Technology Transfer in Eritrea - Institute for African Development

Technology Transfer in Eritrea:
Roles of the Private and Public Sectors
Published in the Africa Notes, February 1996
Kifle Gebremedhin
Professor, Biological and Environmental Engineering
Cornell University
There are several dichotomies or social experiments that exist today in the Horn of
Africa. The Somalis have been fighting to get rid of the state and at present, has a state of
statelessness. The Eritreans have endured a prolonged struggle to create a state. The
Ethiopians are struggling to make an ethnic-based federal structure state. Uganda’s
President Museveni insists on a no-party state. In Kenya there is a “no-power sharing, one
party takes all” state. Sudan has a fundamentalist state.
Much has been said about Eritrea, the fledgling state. Statements like “Eritrea has the
potential to become a model of efficient, self-reliant development.” “Complete absence of
corruption or crime in the country.” “Eritrea is redefining the donor and recipient
relationships.” What is the basis of these types of statements
The assessment of progress, or lack thereof, takes into account three factors. One, that
independent Eritrea is 4 years young; two, the socio-economic reality the present
government inherited when it seized power in 1991, and three that Eritrea achieved its
independence at the end of the cold war and the beginning of economic globalization which
have heavy political and social consequences to an emerging nation.
Colonization
Eritrea, like most African countries, was a creation of European colonization. The two
primary purposes of Eritrea’s creation by Italy were 1) to use Eritrea as a springboard in
extending its rule into Ethiopia, and 2) to use Eritrea as a settlement site for Italian citizens.
To this end, the Italians increased urbanization, develop infrastructure and established largescale
agriculture. In the 1930’s, for example, tens of thousands of Eritreans were hired as
1

construction workers to build the infrastructure roads and railways in preparation for the
invasion of Ethiopia. This inadvertently developed a large Eritrean working class.
Post-Italian history brought with it a politicization of the Eritrean communities and
planted a sea of deep discord. After the British defeated the Italians in 1941, the next ten
years of British Military Administration set the framework for Eritrea’s political system.
Eritrean political parties, trade unions and professional organizations began to emerge.
After Italy’s defeat in the Second World War, the victors (Britain, USA, France and the
former U. S. S. R.) met to decide the fate of former Italian colonies. While they agreed on
the disposition of Sudan and Libya, they could not agree on the fate of Eritrea. The decision
was transferred to the UN and Eritrean politics became caught up in international and
regional rivalries.
The Federation
Like the 4-power commission, the UN was also unable to decide. The General
Assembly resolved to federate Eritrea with Ethiopia for 10 years. The history of the
Federation was the history of Eritrea’s destruction. Ethiopia began a system abrogation of
the federal arrangement almost immediately. From 1952 onwards, political parties and
trade unions were dissolved and newspapers were suspended. An Ethiopian army was
stationed in Asmara and they, along with the police, were used to intimidate Eritrean
nationalists. In 1956, the two Eritrean official languages (Tigrigna and Arabic) were
replaced by the Ethiopian language (Amharic) as the official language of Eritrea. In 1958,
the Eritrean flag was replaced by the Ethiopian flag. In 1962, Eritrea was annexed to
Ethiopia by force and became a province.
All of these events were greeted by an international blanket of silence. This was due
largely because of Ethiopia’s links to the west in general and the US in particular. The US
policy in the Horn of Africa was driven by cold war imperatives. There were US
intelligence-gathering base in Asmara (Eritrea’s capital) and military agreements with
Ethiopia. As superpower allegiances shifted, billions of dollars in heavy arms flowed to
corrupt autocrats like Ethiopia’s Selassie, Somalia’s Barre and Sudan’s Nimeri. This helped
sink the region into a morass of war, poverty and horrific famine.
The Struggle for Freedom
2

In 1961, Eritreans launched an armed struggle. Between 1961 and 1977, the US trained
the Ethiopian army. From 1977 until 1991, Soviets and Cubans advised and armed the
Ethiopian military junta. Moscow displaced Washington in Addis Ababa in 1977, and the
US, distrustful of the Eritrean movement’s independent-left politics, shifted to a policy of
soviet containment. This involved arming pro-western states surrounding Ethiopia while
ignoring the continued fighting in Eritrea. Former Deputy- Secretary of State for African
Affairs, Chester Crocker, justified this policy as being the pursuit of “negative strategic
interests.”
The conspiracy of silence continued through the fiercest fighting. While most African
countries had the support of one superpower or another during their struggle for freedom,
Eritrea had nothing. Self-reliance was, therefore, not a philosophical or ideological exercise
but a matter of survival. Because of the size of the Ethiopian army and sophistication of its
armaments, every Eritrean had to be mobilized. Women’s constituted one-third of the
Eritrean army and served in all ranks. Their participation in the struggle was a logical
necessity.
Consequences of War
After independence, the dreadful effect of the prolonged war was plain to see. Eritrea
was left with devastated rural and urban economies; the infrastructure--villages, towns,
cities, ports and highways were ruined; industries were dysfunctional; the education system,
the health services were in shambles and the treasury was looted.
On the human dimension, approximately one million people were internally or
externally displaced; 90% of the 500-600,000 people residing in the Sudan as refugees
needed comprehensive assistance to return; at least 65,000 fighters were killed in the war,
and more than 12,000 returned disabled; an estimated 100,000 civilians also died in the war.
The government also had the responsibility to support a large army (100,000 strong) and a
large population of orphans.
It is against these and many other circumstances then that the challenges of nation
creation and nation building began simultaneously. The one blessing is that Eritreans did
not inherit a bureaucratic government structure. This fact allowed them to construct a
government of their own design unencumbered by huge foreign debts or dubious loyalties.
3

National Unity
Like many African countries, the Eritrean people are diverse. There are nine
nationalities or ethnic groups. Indeed, ethnic and religious differences were manifested
during the earlier years of the armed struggle and cost the Eritreans and the struggle dearly.
By the end of the war however, a legacy of unity was created.
Cultural, educational and language policies in the post-liberation period were derived, in
large part, from the EPLF practices during the liberation struggle. One of the major goals of
the EPLF leadership was to create a front which brought together different Eritrean
communities and religions through promoting national unity while also recognizing cultural
diversity. The EPLF stressed secularism and nationalism, and the mixing of fighters from
different nationalities. There was a conscious effort to shape a leadership that reflected the
different communities. This is still true today.
Post Independence
There are three guiding principles to whatever the Eritrean government does: the unity
of the people, peace, stability; the rule of law; and the economic well-being of the people.
The immediate task of the government was not only to reconstruct the economy and develop
a political system, but it also had to reintegrate fighters, refugees and the existing civil
servants. After independence, the EPLF formed a provisional government. A National
Assembly was established (consisting of 50% EPLF members and 50% elected from the
people) and the task of rebuilding began. Priority was given to boosting the rural and urban
economies and rebuilding the physical infrastructure. On the political arena, priority was
given to preparation for the referendum. The main burden of the reconstruction fell on
EPLF members who received a small amount of pocket money rather than salaries in the
two-year period up to the referendum. Former fighter set to work building and repairing
roads damaged by tank traffic, technicians restored electricity and water supplies, and were
drafted into factories to repair machinery and restore production. EPLF cadres moved into
key administrative positions.
The Referendum
4

Another promise kept by the EPLF was the promise of democracy based on constitution
and the rule of law. In 1994, with 2 years mandate, a constitutional commission was formed
to draft a constitution. The commission consisted of 13 women and 32 men. The
Constitution Commission advocated for a prolonged period (2 years) for civic education to
foster consensus on the fundamentals prior to the drafting of the constitution. The draft of
the constitution was extensively debated among the population. In the drafting process, a
15-member Advisory Board of Foreign Experts was established, its role to help the
Commission benefit from the experiences of other countries. They were drawn from all
parts of Africa, Europe, the Middle East and the United States. Provision was made for the
consultation of minority and community views through an Advisory Board on Customary
Laws representing the community elders from the various ethnic groups and the
administrative regions in the Eritrean society.
The constitution calls for the separation of powers among the three branches of government,
free press, freedom of organization, term limits, etc.
Free Press
Currently, all mass communications are controlled by the government. The press
generally presents government news and decisions but provides little political analysis.
Controversial policy decisions do surface tangentially through interviews with ministers and
officials. Ministers face frank and vigorous questioning in public meetings on many key
issues. A greater degree of openness however, would give greater confidence in the
development of pluralism and public accountability. Well-informed people can play an
active and constructive role in the process of building a sustainable state. Free media can
foster free debate in sensitive issues. The government seems committed to developing a
civil society. To date, the only independent organization is the National Women’s
Association which has a large following. Independent community associations, journalist
unions, independent trade unions, and academic and teacher associations are yet to be
formed.
On Democracy
5

The West’s yardstick for measuring the existence of democratic governance is elections
and the frequency of elections; the existence of political parties and written constitution; the
free expression of opinions, etc. Eritrean President Esaias Afeworki, on September 8, 1997
at Walton Park Conference, West Sussex, UK, said that “the contemporary debate on
democracy and the democratization processes in Africa should be much deeper and wider in
scope to include other fundamental dimensions and rights that are indispensable for the
dignity and full development of every citizen; the respect of his or her individual rights; and
for their social and economic welfare.” He outlined several fundamental principles that a
robust and participatory democratic system must incorporate. Among them are:
1) The right of every citizen to a fair share of national resources including access to basic
necessities and protection from hunger and deprivation;
2) The right to equal opportunity; including education and other services that are essential
for personal development;
3) The right for, and provision of, a responsible, transparent, and non-corrupt government to
uphold the rule of law and defend the national interest.
Demobilization of the army
The Eritrean army numbered 100,000 strong after independence. Such an amount, in a
time of peace, could not be supported by the government. The government demobilized the
army by two-thirds. Because the private sector could not absorb the 60,000 demobilized
fighters, the government had to give them start-up money for businesses or farming.
National Service Programs
A National Service Program was instituted requiring women and men over 18 to
undergo six months of military training plus a year working on reconstruction projects. The
purpose of this was threefold: 1) to compensate for Eritrea’s lack of capital and to reduce
dependence on foreign aid, 2) to continue to weld together the ethnically diverse society by
simulating the living and working arrangements of the war years, and 3) to place women
and men in conditions of relative gender equality.
Return of Refugees
6

A major task of the Eritrean government is to manage the return of the 500,000-600,000
refugees living in the Sudan. Not only repatriation, but rehabilitation and integration will
also have to be played.
The Challenge of the Economy
The performance of the economy is crucial to the development of political stability and
harmonious social relations. Eritrea is heavily dependent on economic growth as a means of
lifting the majority out of poverty. The Government macro-policy document, the centerpiece
of the development strategy is: “the establishment of an efficient, outward looking, private
sector-led market economy, with the government playing a pro-active role to stimulate
private economic activities.” In the short-term, the new government’s emphasis has been on
recovery and rehabilitation through injecting cash into the economy. In the long term, the
goal is the creation of modern, technologically advanced and internationally competitive
economy within the next two decades. Among the national development objectives, priority
is given to human resource development, and for food security through developing irrigation
and improving the productivity of peasants, pastoralists and agropastoralists, exportoriented
industries and service and truism. This new nation is clearly a work in progress.
7