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Following the release of this audit report, various development partners demanded a return of<br />

their money. The Kenya Government has so far refunded the following amounts:<br />

1. Department <strong>for</strong> International Development (DFID), United Kingdom - KES 164.5 million<br />

2. World Bank - KES 144.2 million<br />

3. The Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), Canada - KES 47.5 million; and<br />

4. The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) - KES 1.8 million 59<br />

The Government has also committed to refund the Fast Track Initiative (through the World Bank)<br />

over KES 2 Billion. 60<br />

The refund of these monies to the donor organizations, using taxpayers’ money, not only presents<br />

a worrying trend of the Government, in effect, underwriting corruption, but also takes away funds<br />

that are vital <strong>for</strong> providing basic services.<br />

In addition, though the Minister reported that the names of those culpable were known and<br />

that their particulars had been <strong>for</strong>warded to relevant state agencies, no legal proceedings were<br />

instituted in 2011 to hold them to account. The inaction of the Government in prosecuting those<br />

involved reflects badly upon its declared commitment to fighting corruption and improving<br />

public service delivery <strong>for</strong> Kenyans.<br />

4.1.2. Operation Linda Nchi (OLN)<br />

In early October 2011 Kenya invoked Article 51 of the United Nations Charter on the right to<br />

self-defence and embarked on a war on Al Shabaab in what has been described as the biggest<br />

security gamble Kenya has taken since independence. Al Shabaab is a radical “Islamist” group that<br />

had gained control of most of southern and central Somalia, and was fighting an insurgency<br />

against the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somalia. The decision appears to have<br />

been made hastily without adequate political, diplomatic, and military preparation, leading to<br />

unnecessary diplomatic tensions, unclear planning and goals, and avoidable delays and setbacks.<br />

Parliamentary approval was not sought <strong>for</strong> this very costly venture and some were of the opinion<br />

that the justifications behind it were weak. 61<br />

Questions were raised on the constitutionality of the operation. Under the 2010 constitution, a<br />

declaration of war must be made by the President and approved by Parliament. Under Article 134<br />

(4) on the functions of the President, the constitution provides that the President may, subject to<br />

Article 58, declare a state of emergency and also with the approval of Parliament, declare war. In<br />

violation of this constitutional provision, the nation was initially in<strong>for</strong>med about OLN through a<br />

press conference by the Ministers <strong>for</strong> Internal Security and Defence.<br />

The Government belatedly sought to address the apparent constitutional breach. It was at pains<br />

to explain the Kenya Defence Forces and the Kenya Government were not at war but were<br />

conducting a military operation engaging the Al Shabaab in defence of the sovereignty and the<br />

territorial integrity of the Republic.<br />

59 Walter Menya, “Treasury Refunds Sh2.6bn Donor Cash,” http://www.nation.co.ke/News/Treasury+refunds+Sh2bn+dono<br />

r+cash+/-/1056/1266894/-/8o7j7vz/-/ (November 2011)<br />

60 Interview undertaken on 15-11-2011<br />

61 International Crisis Group, “The Kenya Military Intervention in Somalia”, <strong>Africa</strong> Report No.184, February 2012<br />

27

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