 17 

3 0 0 

4 1 6 

5 5 28 

6 8 44 

7 7 39 

8 9 50 

9 14 78 

10 13 72 

11 4 22 

12 3 17 


TABLE 6: INTERCORRELATIONS AMONG MOTIVATION, AWARENESS AND 

DOSAGE IN ECSTASY USAGE 

Motivation Awareness Dosage 

Motivation 1 0,09 ^0.17 

Awareness 1,00 ^0.06 

Dosage 1 

Percentage 

100 

90 

80 

70 

60 

50 

40 

30 

20 

10 

0 

. 

. 

. 

. 

. 

. 

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 

Respondents 

Level of Awareness 

. Motivational Factors 

. 

. 

. 

. 

. 

. 

10 

9 

8 

7 

6 

5 

4 

3 

2 

1 

0 

Score 

FIGURE 3: LEVEL OFAWARENESS AND MOTIVATIONAL FACTORS 

FIGURE 4: AWARENESS AND CONSUMPTION 


FIGURE 5: MOTIVATION AND CONSUMPTION 

FIGURE 6: SOURCES OF INFORMATION ON ECSTASY 

the second and third most popular 

sources of information were books and 

magazines. (Refer to Figure 6.) 

An interesting observation was noted 

with regard to the side-effects of Ecstasy. 

Over half of the respondents indicated 

that `sweaty palms' and 

`palpitations' were also side-effects of 

the regular use of Ecstasy. Owing to the 

large proportion of participants indicating 

these symptoms, the researcher 

could not use them for quality control 

purposes. Whether these reports were 

based on subjectively experienced 

symptomsorbasedonknowledge 


gained elsewhere has yet to be determined. 

However, the two symptoms that 

were included in the questionnaire for 

quality control purposes are not `known' 

symptoms of Ecstasy and, to the researcher's 

knowledge, have not been 

documented as such. 

DISCUSSION 

Some limitations with regard to the sampling 

procedure of this research project 

were identified. Firstly, the use of the Internet 

to collect data amounted to haphazard 

non-probability. However, this 

type of sampling was inevitable as posting 

a request on news groups relies solely 

on subject interest. It is possible that 

the people who were attracted to participate 

could have been prejudiced and 

were out specifically to prove a point, 

such as that Ecstasy is a harmless drug. 

Secondly, the researcher could not determine 

the sample size, as the response 

to the survey was, by nature, 

uncertain. Finally, it is noted that only respondents 

with access to the Internet 

and e-mail facilities were able to participate 

in this study. It is assumed therefore 

that these participants were from a more 

advantaged socio-economic group with 

better access to information sources. 

These factors could have had a significant 

impact on the reliability and validity 

of the survey results. The results of the 

survey could thus not be applied to the 

population of Ecstasy users per se, but 

rather to a small, select group of users. 

Alternative sampling procedures would 

probably have yielded more significant 

results. 

Further limitations relating to the measuring 

instrument, more specifically, the 

design of the questionnaire were noted. 

In the first instance, the respondents 

were not interviewed in person. Thus, 

particular information provided such as 

age or gender could not be verified. The 

study therefore relied heavily on respondents 

completing the questionnaire honestly 

and responsibly, and inferences 

based on age or gender were essentially 

tentative. Secondly, as already 

mentioned, there may have been some 

misunderstanding regarding the term 

`regular' Ecstasy users. Almost half of 

the respondents consumed less than 

tentabletsayearandcouldtherefore 

not be described as regular users. The 

questions pertaining to the harmful 

side-effects were relevant for long-term 

users and the answers may therefore 

have been distorted. 

Finally, the decision to use the Internet 

as a data source was based on the researcher's 

personal situation which limited 

the scope of the project. Further 

research using the same questionnaire 

could be conducted at busy nightclubs 

or at other places where it would be possible 

to get participation from a young 

population of Ecstasy users. 

CONCLUSIONS 

It was anticipated that the research results 

would indicate a high level of motivation 

and a low level of awareness 

among regular users of Ecstasy. No evidence 

was found to support the hypotheses. 

Since Ecstasy is not nearly as `mind-altering' 

or intensive in its effects on the 

human mind as LSD for example, its impact 

on the user is underestimated. 

Furthermore, Ecstasy is easy to use ^ 

ready made in a convenient pill form. 

People are accustomed to taking tablets, 

whereas they are not used to snorting or 


injecting themselves. Thus there is a low 

inhibition threshold for experimentation. 

Also, in a culture where young people 

especially are expected give hundred 

per cent performance hundred per cent 

of the time, Ecstasy is often used to cope 

with the pressure. This can lead to psychological 

dependence and as tolerance 

leading to ever-increasing 

consumption. However, if the primary 

motivations given by respondent for taking 

Ecstasy are revisited, that is, `to feel 

good'; for `fun and excitement'; `to experiment', 

and `to feel closer to others, 

one can understand why Saunders 

(1997) blames society for this phenomenon. 

In a paper entitled `Recreational 

use of Ecstasy: the drug user's perspective' 

presented to the British Psychological 

Society's annual conference in 

Edinburgh he poses the question: `Why 

does our society impose restraints on 

such apparently healthy behaviour to 

the extent that a drug is required to overcome 

them?' (Saunders,1997:3). 

Given the extent of Ecstasy consumption 

and the apparent lack of knowledge 

regarding the harmful effects of the 

drug, further studies of this nature ought 

to be encouraged. This is especially relevant 

in the South African context as 

very little research has been conducted 

in this field. Research of this kind facilitates 

the improvement of health education 

for users and drug therapists alike 

which, in turn, could lead to better primary 

prevention programmes through 

increased awareness amongst the general 

population including parents and 

teachers. Finally, at the very least, this 

study contributes to the debate on the 

harmful effects of Ecstasy which introduces 

additional issues and/or questions 

for further exploration and 

research. 

REFERENCES 

Boot, B. P., McGregor, I. and Hall, W. 2000. MDMA (Ecstasy) neurotoxicity: assessing and 

communicating the risks. Lancet, 355, 1 818±1 821. 

Jansen, K. L. R. 1997. Mental health problems associated with the use of Ecstasy (MDMA), 

and their treatment. In J. Holland, ed., Ecstasy: the complete guide: A comprehensive 

look at the risks and benefits of MDMA, (132±157). Vermont: Park Street Press. 

Saunders, N. 1993. E for Ecstasy. London: Neal's Yard. 

Saunders, N. 1997. Recreational use of ecstasy: the drug user's perspective. Paper 

presented to the British Psychological Society's annual conference at Edinburgh. 

Unisa. 2001. Tutorial Letter 105 for PSY471±S. 

Vastag, B. Ecstasy experts want realistic messages. Journal of the American Medical 

Association, vol. 286, no. 7. Retrieved August 12, 2001 from the World Wide Web: 

http://jama.ama-assn.org/issues/v286n7/ffull/jmn0815-1.html 

Wareing, M., Fisk, J. E. and Murphy P. N. 2000. Working memory deficits in current and 

previous users of MDMA (Ècstasy'). British Journal of Psychology, 91, 181±8. 


APPENDIX A 

Questionnaire on the use of Ecstasy and 

awareness 

of side-effects 

If you are a regular user of Ecstasy I would appreciate it if you could take the time to 

participate in this survey. I am an Honours Psychology student at the University of 

South Africa and the reason I am conducting this survey is that a number of researchers 

have indicated that many Ecstasy users are unaware of the harmful sideeffects 

of this drug. I would like to establish your motivations for taking Ecstasy as 

well as to determine your level of awareness of the risks or harmful side-effects. 

This questionnaire should only take you about ten minutes to complete. Please answer 

all questions. 

General 

Age: .......................................................................................................................... 

Gender: .......................................................................................................................... 

Nationality: .......................................................................................................................... 

(The above information is optional and is not necessary for the purposes of this 

study) 

Consumption 

How much Ecstasy do you consume per 

Day: .......................................................................................................................... 

Week: .......................................................................................................................... 

Fortnight: .......................................................................................................................... 

Month: .......................................................................................................................... 

Year: .......................................................................................................................... 

How much Ecstasy would you LIKE to consume per 

Day: .......................................................................................................................... 

Week: .......................................................................................................................... 

article article a 

Fortnight: .......................................................................................................................... 

Month: .......................................................................................................................... 


Year: .......................................................................................................................... 

Do you take any other drugs either together with Ecstasy or at other times? 

(Answer YES or NO): ..................................... 

If so, please specify which drugs (including alcohol) and approximate amount consumed 

per week: 

................................................................................................................................................ 

................................................................................................................................................ 

What started you off taking Ecstasy? Was it for any/some/all of the reasons given 

below ^ (Please answer YES or NO next to the following): 

To lose weight: .................................................................................................................... 

Gain confidence: ................................................................................................................ 

Fun and excitement: .......................................................................................................... 

To attain spiritual awareness: ........................................................................................... 

To feel closer to other people/friends: ............................................................................. 

Peer pressure: .................................................................................................................... 

To relax: ............................................................................................................................... 

To experiment: .................................................................................................................... 

For extra energy: ................................................................................................................ 

Sexual pleasure: ................................................................................................................. 

To be more sociable: .......................................................................................................... 

Intimacy: .............................................................................................................................. 

To stay awake: .................................................................................................................... 

To feel good: ....................................................................................................................... 

Where do you take Ecstasy? 

(Please answer YES or NO next to any of the following): 

Home: .......................................................................................................................... 

Work: .......................................................................................................................... 

School: .......................................................................................................................... 

Nightclubs: .......................................................................................................................... 


Parties: .......................................................................................................................... 

Spiritual gatherings: ........................................................................................................... 

Other (please specify): ...................................................................................................... 

Do you have any concerns about possible side-effects of Ecstasy? 

(You need answer YES or NO and only elaborate if you like): ...................................... 

................................................................................................................................................ 

................................................................................................................................................ 

Does the regular use of Ecstasy cause the following? 

(Please answer the following with either aYES, NO or UNSURE) 

Paranoia: .......................................................................................................................... 

Panic attacks: ..................................................................................................................... 

Insomnia: .......................................................................................................................... 

Hallucinations: .................................................................................................................... 

Sweaty palms: .................................................................................................................... 

Flashbacks: .......................................................................................................................... 

Neurotoxicity: ..................................................................................................................... 

Loss of memory: ................................................................................................................ 

Confusion: .......................................................................................................................... 

Depression: ......................................................................................................................... 

Mania: .......................................................................................................................... 

Suicidal tendencies: .......................................................................................................... 

Heart palpitations: .............................................................................................................. 

Nightmares: ........................................................................................................................ 

Psychosis: .......................................................................................................................... 

Irritability: .......................................................................................................................... 

Aggression: ......................................................................................................................... 

Inability to concentrate: ..................................................................................................... 

Mood swings: ..................................................................................................................... 


Tolerance: .......................................................................................................................... 

Physical addiction: ............................................................................................................. 

Dehydration: ....................................................................................................................... 

Have you personally experienced any of the following symptoms? 

(Please answer all symptoms with either aYES or NO) 

Panic attacks: ..................................................................................................................... 

Insomnia: .......................................................................................................................... 

Hallucinations: .................................................................................................................... 

Flashbacks: ......................................................................................................................... 

Dehydration: ....................................................................................................................... 


Confusion: .......................................................................................................................... 

Paranoia: .......................................................................................................................... 


Confusion: .......................................................................................................................... 

Depression: ......................................................................................................................... 

Mania: .......................................................................................................................... 

Suicidal tendencies: .......................................................................................................... 

Heart palpitations: .............................................................................................................. 

Nightmares: ........................................................................................................................ 

Irritability: .......................................................................................................................... 

Aggression: ......................................................................................................................... 

Psychosis: ........................................................................................................................... 

Inability to concentrate: ..................................................................................................... 

Mood swings: ..................................................................................................................... 

Tolerance: .......................................................................................................................... 

Physical addiction: ............................................................................................................. 

Where do you get your information about Ecstasy? 

Books: .......................................................................................................................... 


Friends: .......................................................................................................................... 

Teachers: .......................................................................................................................... 

Newspapers: ...................................................................................................................... 

Dealers: .......................................................................................................................... 

Magazines: ......................................................................................................................... 

Parents: .......................................................................................................................... 

Internet: .......................................................................................................................... 

Would you like to have the results of this survey sent to you? (Answer YES or NO): 

Please copy and paste this questionnaire onto e-mail and send it to: 

jenny.gray@mweb.co.za 

I would like to bring to your attention that all the information you have provided is 

confidential, your privacy is guaranteed and your e-mail address will not be used 

for any other purposes other than to provide you with the optional feedback on the 

results of this survey. 

Thank you for taking part in this survey 


Knowledge2go 

MA in Applied Social Research 

Consultation for the Information Era 

Enquiries: Christa Barrish 

barrich@unisa.ac.za or (012)429-8251 

Department of Psychology 

University of South Africa 

PO Box 392 

UNISA 0003 

Want a career that is dynamic and 

innovative? 

In line with the rapidly changing needs of today's fast-moving information society, we 

at the University of South Africa (Unisa) have revamped our coursework MA Degree 

in Research Psychology to offer hands-on training in the exciting field of applied social 

research consultation. The degree offers a combination of courses in cuttingedge 

applied techniques such as knowledge management and social programme 

evaluation, together with more traditional but still powerfull research techniques. 

The focus is on real-life consultation skills and includes extensive practical training 

in becoming a knowledge broker. A `knowledge broker' is somebody who knows how 

to develop understanding of individuals and organisations rapidly and who can communicate 

this in the most effective ways. Examples of activities that students, together 

with their lecturers, will embark on are: 

. providing expert consultation on social science knowledge needs 

. participating in results-orientated projects for companies and organisations 

. developing reusable knowledge products. 

Course content 

The course consists of a combination of structured educational inputs (e.g. lectures, 

workshops, seminars and readings) and practical research projects with organisations 

^ usually both commercial companies and non-profit organisations. While the 

themes covered in the course are adapted to suit practical project requirements 

and students' needs, they are likely to include global knowledge ecologies and systems, 

strategic psychometrics, personal management for the new economy, data 

mining and management, modelling complex systems, computer skills, Internet 

skills, applied statistics, qualitative research, programme evaluation and communication 

skills. 


Teaching team 

The Unisa Psychology Department is by far the largest in the country and you will therefore 

receive inputs across a very broad range of expertise. The core teaching team has 

extensive experience of applied research consultation. In addition, you will also receive 

inputs from skilled individuals in the organisations where you will be doing practicals. 

What we expect from you ... 

The course is intellectually and personally demanding, and is therefore not suitable for 

all students. The course is for you if you have excellent academic skills; are passionate 

about working at the interface between people and ideas; and are proactive and keen to 

take responsibility for your own learning. Students who are primarily interested in psychotherapy 

and related activities should rather apply for the clinical psychology degree, 

while those whose primary interest is in doing research for an academic dissertation 

should rather apply for the dissertation-only degree. Some other requirements are: 

. Resident in the Gauteng area 

. Available on a full-time basis, five days a week 

. Good computer literacy (or a willingness to go on a crash course). 

Please note that there will be a selection procedure. 

What if I'm really keen on this, but live outside 

Gauteng? 

Unfortunately, the only distance education MA degree currently offered by the department 

is the dissertation-only degree. However, if you live outside Gauteng you 

can always choose a dissertation topic that relates to themes covered in this course 

and in that way stay in contact with (and possibly even contribute to) what the oncampus 

students are doing. 

So if I do the on-campus course I 

won't have to do a dissertation? 

Actually you will, but it is a dissertation of `limited scope'. Plus we have a highly structured 

supervision process which has helped many students to get their dissertations 

done quickly and with flair! 

More questions? 

E-mail Christa Barrish at barrich@unisa.ac.za or telephone her on (012) 429-8251 


Increase the quality and meaning of your life and become 

skilled in assisting others to do the same by doing 

a short course in 

LOGOTHERAPHY 

at 

The Unisa Centre for Applied Psychology 

What is Logotherapy? 

. Logotheraphy is meaning-centred counselling and psychotherapy. It is applicable 

in cases where people have to deal with loss, tragedy, terminal illness, or 

any other stress-provoking situation causing a crisis of meaning in their lives. It 

is also indicated in many cases of substance abuse, violence and crime, and depressions 

earmarked by a sense of meaninglessness and despair as a result of a 

lack of direction and purpose in life. 

Who will benefit by a training in Logotherapy? 

Students and professionals in the health and social sciences (e.g. counsellors, psychologists, 

mental health workers, social workers, pastors, nurses, teachers, criminal 

justice officials and human resourses practioners). Lay people interested in increasing 

the quality and meaning of their lives, and the lives of their loved-ones and 

others, will also be most welcome. 

Method of tuition 

English will be used as the medium of instruction. Tuition is through distance education. 

It comprises a guide and prescribed books, tutorial letters, assignments and a 

compulsory five-day workshop at the Unisa Centre for Applied Psychology, Pretoria. 

Accreditation 

Participants will need to hand in assignments for evaluation, attend a five-day workshop, 

do supervised Logotheraphy sessions, and write a two-hour examination. 

Upon successful completion of these tasks, participants will be awarded a Unisa 

Certificate in Logotherapy. The certificate testifies to the fact that the certificate 

holder is schooled in the principles of Logotherapy which can be effectively applied 

in their particular work settings or professions. 

Enquiries: 

The Director, Unisa Centre for Apllied Psychology, PO Box 392, Unisa 0003, 

Tel: (012) 429-8544 Fax: (012) 429-3414 e-mail: shanthm@unisa.ac.za 


UNISA CENTRE FOR APPLIED 

PSYCHOLOGY 

Accredited Continued 

Professional Development Provider 

Our aim is: 

To promote the application of psychological knowledge in the 

solution of human problems and in the development of human potential. 

Short courses 

We offer: 

. Logotherapy 

Healing through meaning 

1 February ± 31 May 

1 July ± 31 October 

Fee: R2 500,00 (including a five-day workshop). 

. HIV/AIDS Care and Counselling 

How to deal with HIV/AIDS in different care and counselling situations 

Module 1: 4 months (distance education) 

Fee: R1 000,00 (no closing date for registration) 

Module 2: 5 days (practical workshop held in Pretoria) 

11 ± 15 March 

22 ± 26 July 

9 ± 13 September 

Fee: R2 000,00 

Module 3: 4 days (practical workshop held in Pretoria) 

12 ± 15 August 

21 ± 24 October 

Fee: R1 600,00 

Group supervision (available from 2003). 

. Victim Empowerment and Support 

How to support and manage victims of crime, traumatised employees and victims of disaster. 

1 April ± 30 June 

1 June ± 31 August 

1 September ± 30 November 

Fee: R3 000,00 (Including a four-day workshop) 

Annual workshop series 

Continue your development through our workshops which will run 

from 1 July ± 6 December. 

. Reduced rates are available for early bird and group registrations 

. To register, to obtain more information or to be added to the mailing list contact: 

The Secretary Tel: (012) 429-8544 

Unisa Centre for Applied Psychology Fax : (012) 429-6853 

e-mail: ucap@unisa.ac.za 

. Or visit our web page: www.unisa.ac.za/dept/psy/index.html

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