OxMo-Vol.-3-No.-1
OxMo-Vol.-3-No.-1
OxMo-Vol.-3-No.-1
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Oxford Monitor of Forced Migration <strong>Vol</strong>. 3, <strong>No</strong>. 1<br />
A British Legacy Forced Migration, Displacement and Conflict in Eastern Burma<br />
Abstract<br />
By Daniel Murphy<br />
Colonial-era migratory movements were profoundly transformational. This article, however,<br />
examines an instance of contemporary, conflict-induced forced migration - that of the Karen<br />
in eastern Burma – situating it within the context of Burma’s colonial past. It argues that the<br />
British imposition of notions of territorial sovereignty, the importation of a politics of<br />
ethnicity and religiosity and the decolonisation process were ultimate causative factors in the<br />
emergence of conflict, and hence forced migration, in Eastern Burma. Structural conditions<br />
by which post-independence displacement has been reproduced as an experience of Karen<br />
communities are situated within a historicised political economy of narco-trafficking and<br />
transnational engagement. In doing so, this article references current crises in Kachin and<br />
Rakhine states and calls for an intensification of international pressure to resolve Burma's ongoing<br />
human rights abuses and provide support to those affected by displacement.<br />
Introduction<br />
On January 12 th 2012, leaders from the Karen National Union (KNU) met with<br />
representatives of the Burmese government to sign a ceasefire agreement, bringing the<br />
world’s longest running civil war to a close. This historic agreement, which remains stable<br />
excluding minor breaches, could result in the return of thousands of Karen refugees from<br />
Thailand. The number of Karen in Burma remains difficult to estimate due to unreliable<br />
census data. At anything from 7 to12% of the total population, they are second only to the<br />
Shan as the most sizeable minority group amongst an ethnic Burman majority, whilst in<br />
Thailand they constitute the principal ethnic minority, numbering around 400,000 (BRU<br />
2009). Figure 1 (see appendix) situates the largest and most widely dispersed Karen subgroup<br />
- the S’Gaw.<br />
Out of an estimated 1,400,000 legal and illegal Burmese migrants in Thailand, an unknown<br />
but significant proportion is ethnically Karen. The Karen constitute the majority of<br />
Thailand’s 160,000 refugees residing in nine United Nations High Commission for Refugees’<br />
(UNHCR) camps hugging the Thai-Burmese border while an estimated 500,000 have been<br />
displaced within Burma. The categorical blurring between forced and economic migrants in<br />
the Burmese case is significant (Bosson 2007), suggesting the number of forcibly displaced is<br />
much higher than those receiving UNHCR assistance.<br />
Research overwhelmingly shows that the Karen migrate to escape conflict and human rights<br />
abuses including forced labour, use of child soldiers, torture, extortion, human minesweeping,<br />
sexual violence and razing of villages (see Cusano 2001; HRW 2005). Accounting fully for<br />
Karen forced migration, however, necessitates an anatomy of the 63 year long KNU and<br />
Tatmadaw (Burmese armed forces) conflict. The following is thus a substantiation of the<br />
hypothesis that colonial-era factors stand as ultimate causes in relation to the emergence of<br />
post-independence conflict and, ipso facto, forced migration in Eastern Burma.<br />
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