The Dative – an Oblique Case
The Dative – an Oblique Case
The Dative – an Oblique Case
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14. a. Es ist einem Kind ein Stein aufgefallen = unmarked order<br />
It is a child-DAT a stone-NOM attracted attention<br />
b. Es ist ein Stein einem Kind aufgefallen<br />
It is a stone-NOM a child-DAT attracted attention<br />
15. a. Es hat eine Explosion einen Jungen erschreckt = unmarked order<br />
It has <strong>an</strong> explosion-NOM a boy-ACC scared<br />
b. Es hat einen Jungen eine Explosion erschreckt<br />
It has a boy-ACC <strong>an</strong> explosion-NOM scared<br />
Our expl<strong>an</strong>ation for these facts is that dative objects are syntactic adjuncts in Germ<strong>an</strong>. Like<br />
other adjuncts, they surface, where they are inserted. Hence, there is no A-movement of the<br />
dative object to a fixed functional projection in Germ<strong>an</strong>. As we saw, the unmarked word order<br />
is determined among other things by the <strong>an</strong>imacy hierarchy which seems to be a non-syntactic<br />
cognitive constraint. <strong>The</strong>re are further constraints like definiteness <strong>an</strong>d agentivity hierarchy, cf.<br />
section 1.<br />
1.2. Pronouns<br />
Another difference between accusative <strong>an</strong>d dative objects w.r.t. word order is discussed in<br />
Gärtner&Steinbach (1996). In the middlefield, Germ<strong>an</strong> accusative pronouns c<strong>an</strong> refer to<br />
<strong>an</strong>imate <strong>an</strong>d in<strong>an</strong>imate entities (cf. 16.a). As soon as <strong>an</strong> accusative pronoun is fronted, it<br />
receives a ‘strong’ interpretation (cf. Cardinaletti&Starke 1994), i.e. it c<strong>an</strong> only refer to<br />
<strong>an</strong>imate entities (16.b).<br />
16. a. H<strong>an</strong>s hat ihn <strong>an</strong> der Bushaltestelle gesehen (ihn = the bus/his friend)<br />
H. has him-ACC at the busstop seen<br />
b. Ihn hat H<strong>an</strong>s <strong>an</strong> der Bushaltestelle gesehen (ihn = *the bus/his friend)<br />
Him-ACC has H. at the busstop seen<br />
This restriction does not hold for nominative pronouns. A nominative pronoun c<strong>an</strong> refer to<br />
<strong>an</strong>imate <strong>an</strong>d in<strong>an</strong>imate entities even in sentence initial position (17.):<br />
17. Er steht seit Stunden <strong>an</strong> der Bushaltestelle (er = the bus/his friend)<br />
he-NOM st<strong>an</strong>ds for hours at the busstop<br />
Interestingly, fronted dative pronouns show the same freedom:<br />
18. a. Ihr fehlt eine Zinke (ihr = fork)<br />
her-DAT misses a prong<br />
b. Ihm hat gestern jem<strong>an</strong>d zwei Beine abgesägt (ihm = table)<br />
him-DAT has yesterday somebody two legs sawed off<br />
c. Ihr hat wieder mal niem<strong>an</strong>d etwas gesagt (ihr = Maria)<br />
her-DAT has once again nobody <strong>an</strong>ything told