“Democracy” in Afghanistan - the Afghanistan Research and ...

Deconstructing “Democracy” in Afghanistan
around the money he makes from customs taxes,
his withdrawal from the presidential race in 2009
has also proved particularly contentious. It was
widely thought that he had made a deal with
Karzai in exchange for another post in government.
The governor’s interference in property disputes
in the land-poor province are also the source of
significant contention.
In response to these issues, 13 PC members have
formed an anti-Sherzai bloc, and apparently
criticise him on many issues including trade,
reconstruction and land disputes. Unlike in other
provinces, the Nangarhar PC is an influential
body and commands a certain respect among the
people. For this reason, the delay in PC results
in 2009—and the perceived altering of these
results in between the polling station and the
announcement of official results—was extremely
significant in its effect on local politics.
Ghazni Province
Ghazni Province is situated in the centre of
Afghanistan, to the southwest of Kabul. The
provincial centre of Ghazni City is underresourced,
with little electricity and few essential
services. This pattern is reflected across the
province, which has limited access to education
and healthcare facilities. 48 The province is
ethnically diverse, with large Pashtun and Hazara
populations and a small minority of Tajiks. Ethnic
tension is generally low, but the increasing levels
of insurgent activity in the province have led to
the further segregation of different groups and a
pervasive sense of insecurity in most areas of the
province. One Wolesi Jirga candidate was killed
in Qarabagh District, apparently by Taliban, six
weeks before the 2010 parliamentary election. 49
Power is centred in the hands of commanders and
political factions in Ghazni. Current Governor
48 Government of Afghanistan, “Provincial Development Plan:
Ghazni Provincial Profile” (Kabul: Ministry of Rural Rehabilitation and
Development, 2008).
49 “Second Candidate Killed by Taliban,” Pajhwok Afghan
News, 7 August 2010, http://www.pajhwok.com/viewstory.
asp?lng=eng&id=99816 (accessed 21 April, 2011).
Faizanullah Faizan is a former Hizb-i-Islami
commander who espouses a policy of inclusion,
making public overtures to the Taliban and
mujahiddin to join the reconciliation process of
the Karzai government. However, this has led to
suspicions that he is taking money from a number
of different sources and may even be facilitating
some of the insecurity in the province. The Taliban
also have a considerable influence over some
parts of the province, most notably in rural
areas. While they seem to enjoy a substantial
degree of support, reports of Taliban coercion
and intimidation of the local population are not
uncommon, and they regularly use communities
as bases for raids on ISAF or government forces
Given this level of insecurity, it is interesting
that the institutions of government exist and
to some degree function in Ghazni. In 2010, 11
Wolesi Jirga members were still in post after
a five-year term, and in the parliamentary
elections of the same year 84 people contested
these positions. Between 2005 and 2010, five
of the 11 Ghazni representatives were Hazara,
reflecting quite accurately their percentage of
the population in Ghazni, although not necessarily
the perceived structure of power between ethnic
groups. However, in the 2011 elections, Hazara
MPs secured all 11 seats. This was party due to
insurgent groups’ apparently successful attempts
to boycott (or at least scare people into avoiding)
elections in Pashtun areas, and was the subject
of considerable political debate in the months
following the election.
Nimroz Province
Situated on the border with Iran, Nimroz is the
most remote of all the provinces studied for this
project. Its huge geographical area contrasts
with a tiny population, though refugees returning
from Iran have contributed to significant growth
in recent years. Ethnically the province is
diverse: Pashtun, Baluch, Tajik and Barahawi
communities form the bulk of the population,
and tension between these groups is minimal.
Economically, the province is dependent on
Iran with cross-border trade making up most
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