The Weaponization of Social Media
The Weaponization of Social Media
The Weaponization of Social Media
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According to Kaldor, western liberal democracies look at war in a classical<br />
way and therefore fail to understand the new realities <strong>of</strong> war and what the<br />
goals are. It is no longer about states against states, but about identity and<br />
identity claims and about cosmopolitanism (inclusion) versus particularism<br />
(exclusion / nationalism). <strong>The</strong> wars are therefore more about control <strong>of</strong> the<br />
population and political decision-making than about control over territory.<br />
But Kaldor also points out, that new wars are not to be understood as an<br />
empirical category but rather as a logical framework in which to make sense<br />
<strong>of</strong> contemporary conflicts and their characteristics.<br />
Martin Van Creveld, just as Mary Kaldor, also argues that the way<br />
that primarily liberal democracies today view contemporary wars is<br />
fundamentally flawed! <strong>The</strong> view is based on strategic thinking that draws<br />
on Clausewitz. This, he argues, is an obsolete way <strong>of</strong> viewing conflicts and<br />
wars in a time where contemporary conflicts are characterised by war<br />
between ethnic and religious groups and where the notion <strong>of</strong> large-scale<br />
conventional warfare is at best an illusion. In his view, this form <strong>of</strong> strategic<br />
thinking has a consequence on states’ capacities to project (violent) power,<br />
which is why a change in strategic thinking is necessary, in order to align<br />
strategy to the characteristics <strong>of</strong> contemporary conflicts. 13 States therefore,<br />
need to rethink the aims and objectives for employing armed force. What<br />
is the end-state, who are the actors (or audiences one could say), and how<br />
do they project power in order to prepare for future conflicts.<br />
One <strong>of</strong> Van Creveld’s basic notions, when arguing that conventional war<br />
is obsolete, is that the presence <strong>of</strong> nuclear weapons prevents large-scale<br />
conventional wars. 14 This “new” weapon system is what makes wars new!<br />
Furthermore, he argues that they are “status-quo” weapons that stabilise<br />
the balance <strong>of</strong> power between states that have them, as it is irrational to<br />
use them. On the other side, however, with the absence <strong>of</strong> large-scale<br />
conventional wars, what he calls “Low Intensity Conflicts” (LIC) is the norm<br />
in contemporary conflicts. LIC will still be bloody and can lead to political<br />
change. Large states, however, have a hard time wining them. 15<br />
Creveld’s view on contemporary conflicts is that they will most probably be<br />
fought over ethnic, religious and economic issues and personal interest <strong>of</strong><br />
leaders, rather than over geography. Future conflicts, though, will still be<br />
violent, and wars will occur even though they will be in the form <strong>of</strong> LIC.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se conflicts will be fought by primarily non-state actors (populations).<br />
In this equation, charismatic leaders will be very influential in instigating<br />
17