Book 1.indb - The Jamestown Foundation

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The Tulip Revolution: Kyrgyzstan OneYear After ity in southern Kyrgyzstan, in turn, trusts Bakiyev more than other candidates. On April 14, Bermet Akayeva, daughter of the ousted president, returned to Bishkek to claim the legislative seat she won in the February 27 parliamentary elections. Her return provoked mixed reactions among other legisla- tors as well as the general public. Members of the pro-Akayev “Alga, Kyrgyzstan” party labeled her sudden appearance an act of courage deserving admiration. Yet others, such as MP Dooronbek Sadyrbayev and Speaker of Parliament Omurbek Tekebayev, called her decision to return to Kyrgyzstan an attempt to destabilize the situation in the country. Several hundred people gathered in front of the Kyrgyz parliament building on April 12 15 to demand Akayeva’s resignation. Anti-Bermet Akayeva riots also erupted in Talas, the hometown of former first lady Mairam Akayeva. Parliamentary Speaker Tekebayev publicly announced that the Central Election Commission will examine the cases of the Akayev children elected to parliament, namely Bermet and her brother Aidar, and that the investigation will be finalized in three days. He hinted that the CEC decision might not go in favor of the Akayevs and that both parliamentarians might lose their mandates. 13 The National Security Service has launched a legal case against Akayeva’s husband, Kazakh businessman Adil Toigonbayev, accusing him of high-level corruption in the Kyrgyz business sector. 14 Acting President Bakiyev signed a decree ordering a legal investigation into the Akayev family’s properties and those of his political team. According to acting Foreign Minister Roza Otunbayeva and other Kyrgyz public figures, the government will crack down on property illegally owned by previous regime activists and Akayev family members, but at the same time avoid re-privatization. Amid the criticism and numerous legal actions against the former regime, the Kyrgyz interim government is showing signs of greater consolidation. Two visible political forces are emerging on the country’s political scene led by Bakiyev and Kulov, for whom Madumarov and Atambayev agreed to renounce their personal ambitions and back the more popular candidates for the presidency. 15 Whereas Bakiyev has stronger support in the newly formed cabinet and within the southern region, Kulov is supported by the majority of the Kyrgyz population. For now the two leaders are not engaged in open confrontation, but as the election date nears, the competition between the two will inevitably become more pronounced. 26
Old and New Regimes: Legitimacy, Corruption and Recognition EXTENT OF AKAYEV REGIME CORRUPTION BECOMING CLEARER 1 April 26, 2005 1 Representatives from Kyrgyzstan’s interim government and mass media are gradually revealing the content of former president Askar Akayev’s secret diaries, which were found after the capture of the Kyrgyz White House on March 24. The Kyrgyz public is finding out more about the degree of corruption undertaken by Akayev and members of his family during his 14 years ruling the country. On April 21, the Kyrgyz news agency Akipress published an updated list of 42 enterprises controlled by Aidar Akayev and Adil Toigonbayev, the former president’s son and son-in-law, respectively. The list includes some of Kyrgyzstan’s most profitable businesses, such as Kumtor, Bitel GSM, cement factories, banks, gas stations, mass media outlets, restaurants and more. Even the most modest estimates as- sert that the Akayev family illegally pocketed hundreds of million dollars every year. It had been difficult to prove the extent of the Akayev regime’s corruption while it still controlled the country. Individual experts only guessed at the real numbers, and newspapers such as Res publica and Moya stolitsa novosti occasionally published journalistic accounts. Thus it is no wonder that one of the first steps undertaken by the new regime was the creation of a commission to investigate Akayev’s personal property and real estate assets for signs of corruption. The commission is comprised of parliamentarians, state employees, the state Ombudsman, bankers, NGO workers, and ordinary citizens. It is headed by Daniyar Usenov, a parlia- mentarian with a long record of anti-Akayev positions, whose large business went bankrupt several years ago, presumably due to adverse relations with the Akayev regime. Usenov says that the interim government is trying to satisfy the people’s demand to examine the Akayev family’s involvement in the national economy. Before his resignation on April 4, one of the conditions Askar Akayev put before the parliament was a request to stop persecution of his family for past instances of corruption. But the Kyrgyz parliament refused to accept his terms. In response, daughter Bermet Akayeva complained to Azattyk radio on April 21 and Vecherny Bishkek on April 22 that any investigation of her family’s property would inevitably lack objectivity. She insisted that no member of her family is involved in economic activities, except for her husband whose business is mostly located in Kazakhstan. Almost simultaneously, Moya stolitsa novosti issued a special report exposing her rigged campaign for a parliamentary seat. Unlike Bermet, her brother Aidar Akayev has not appeared in public since the February 27 elections, although he also won a parliamentary seat. Before his father was ousted, Aidar had regularly appeared in public places and was a familiar face among the residents of Bishkek and Issyk-Kul, especially with younger people. Another shocking truth revealed in the course of regime change is the fact that the old government, including the security structures, organized mass pogroms 27
Page 1: T h e T u l i p R e v o l u t i o n
Page 4 and 5: The Tulip Revolution: Kyrgyzstan On
Page 7 and 8: C O N T E N T S F O R E W O R D . .
Page 9 and 10: F O R E W O R D Few analysts are as
Page 11 and 12: Introduction: Lessons from The Tuli
Page 13 and 14: Introduction: Lessons from The Tuli
Page 15 and 16: The Revolution T H E R E V O L U T
Page 17 and 18: The Revolution MASS PROTESTS, LITTL
Page 19 and 20: The Revolution KYRGYZ CRISIS REACHE
Page 21 and 22: The Revolution CROWD SEIZES GOVERNM
Page 23 and 24: The Revolution TULIPS BLOOM IN KYRG
Page 25 and 26: The Revolution free Kyrgyzstan than
Page 27 and 28: Old and New Regimes: Legitimacy, Co
Page 33: Old and New Regimes: Legitimacy, Co
Page 43 and 44: The Andijan Refugee Crisis and Kyrg
Page 63 and 64: Presidential Elections P R E S I D
Page 65 and 66: Presidential Elections TENSIONS RIS
Page 67 and 68: Presidential Elections BAKIYEV WINS
Page 69 and 70: Presidential Elections KYRGYZ EXPER
Page 71 and 72: Presidential Elections BISHKEK RESI
Page 73 and 74: Presidential Elections KYRGYZSTAN,
Page 75 and 76: Presidential Elections B A K I Y E
Page 77 and 78: Cadre Politics and Kyrgyz-Uzbek Rel
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Cadre Politics and Kyrgyz-Uzbek Rel
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The State-Crime Nexus T H E S T A T
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The State-Crime Nexus ASSASSINATION
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The State-Crime Nexus BAKIYEV-KULOV
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The State-Crime Nexus AS BAKIYEV LO
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The State-Crime Nexus NGOS WANT KYR
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The State-Crime Nexus CLANS, CRIME
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Growing Dissatisfaction G R O W I N
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Growing Dissatisfaction OTUNBAYEVA
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Growing Dissatisfaction FEARING COL
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Growing Dissatisfaction HIGH-RANKIN
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Growing Dissatisfaction KYRGYZ JOUR
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Growing Dissatisfaction KYRGYZ GOVE
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Growing Dissatisfaction WITH CONSTI
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Growing Dissatisfaction IS BAKIYEV
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Growing Dissatisfaction BAKIYEV WIN
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Growing Dissatisfaction BAKIYEV FAC
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Growing Dissatisfaction KYRGYZSTAN
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Growing Dissatisfaction U.S. milita
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A Chronology T H E T U L I P R E V
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A Chronology The Tulip Revolution:
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A Chronology March 23, 2005 1 The K
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A Chronology illegally transferring
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A Chronology ence in Central Asia.
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A Chronology the prime minister. Oc
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Endnotes E N D N O T E S The Revolu
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Endnotes 38 Vremya, June 7, 2005. 3
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Endnotes The State-Crime Nexus Nove
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Adam Ereli, 24 AES Corporation, 72
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Moscow, 12, 13, 15, 21, 24, 29, 31,
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A B O U T T H E A U T H O R Erica M
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Book 1.indb - The Jamestown Foundation

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