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Explaining language change: A three step process

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of overt morphologically motivated alternations in frequency,<br />

or perhaps simply arising as a chance fluctuation in frequency.<br />

3 Case example<br />

3.1 Introduction<br />

While Modern Icelandic exhibits a virtually uniform VO order<br />

in the VP, Older Icelandic had both VO and OV order, as well<br />

as several ‘mixed’ word order patterns. In Hróarsdóttir (1996,<br />

2000), several generative accounts for the parameter <strong>change</strong> in<br />

the history of Icelandic are discussed; that is, the abrupt loss of<br />

the OV word order patterns in the beginning of the 19th<br />

century. All these accounts have been in terms of the universal<br />

base hypothesis, arguing that the parameter <strong>change</strong> has to do<br />

with a) the fact that overt object movement in the old <strong>language</strong><br />

is covert in the modern <strong>language</strong> (1996), b) the loss of a PredP<br />

movement (extraction of VPs out of VPs) (2000), or c) the fact<br />

that Modern Icelandic only has incoherent complements, while<br />

Older Icelandic had coherent complements as well. After the<br />

loss of coherent complements, no long movements<br />

(restructuring effects) could take place. More exactly, TP would<br />

have had the possibility of being defective in the old <strong>language</strong>,<br />

while in Modern Icelandic it cannot. Consequently, the VP<br />

moves only to the lowest TP in the modern <strong>language</strong>, and OV<br />

orders are ruled out (2000).<br />

These proposals might all the correct, or at least one of<br />

them. However, they are all insufficient, as they all have in<br />

common that they are unable to explain why the parameter<br />

<strong>change</strong> took place. In this section, we argue that the parameter<br />

<strong>change</strong> in question was due to a <strong>change</strong> elsewhere in the<br />

system, that is, in the information structure. In other words, we<br />

20

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