TRAINING AND INFORMATION CAMPAIGN ON THE ... - Fokus

the Situation of Women and Children” estimates that of all women aged 15-49, 78% have undergone
FGM, while 64% of mothers in the same age-group have at least one daughter who has undergone the
practice (UNICEF 2009), seemingly indicating a reduction in prevalence.
These numbers, however, hide the complexity of who in The Gambia is actually practicing FGM and
why. Daffeh et al. caution that previous literature on FGM in The Gambia has displayed “a gap between
theory and practice, with regard to ethnicity” (Daffeh 1999). Daffeh et al. go on to assert that in the Gambian
case, the “ethnic classifications with regard to FGM are much more complex than was hitherto apparent”
(ibid). They are referring to general statements, such as “Wollofs don’t practice female circumcision,”
which various Gambians commonly repeat without qualification. When Wollof girls do undergo FGM, it
has usually been explained as due entirely to pressure from individuals of other ethnic backgrounds that
causes co-wives or schoolmates to “join” their peers in circumcision. It appears, however, that the rate of
circumcision for girls who identify as Wolof (but could have multi-ethnic heritage) is actually quite high.
The Daffeh report presents more nuanced data on ethnicity, focusing on the variation in circumcision
according to ethnic sub-group and ancestral geographic origin. Thus, they argue, for certain sub-groups of
Wollofs FGM is as strong a tradition as it is for Mandinkas and Serahules, among whom the practice is said
to be virtually universal. A total of 96% of Jolas circumcise females, again with variation across sub-goups
(ibid). The authors of the 1999 report conclude that the only ethnic groups in The Gambia that do not at
all practice FGM are the Creoles, the Lebanese, and the Manjagos (ibid).
Although these numbers do throw light on a previously poorly understood area, ethnic and even
sub-ethnic labels are not entirely reliable as indicators of whether a girl will undergo FGM or not. It is
important to note that marriage across ethnic lines is very common and relatively unproblematic in The
Gambia, and that it is typical to encounter Gambians whose relatives come from two or more ethnic
groups. The age at which girls are circumcised is also somewhat tied to ethnicity, although not in any
simple way. Serahule communities generally practice FGM in the first week of the girl’s life, coinciding
with her naming ceremony. In other ethnic communities, the age of circumcision may vary widely.
When initiations take place in a communal context, a group of girls may include infants, young children,
and even teenagers, depending on how long the ritual cycle is until another big celebration rolls around.
In general, however, there is clearly a trend in The Gambia, as elsewhere in Africa, to “circumcise” girls
at a younger and younger age.
Additionally, geographic location impacts prevalence rates. Project reports from The Gambia typically
refer to urban versus rural areas, but it can be a bit difficult to define the two (according to the 2009
UNICEF study, 72% of urban women have undergone FGM, 83% of rural). The Gambia has no true
cities – the capital of Banjul is a sleepy town of a mere 50,000 or so. Most population growth is taking
place in the nearby peri-urban areas of Bakau and Serrekunda – sprawling, densely populated towns
predominantly populated by rural migrants. The 1993 Gambian census bases its definition of “urban”
on: commercial and institutional importance, majority of population engaged in non-agricultural work, a
population of 5,000 or more, high population density, and the presence of some infrastructure. In terms
of FGM, however, prevalence rates in The Gambia do not correspond to facile assumptions of rural
“traditionalism” and urban “progressiveness.” As evidenced in GAMCOTRAP’s reports on its campaign
activities, community abandonment of harmful traditional practices can often be found clustered in very
remote rural areas otherwise considered “traditional,” while the practice remains entrenched in “urban”
centers such as Bakau and Brikama. Additionally, there is – despite the very small size of the country – a
great deal of regional variation in the reach of anti-FGM interventions. Despite past attempts to coordinate
the efforts of various NGOs involved in anti-FGM education and activism, in reality certain regions (such
as the Basse area in URR) have been targeted by sensitization efforts of several different groups, while
other areas (in particular on the North Bank) remain essentially unreached.
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