Gypsies, Tramps and Thieves: The Portrayal of Romani People in ...

Gypsies, Tramps and Thieves: The Portrayal of Romani People in the Media
By Karin Waringo, D.Phil.
When the asylum centres were burning in Rostock, I was … in the Czech Republic and I heard comments …
such as: This would not be possible here. Since then, thirty Gypsies have been killed by Czech skinheads. … I
am looking through Czech media: statistical surveys witnessing a very high crime rate among Roma, every
day people complaining about Roma in their neighbourhood and reports about criminal activities of Roma. Last
autumn, there was a report in the media with the title: “Safe houses for Roma”. The article was about a plan of
the president of the Slovak governing party (Slovak National Party,) Jan Slota, to concentrate the Gypsies in
autonomous villages. I have not heard a single voice in the Czech media, criticising the planned camps in
Slovakia.”
(Jaromir Konecny, in: Die Zeit, 9.2.1996)
In June 2003, the Stonewall Citizenship Project 21 released a survey on “Profiles of Prejudice” in England. 1
According to this survey, 35 percent (or 14 million people) of the English population express open prejudice
against Romani people and Travellers making them the most hated group in England just ahead of refugees
and asylum seekers (34 percent).
The researchers found that people’s views on ethnic minorities 2 are mostly influenced by the media, with
newspapers counting for 32 percent and TV for 42 percent of the negative influences. The same is also valid
with regard to prejudice against Romani people and Travellers which are mainly in influenced by TV (34
percent) and secondly by newspapers (33 percent). 3
Not surprisingly, the research also showed that readers of the tabloid press are more likely to express negative
attitudes against ethnic minorities and refugees. 4 While the question was not specifically posed in relation to
1 Stonewall: Profiles of Prejudice, June 2003, at: http://www.monitoringgroup.co.uk/News%20and%20Campaigns/research%20material/race%20and%20diversity/profiles%20of%20prejudice%20(ston
ewall%20report).pdf
2 Though the survey does not contain any definition of ethnic minorities, it may be assumed that the term refers to people with an
immigrant background and does not include the local Romani population.
3 The other three are: parents (25 percent), law and public policy (17 percent), friends (16 percent).
4 The researchers distinguished between different print media and found that red-top tabloids (22 percent) were the most likely to
express negative attitude towards people belonging to an ethnic minority group with 25 percent of the readers of the Sun and
Daily Mirror showing prejudice against any minority ethnic group. Readers of broadsheet newspapers (11 percent) and middlemarket
tabloids (16 percent) were less likely to express negative views. As regards to refugees and asylum seekers the
interrelation between readers of the tabloid press and people expressing negative views against refugees and asylum seekers

Romani people and Travellers we may assume that the same observation also applies here.
“war” on “gypsies free-for-all”
In March 2005, the Sun opened with the headline, “Sun war on gypsies free for all”. Underneath, the
newspaper wrote in huge, red capitals, “Meet your neighbour”, and continued in small letters “… thanks to
John Prescott”. The text was set off by the photograph of two caravan trailers with a bunch of men strolling
around. A smoke screen in the background completed a picture of desolation reminiscent of a civil war.
This was not the Sun’s first crusade against Romani people and Travellers. One year before, Roma from
Eastern Europe were the targets of the Sun and other British tabloids, which announced that 1,6 million Roma
would be waiting to “invade” the British Isles after the entry of the central and east European states into the
EU.
Are the media biased against Roma? A 2004 survey on minorities in the media concluded: “Sinti and
Roma/Travellers are the group most often portrayed negatively”. It found that in one third of the articles
analysed, the portrayal of Sinti and Roma was negative and in half of the cases it was neutral. 5
The author noticed that neutral reporting is more frequent for people from different ethnic groups which “may
indicate a lower threshold for mentioning ethnicity” in the case of the Roma and “a higher probability of this
group appearing in news associated with negative facts, or the existence of more negative and persistent
stereotypes about Sinti and Roma.” 6
In the following article, I look into the portrayal of Romani people and Travellers and the images they suggest.
Over several months, I followed reporting on Roma using the Internet as a main source. I analysed articles,
which I found via the Google news search engine, but I have also used the archives of different newspapers
and magazines.
I have concentrated on English, French and German media, which implies that the scope of my findings is
necessarily limited. Journalistic codes of conduct and practice vary from country to country, which also has an
impact how ethnic minorities are portrayed. As regards the Romani people this concerns also the use of
terminology where the same terminology may appear as acceptable in one country and not acceptable in the
other.
Talking about differences it is furthermore important to notice that there is another common difference between
inter/national and regional/local media and the broadsheet and tabloid press. While the former may appear
more objective, concentrating on issues such as the social marginalisation and discrimination of Romani
people, the latter frequently associate Roma with trouble-making and crime. Though the sample used for this
research does not provide sufficient evidence for this type of statement it may be assumed that the ideological
orientation of a newspaper has a lesser impact.
Generally speaking it is possible to identify common patterns with regard to the way Sinti and Roma are
represented in the media: they have their origin in the prevailing stereotypes and racist prejudices against
Romani people, which are shared and reproduced by the media. Many of these patterns may also be found in
reporting about other groups such as refugees and asylum seekers or non-EU immigrants. What seems to
distinguish negative reporting on Romani people from negative reporting on other ethnically defined groups is
was even higher: 44 percent for readers of the Daily Mail and the Mail on Sunday and 43 percent for the readers of the Sun and
News of the World expressed negative views. Inversely, the researchers found that readers of the Guardian and the Observer
would be the less likely to express prejudice against refugees/asylum seekers (15 percent).
5 Jessika ter Wal: Quantitative analysis of daily press and TV contents in the 15 EU Member States, March 2004, at:
http://www.multicultural.net/edmm/edmm_eureport.pdf
6 ibid.

the recurrence of century-old prejudices which remain unquestioned.
Roma: A non-subject
The first major observation I made is that reporting on Romani people is very scant. Putting the word “Roma”
in the search engine of the BBC archive which covers a period of six years I got only 98 hits; the word
“Gypsies” gave 174 hits. The difference between the two is that articles about Roma are also listed under the
category “Gypsy” whereas articles dealing with the situation of Romani people and Travellers in the UK are not
necessarily listed in the category “Roma”. Withdrawing the non-fitting items from the list I found searching
under the category “Roma” I got 87 news items dealing with Romani people.
Research by the same method using the German Google news search engine gave a similar result: 341
articles for a period of a month for “Roma”, with many articles actually referring to a famous football team and
a slightly less famous racing driver, another few to the Italian capital. “Zigeuner” gave 85 hits.
Under-reporting is compounded with very selective reporting limited to a few issues, which are mostly related
to social problems: I organised the articles I found on the BBC site into six, non-exclusive categories:
discrimination, rights, political initiatives, culture, and background reporting, taking the genocide of Romani
people under National-Socialism as a separate category.
Under “discrimination” I listed any article referring to situations where Roma were suffering prejudice; under
“rights” I put any political initiatives by Roma rights activists as well as individual or collective acts of protest;
under “political initiatives” I listed measures by other state or non-state actors in the defense of the collective
rights of Romani people. “Culture” refers to any articles on cultural issues such as music, etc.; “background” to
articles, which go beyond simple news reporting. Given the recurrence of the topic at a time corresponding
with the celebration of the sixtieth anniversary of the end of WWII I took the Holocaust as a specific category.
Some articles were difficult to classify. I had for instance doubts in what category I should put an article on a
woman who was granted compensation after a company refused to consider her job application on the
grounds of her Romani origin. I was also unable to decide where to put a whole series of articles which
appeared on the arranged wedding of Florian Cioba’s daughter. Nevertheless, I believe that my categorisation
is useful to give us a deeper insight into the topic:
Out of 87 articles mentioning Romani people 40 articles dealt with occurrences where Roma had been
suffering prejudice, 14 with initiatives by Roma in the defense of their rights, five with political measures
against discrimination and three with culture. Four articles dealt with the Holocaust. Five articles were
essentially background articles.
Since the BBC is not representative of all types of media I made random tests with other media and got
roughly the same results. The representative character of my survey is confirmed by a comparison with the
results of other, more extensive surveys: In a comprehensive survey of national and regional media in Hungary
the Roma Press Centre found that Roma are mostly, in 63.4 percent of the cases, represented in relation to
so-called “Romani issues” defined on the basis of racist stereotypes, for instance, poverty, housing problems
and crime. 7
In a survey on media reporting on Sinti and Roma in the German local press covering 944 articles published
between 1979 and 1991 the researchers found that in 60 percent of the articles Romani people were
mentioned in relation with crime, in 37 percent of the articles in relation with conflicts. The researchers also
noticed that Romani people are mostly mentioned in relation with institutions of public control such as police
(51 percent of the cases) and justice (23 percent). 8
7 Online/More Colour in the Media: Roma Press Center presents Week of Monitoring, 2003
8 Irina Bohn/Franz Hamburger/Kerstin Rock: Die Berichterstattung Éber Roma und Sinti in der Lokalpresse. Ein Beispiel fÉr den
neo-rassistischen Diskurs, in: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung: Entstehung von Fremdenfeindlichkeit: die Verantwortung von Medien und

Difference pays
Media reporting on Romani people seems to follow a rule which is sometimes given to students of journalism:
A train which arrives on time is no news, but a train which derails is. If transposed on Romani people this
means that honest, law-abiding Roma is not a subject of reporting, whereas, a cheating law-breaking Roma is,
even if this actually corresponds to the general idea of Roma.
On 21 July 2005, KPC News, a newspaper from Northeast Indiana published an article called: “Gypsies
roaming area drew attention”. 9 The article opened with a short reference to the Indian origin of Romani people
and noticed: “[T]hey remain one of the most mysterious and little-known of peoples.” 10 As a case in point for
the “ignorance of these peoples and their history” the author displayed a collection of newspaper quotes of
several decades.
Many of these articles actually dealt with theft with the Roma appearing as the culprits. The journalist did not
make any comment on this, but concluded: “Although statistical evidence is scant, the number of sedentary
(settled) Gypsies seems to be growing. But the nomads among them continue to wander in their own unique
fashion.” 11
On 31 June 2005, the Berliner Morgenpost, a German regional paper, produced an article on a visit of two
journalists to a Romani campsite. 12 The article appeared under the “People” section and claimed to describe
the life of a Sinti family. The family was presented as both typically German and exotic. This impression was
conveyed by mentioning at the same time elements, which are considered as typical for a German pettybourgeois
life-style and hints at an alien culture:
The head of the family, a man of an unnamed age who chooses for himself the pseudonym Meyer in order to
avoid being recognised and, eventually, to experience discrimination, is a craftsman; the family travels only for
holidays as opposed to the French Roma who stay at the same campsite. These are presented as the
counterpart, traditional nomads. Geranium flowers decorate the front of the tent ahead of the caravan; the
caravan is equipped with an “opulent, cream-coloured three-piece suite”. 13
The journalists point out that the scene could be a normal part of German life if prejudices did not exist. They
even referred to the persecution of the Sinti and Roma under National-Socialism, but the genocide itself is
reduced to an euphemism: the journalists introduce Meyer’s mother, a Holocaust survivor, who was deported
to a concentration camp at the age of nine. They explain that “she had to leave” her parents at the camp. 14
Some of these prejudices are reproduced or served in the article itself: Despite the insistence on the neatness
at the spot, the Meyers’s stay, is referred to as “hausen”, a derogatory term which is frequently combined with
“as the Gypsies do”. The article also highlights the fact that the family encompasses several generations and
many children and that it is dominated by a man. One of the Sintessas is described as follows: “She has two
small sons, thick black curls and a mouth like Sophia Loren.” 15 On two occasions feelings of aggression are
mentioned. The authors also mention the presence of a German, non-Romani social worker who is
maintaining “the balance between here and the outside” and the environment under control. 16
The same stereotypical portrayal and romanticised description were also found in an otherwise quite good
Politik, November 2002
9 “Gypsies roaming area drew attention”, KPC news, 21 July 2005
10 ibid.
11 ibid.
12 “Ferien in Dreilinden”, in: Berliner Morgenpost, 31 June 2005
13 ibid.
14 ibid.
15 ibid.
16 ibid.

article published by the BBC about the Roma of the Ano Liossia district of Athens who got hemmed in by the
construction of a judo and wrestling stadium for the Olympic games. 17 On two occasions the journalist
mentions the golden teeth of his interlocutors as if this would add substance to his report.
Another example of the focus on exoticism in the reporting of Romani people is the importance given by the
BBC and other international media in autumn 2004 to the issue of the arranged wedding of Ana Cioba. 18 Most
articles offered abundant descriptions of the “price” paid by the family of the groom and of the girl running
away in tears. None of the articles contained any background information on the practice of teenage marriages
within Roma communities despite the fact that the young age of the future husband and wife were taken as a
pretext to call for a scandal.
I will take as a last example the book by a journalist, Isabel Fonseca, Bury Me Standing. 19 I am not going to
discuss the openly racist remarks in this book, but I would just like to point out two episodes, the first, when
she describes her visit to Roma families in Albania and the second when she writes about her participation in a
Roma congress. In the first case, Fonseca depicts traditions and behaviour which I would consider as typical
of south eastern Europe, but which, for her, are part of the Romani culture. In the second case, she depicts an
atmosphere of wild, chaotic behaviour quite unsuited to the venue.
The point is that Romani people are only interesting for the media if they are either exotic strangers or
dangerous outcasts, or, as Rachel Morris put it: “The ‘difference’ element makes good copy, makes stories
that stand out from the ordinary, that always sell and stir up emotions.” 20
Scavengers
Many, may be the majority of Europe’s Romani population, live under sub-standard conditions, but not all live
in such conditions or dress in rags. This is, however, the impression which is frequently conveyed by the
media: Roma are invariably associated with garbage and dirt.
In an article on the racist comments by the EU Commission’s ambassador in Slovakia in April 2004 the BBC
produced lengthy statements of an NGO representative on Roma living on a garbage dump in a Romanian
town. 21 The previously mentioned BBC article on the Roma of the Ano Liossia district in Athens mentioned the
presence of the garbage left behind after the construction of the Olympic stadium. 22
The local press in particular frequently draws a close line between the presence of Romani people or
Travellers and refuse:
An article published in a German local newspaper on 27 July 2005 on the stay of a group of “Sinti and Roma”
on a piece of empty land in JÉlich began with a reference to the bad smell in the vicinity of the camps which
allegedly stemmed from human excreta. 23 It went on to quote a municipal official in charge of maintaining
public order, explaining that it was necessary “to accept the mentality of this people” which was also used as
the title of the whole article together with the very telling addition: “When Sinti and Roma stop in JÉlich”. 24 In
17 “The people the Olympics forgot”, at: BBC News, 12 August 2004
18 e.g.: Gypsy king's daughter is sad child bride, BBC News, 29 September 2003, at:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3148364.stm; “Gypsy Child Couple Separated,” BBC News, 2 October 2003; at:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3159818.stm; Bride and prejudice: Gypsy king defends Romany values, Reuters, at:
http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2003/10/02/1064988339767.html?from=storyrhs; Bride, 12, storms out of Romania wedding,
China Daily, at: http://www2.chinadaily.com.cn/en/doc/2003-09/30/content_268765.htm
19 Isabel Fonseca: Bury me standing, Vintage, 1996
20 Rachel Morris: Gypsies, Travellers and the Media: Press regulation and racism in the UK, in: Communications Law, Vol. 5, No.
6, 2000
21 “EU regrets envoy's Roma comment”, BBC News, 14 May 2004
22 “The people the Olympics forgot”, at: BBC News, 12 August 2004
23 “Die MentalitÖt des Volkes akzeptieren“, in: Das JÄlich T, 29 July 2005
24 ibid.

order to leave no doubts the newspaper displayed a picture of a green meadow with a few garbage bags
explaining that those were the last remnants of the group and would be removed by the city council.
The issue of “Gypsies and dirt” is particularly recurrent in British tabloids: On 20 June 2005, The Sun published
an article about a group of Irish Travellers who established a campsite in the small English village of Ilchester
and reportedly turned the life of its inhabitants into hell. 25 The article culminated in the description of the
Travellers using a Roman monument “as a toilet”: The article went on to say “they have littered the Oppidum
fort next door with faeces, done handbrake turns on the cricket field, brawled in pubs and threatened
residents.” 26
Another entry into a quiet village was reported on 9 August 2005 by the East Anglian Times: Under the pointed
headline “Village has to clean up after travellers” the article described how the inhabitants of the village had to
remove huge heaps of waste after the departure of a group of Travellers. A villager, member of the local
Parish Council, was quoted with the following statement: “There is human excreta all over the place, gas
bottles and rubbish. We are a very small community and we feel as though we have been invaded and
polluted.” 27
On 17 August 2005, the Stockport Express displayed an article about a clean-up operation after the departure
of a group of Travellers. Under the title “Is this the worse mess ever left by travellers?”, the article explained
that 12 lorries had been necessary to remove the garbage left by the travellers “including window frames,
rubble and washing machines”. 28 The newspaper quoted a representative of a local association stating: “We
were devastated when we saw the trail of destruction, not least because it is a site of special biological
interest. The mess left was horrendous.” Next to the article a picture showed an overturned washing machine,
several wooden stakes and blankets lying on a green meadow.
Trouble-makers
Another frequent topic are disputes among Roma. These can be disputes within or between families or
disputes between otherwise unrelated individuals. In this context it is frequently suggested that Romani people
are organised along family or kinship lines which is also referred to as the origin of the escalation of the
disputes.
A case in point is an article published by the Sofia News Agency on clashes between Romani groups. The
report did not include much information about the background of the fights, a dispute between an farmer and
his employees over salaries due, but provided an apocalyptic picture of the clashes:
“There was shooting between the two fighting gangs, who also attacked each other with stakes, bats,
pitchforks, and axes.
…
One of the men used his pistols to wound nine people in the limbs …. A total of ten people have been
hospitalised after the incident”. 29
Another issue are neighbourhood problems where Romani people and/or Travellers are usually portrayed as
the troublemakers: on 21 July 2005, ic Berkshire reported about Travellers staying on the car park of a private
company. The article was almost entirely based on statements of a building facilities manager stating that he
was attacked and bitten by two dogs. 30
25 “Gipsies’ ‘ransom’ to leave”, The Sun, 20 June 2005
26 ibid.
27 “Village has to clear up after travellers”, in: The East Anglian Times, 9 August 2005
28 “Is this the worse mess ever left by travellers?”, Stockport Express, 17 August 2005
29 Roma Battle in Bulgarian Town, 10 Hurt, Sofia News Agency 29 July 2005
30 Gypsies camp on car park, ic Berkshire, 21 July 2005

On 6 July 2005, the Ostfriesenzeitung published an article on a family feud. The newspaper reported that „fight
between two families from Leer, which belong to the Sinti minority, culminated in shooting. Following our
request the Chief Prosecutor Werner Kramer in Aurich confirmed yesterday that members of the Sinti are
involved in the case.“ 31
Last year, I documented a whole series of articles in a German regional newspaper, SÅchsische Zeitung,
consisting in the endless reproduction of statements by police officers and municipal officials being interviewed
in the run-up to the expected arrival of a group of Roma. 32 They all stated that they would take care that
nothing would happen. At the end something did happen: The Roma were attacked by racist youngsters and
left the place.
In many cases, as in the above, the association of Romani people with trouble-making is essentially based on
allegations by members of the local population which are taken seriously enough to provide a motive for an
article. The impression that the presence of Romani people leads to problems is further conveyed through
interviewing police officers of representatives of institutions in charge of maintaining public order. Reality
counts little.
Gypsy Invasions
The overwhelming of otherwise apparently peaceful surroundings by Roma is a frequent topic in the British
press. In the beginning of 2004, three months before the entry of eight Central and East European states into
the EU, British tabloids ran a campaign on the topic of a “Gypsy invasion” of the United Kingdom. The
campaign was actually begun by the Economist which in February 2004 ran a story on the eventual
immigration of citizens from the new members states to the UK after their countries' entry into the European
Union. 33
Under the headline “The coming hordes”, the Economist wrote: “[t]he bigger worry for rich-country
governments concerns migrants in search of state benefits. Central Europe’s Roma minorities … are a
particular cause for concern.” 34 The tabloids jumped on the bandwagon with headlines such as: “Britain here
we come.”, “See you in May” and “I’ll get the benefits” 35
In June 2005, the Barrhead News tried to repeat the story which allegedly led to a sales increase and began
with an article headed “Gypsy fear” in which it warned that the town of Barrbead/Renfrewshire near Glasgow
“could be swamped by gypsies from across Europe”. 36 The article dealt with the stay of French Travellers on
the site of an old factory. The newspaper is currently being investigated over a “racist incident”. 37
The idea of an invasion or assault was also conveyed in an article about a venue of Travellers in the Stockport
Express:
“The park was the latest in a long list of venues targeted by travellers, which have included Davenport,
Offerton and the site formerly earmarked for the doomed IKEA store in Portwood. A small group has also just
moved into a disused car park on the Brinksway junction off Wood Street.” 38
Reporting about Romani people and travellers British tabloids and local media do not hesitate to use images
31
SchÉsse reiáen Nachbarn aus dem Schlaf, Ostfriesenzeitung, 6 July 2005
32 see annex
33 “The coming hordes”, The Economist, 15 January 2004
34 ibid.
35 Karin Waringo: Express Train to the European Union of Hate, in: Index on Censorship, 3.03.04, at:
http://www.indexonline.org/news/20040303_britain.shtml
36 “Racist complaint against newspaper”, The Herald, 11 August 2005
37 ibid.
38 “Is this the worse mess ever left by travellers?”, Stockport Express, 17 August 2005

which call upon war memories. During the campaign on an alleged “Gypsy Invasion” in early 2004, the “Daily
Express” displayed a map of Europe with several arrows pointing towards the British Isles. Reporting a dispute
on the establishment of a Traveller campsite the Weston & Somerset Mercury opened with the headline,
“Gypsy battle nearing end?” 39
Born criminals
Romani people frequently appear in relation to criminal activities. In most cases these reports are based on
police reports; sometimes, especially in the German-speaking press, police press releases are simply
reprinted which is not always made clear to the readers.
On 12 August 2005, the SÅchsische Zeitung reported a raid against drug traffickers in Sachsenanhalt. One of
the middlemen of the traffickers, the Czech Stefan C., is identified as belonging to the “Sinti and Roma”. The
newspaper explains further: “It is within this ethnic community that the poison is mixed.” 40
On 3 August 2005, the French regional newspaper Le courrier de Mantes reported about trial against several
people regarding their alleged involvement in the theft of several cars. The journalist pointed out that all three
accused “belong to the Traveller community”. 41
On 27 July 2005, the Austrian Neues Volksblatt reported on “itinerant people” offering their services from door
to door for which they would later charge overpriced bills. The article concluded by saying that the culprits are
most probably “Sinti and Roma”. 42 On 12 July 2005, the Kieler Nachrichten reported about the theft of a BMW
from a car retailer’s shop. On the basis of the description given by the victim the thieves are identified as
“members of the Sinti-Roma group”. 43
On 8 August 2005, the Tiroler Zeitung published a report of a trial regarding the during which the accused was
sentenced to a prison sentence of 18 months. The article underlined that the culprit made use of the naivety of
his victims - “False carpet retailers cheated credulous people” - and concluded that he belonged to a “criminal
Roma organisation”. 44
The three last examples are quite typical of the reporting of criminal activities Romani people are made
responsible for: they all involve the cheating of the victims which is considered typical for Romani criminals.
Another case in an article that was published in the English-speaking Moscow Times on a robbery whose
victim was the British ambassador. The article did not provide any further explanation of the nature of the
attack, but instead quoted an unnamed police officer saying: “Judging by the nature of the attack, Gypsies
were involved.”
It would thus appear that Romani criminals are a particularly weird category of criminal since they are
frequently mentioned in relation with crimes involving the cheating of the victims. 45 A typical case, for which I
did not however find a concrete example during my period of investigation, would be two Romani women
entering the house of an old lady living by herself and depriving her of her entire savings.
The impression that Romani people are “dishonest” criminals is based on the fact that their identification as the
perpetrators of crime is mostly based on statements of the victims. These, as becomes apparent from the
previous examples, are based on cultural stereotyping, assuming that a particular appearance, e.g., black hair,
39 “Gypsy battle nearing end?”, The Weston Mercury, 12 August 2005
40 “Anruf bei ‘Dr. Med. A. Mphetamin’”, in: SÅchsische Zeitung, 12 July 2005
41 “Stations services braquàes: l’àquipàe sauvage conserve son mystâre”, Le courrier de Mantes, 3 August 2005
42 “Einfache Dienste gegen teures Geld”, in: Neues Volksblatt, 27 July 2005
43 “Ellerbeek: Dreiste Kfz-Diebe”, in: Kieler Nachrichten, 12 July 2005
44 “Falsche TeppichhÖndler tricksten GutglÖubige aus”, in: Tiroler Zeitung, 8 August 2005
45 Another example is an article which was published on 20 July 2005 by the contract journal. The article referred to Romani people
accused of misusing the logo of a company. The article was essentially based on information provided by the owner of the firm.
“Gypsies use McAlpine logo”, in: contractjournal.com, 20 July 2005

or behavior, - sometimes the very fact of cheating – are characteristic of Romani people.
The very fact that the alleged or real Romani origin of a culprit or suspect is mentioned should be noted. In an
article about an alleged teenage thief, the German Bild-Zeitung mentioned the fact that his parents “who send
him on robbery tours through the whole country” belong to the “Sinti-group” as if both facts were related. 46
Another case in point is an article which appeared in the newspaper “Le Monde” on the dismantling by the
police of a criminal network in France. Whereas the journalist kept a neutral tone in the first part of the article,
he mentioned the Romani origin of the culprits: “Brothers and cousins were at the heart of a family network of
Romanian Gypsies, who recruited in an area of 300 kilometres around their stronghold”. 47 Another article in
the same newspaper on the activity of pickpockets in Paris included several references indicating that the
perpetrators of the thefts may be Romanian Roma, but without spelling this out. 48
Since we do not have access to police statistics it is difficult to know how frequently media mention the alleged
or real Romani ethnicity of a culprit or alleged culprit. The examples from Le Monde show that this is not
always the case and may depend on individual journalists or the policy of the paper. We may however assume
that media are most likely to mention the Romani origin of a culprit or suspect whenever there is likelihood that
they are Roma.
Collective accusations
Romani people appear mostly as a group, rarely as individuals. If allegations, for instance about the alleged
authors of a crime, are made they are often made in a way such that they can easily be understood as
concerning all Roma.
This applies for instance to the previously quoted article on the dismantling of a network of drug traffickers
published in the SÅchsische Zeitung on 12 July 2005. Pointing out the Romani origin of one of the arrested
people, the newspaper explained that the “poison” is mixed “within this ethnic community.” 49
In July 2005, Associated Press reported on criminal activities involving teenagers in the border region between
France and Switzerland. The authors were identified as “young Gypsies”. The article said:
“When entering Switzerland these young Travellers very often have gloves, big screwdrivers which are used to
force the doors of apartments and villas and pieces of PET to open the main doors of apartment buildings.
When leaving Switzerland, they carry with them jewellery, money or electronic devices stolen from the
dwellings.” 50
In the previously quoted article about the theft of several cars, the French regional newspaper Le courrier de
Mantes emphasised that all the arrested “belong to the Traveller community”. 51
On 11 August 2005, Agence France Press (AFP) published an article on a trial regarding a con-trick. On the
basis of information provided by the French judiciary AFP said that the culprits "originated from the Gypsy
communities from the former Yugoslavia living in Seine-Saint-Denis". AFP further quoted the “Central
Office for the Fight Against Itinerant Delinquency” (Office central de lutte contre la dÇlinquance itinÇrante
(OCLDI)), a special police unit created in 2004 to investigate criminal acts committed by “organized, itinerant
teams” saying that this type of swindle is a peculiarity of east European Travellers. 52
46 “Erst 12 und schon 163 Straftaten”, Bild-Zeitung, 29 July 2005
47 “De Lyon jusqu’en Roumanie, le dàmantâlement d’un ràseau de prostitution”, Le Monde, 4 August 2005
48 “A Paris, les Champs-Elysàes restent le terrain de chasse pràfàrà des pickpockets”, Le Monde, 11 August 2005
49 “Anruf bei ‘Dr. Med. A. Mphetamin’”, in: SÅchsische Zeitung, 12 July 2005
50 Toujours plus de jeunes gitans interpellàs ã la frontiâre franco-suisse, Associated Press, 13 July 2005
51 “Stations services brquàes: l’àquipàe sauvage conserve son mystâre”, Le courrier de Mantes, 3 August 2005
52 “Billets factices contre euros, les vraies arnaques des faux banquiers”, Agence France Press, 11 August 2005

An article published in a German local newspaper on 27 July 2005 referred to “the mentality of this people”
when referring to the garbage left over by Travellers. 53
Politically correct slur
An issue which is regularly coming up in the media is issue of Romani beggars. Media frequently display
stories about criminal gangs exploiting poor Romani people from Eastern Europe and children in particular to
beg in West European cities. Given the recurrence of these stories and the fact that they are run, for the most
part, over several weeks I believe that it is possible to speak about media campaigns.
The topic has been recurrent in Belgium where two ministries subsequently commissioned surveys on the
issue of begging and on the school attendance of Romani children. 54 Despite the fact that the surveys showed
that the phenomenon of begging mostly results as a survival strategy of Romani families who are staying in
Belgium illegally and hope to get a residence permit, the issue of exploitation did not disappear from the
media.
In June 2005, the German broadcasting service Deutsche Welle published a feature on the alleged
exploitation of Romani people by human traffickers. This argument was supported by statements of police
officers, Commission officials and NGO representatives who all referred to the difficult situation of East
European Roma and their ignorance as background for their exploitation by criminal networks. The journalist
also reproduced the allegation according to which mothers keep their children from attending school without
providing any proof that the particular child she referred to was actually old enough and in a position to go to
school. 55
There have been several such campaigns in France since the Conservatives took over the Presidency and the
majority in the government. On 11 February 2005, the French TV broadcaster France 5 transmitted a feature
on the activities of criminal networks exploiting Romani children. The feature had the telling title: “Delinquency:
The road of the Roma”. The broadcaster has in the meantime been issued with a warning from the French
media supervisory authority on the racist content of this feature. 56
Caroline Damiens has pointed out that the highly publicised police operations against Romani communities
have not lead to a single conviction for human trafficking. 57 Instead, they have provided legitimacy to police
operations against East European Roma. They have also contributed to creating acceptance for a change of
law whereby the activity of begging with children has become a criminal offence.
More detailed research would be necessary in order to establish a causal link between harshening of the
legislation and the increased persecution of Roma beggars and media reporting. The fact is, however, that, on
the basis of the legitimacy of reporting about problems, these reports have contributed to foster centuries-old
prejudices according to which Roma are beggars and beggars are “Gypsies”.
Only a few Gypsies
Beginning of June 2005, the Slovenian News Agency STA and the Austrian public TV ORF reported the killing
of two Romani women in a grenade attack in a village near Novo Mesto in Slovenia. 58 The origin of the news
53 “Die MentalitÖt des Volkes akzeptieren“, in: Das JÄlich T, 29 July 2005
54 Catherine Joppart: Recherche relative au dàveloppement d’une ràponse sociale ã la question de la mendicità des enfants en
Belgique, CODE, 2003, at: http://www.lacode.be/pdf/ Rech_mendicite.pdf
55 “Das GeschÖft mit der Armut”, Deutsche Welle 29 June 2005
56 see below
57 Caroline Damiens: Sarkozy, les medias et l’invention de la “mafia roumaine”, (1 st part), at:
http://lmsi.net/article.php3?id_article=356
58 Hand Grenade Dropped in Roma Village Kills Mother and Daughter, STA 4 June 2005; Two Roma women killed in Slovene

was a feature on the private TV channel Pop TV whose reporters had been on the spot.
Whereas the ORF seemed to suggest that the incident might have a racist background stating that “there are
frequent clashes between Roma and the local (!!!) population” the police seemed to believe that the deaths
were the result of common criminality.
When interviewed a staff member of Pop TV said that the police believed that the grenade missed its target
and that the two women were killed by accident. By this view, the grenade was intended for the neighbouring
house and was part of a background of loan sharking. 59
In April 2004, the SÅchsische Nachrichten ran a series of articles on the arrival of a group of French Romani
people at a campsite in Sachsen-Anhalt. 60 The articles consisted of interviews with representatives of the
police and municipal authorities on the likelihood for the Roma causing a nuisance. Shortly afterwards the
Roma were attacked by a group of young people and left the place.
In August 2005, a German-Polish Romani family died in a fire in an apartment house in Berlin, but hardly any
newspapers with the exception of Die Welt 61 mentioned the Romani origin of the people. This changed when it
became apparent that the fire had probably been caused accidentally by the12 year old son of the family.
The Berliner Tagesspiegel wrote: “The family of the culprit belongs to the larger family [in German
Grossfamilie, K.W.] of the Roma and Sinti, who had made allegations against the firemen because of the
seriousness [of the catastrophy].” 62 The newspaper further quoted the head of the firemen stating his
bemusement at the fact that it was this group who made the worst allegations against his brigade.
Racial profiling
In the previous parts I have already referred amply to the fact that certain types of criminal behavior are
considered as typical of Romani people or Romani criminals depending on the point of view. More generally
media tend to associate Roma with particular patterns of behavior and appearance.
In an article on the theft of several cars, published in a French regional newspaper the journalist explained the
refusal of the persons under investigation to provide further details of another suspect referring to the alleged
code of behavior of Romani communities, “the rule of the clan”. 63
An article in the Belgian Libre Belgique on the topic of Romani children begging in the streets of Brussels
stated that the children are dressed in rags. As a matter of fact, the children are generally not only well
dressed but dressed according to the season which was evidenced by the photograph displayed with the
article. 64
Cultural stereotyping is particularly frequent in the cultural pages where it is often compounded with a pseudoromantic
view of Roma as wild, erotic and cheerful people. A sense of reality is missing.
Zigeuner, Gitans, Gypsies and Roma
There are notable differences in the use of collective nouns. In France, Switzerland, Italy, Spain and the UK,
the word “Gypsy”, sometimes even with a small “g” and with an “i” replacing the first “y”, “Gitans” or “Tsiganes”,
bomb attack, STA
59 Telephone conversation 6 June 2005
60 see annex
61 “Acht Menschen sterben bei Wohnhausbrand in Berlin”, Die Welt, 10 August 2005
62 “Der Brandstifter war erst zwålf”, Der Tagesspiegel, 17 August 2005
63 “Stations services brquàes: l’àquipee sauvage conserve son mystâre”, “Le courrier de Mantes”, 3 August 2005
64 Maltraitàs, les enfants mendiants?, in: La Libre Belgique, 2 June 2005

“Zingari”, “Gitanos” and “Zigeuner” are still commonly used. UK’s broadsheet papers have started introducing
the word “Roma”; French media use the word “Gens du Voyage”, “Travellers”, and very rarely the word
“Rrom”.
In Germany, the word “Zigeuner” has almost disappeared with the exception of the extreme right-wing press
and the cultural pages, where it is associated with a touch of exoticism. German media use the names “Sinti
und Roma” or one of both without however understanding the difference between the two groups as becomes
evident through the reports.
The use of politically correct terminology does not however however guarantee a fair and balanced
representation. In many cases the context is such that the word(s) “Sinti” and/or “Roma” could be easily
replaced by the word “Zigeuner”. Local and regional papers, especially in the German-speaking areas of
Switzerland, frequently associate the word(s) “Sinti” and/or “Roma” and/or “Zigeuner” with other words relating
to alleged patterns of “Gypsy” behaviour and speak about “Zigeunerbande” or “Roma-Sippe”. 65
Racist Stereotyping and the Self-control of the Media
Journalists have to abide by a code of professional ethics which generally contain safeguards against biased
reporting or racist slurs. I will take here as an example the Declaration of Principles on the Conduct of
Journalists of the International Federation of Journalists, an international umbrella organization of national
professional organizations. It says:
“1. Respect for the truth and for the right of the public to the truth is the first duty of the journalist.
…
7. The journalist shall be alert to the danger of discrimination being furthered by media, and shall do the
utmost to avoid facilitating such discrimination based on, among other things, race, sex, sexual orientation,
language, religion, political and other opinions, and national and social origins.
8. The journalist shall regard as a grave professional offences the following: plagiarism; malicious
misinterpretation; calumny; libel; slander; unfounded accusations; acceptance of a bribe in any form in
consideration of either publication or suppression.” 66
The Code of Ethics of the British Press Complaints Commission states:
“i) The press must avoid prejudicial or pejorative reference to a person’s race, colour, religion, sex or sexual
orientation or to any physical or mental illness or disability.
ii) It must avoid publishing details of a person’s race, colour, religion, sexual orientation, physical or mental
illness or disability unless these are directly relevant to the story. ” 67
Article 12 of the German Press Code states:
“Nobody can be discriminated against on the grounds of his sex, handicap or belonging to a racial, ethnic,
religious, social or national group.” 68
Press councils are regularly confronted with complaints regarding discriminatory representations of ethnic
minorities including Roma in the media. It appears however that these complaints are very seldom successful
in the sense that they lead to the condemnation of the media or journalist:
65 E.g.: “Dezernentin: Sozialamt hat im Kampf gegen BetrÉger nichts versÖumt”, in: Offenbach-Post, 12 August 2005 “Keine
VersÖumnisse des Sozialamts sieht die politisch verantwortliche StadtrÖtin Birgit Simon (GrÜne) gegen den organisierten
Sozialhilfebetrug – insbesondere durch Angehàrige mehrer Roma-Sippen.”
66 International Federation of Journalists: Declaration of Principles on the Conduct of Journalists
67 Code Of Ethics: British Press Complaints Commission, Article 13. Discrimination
68 Deutscher Presserat: Publizistische GrundsÖtze (Pressekodex). Richtlinien fÜr die Arbeit nach Empfehlungen des Deutschen
Presserats, March 2005

The published and former journalist Bob Borzello has noted that “[N]ot one of the 600 or so complaints made
to the Press Complaints Commission (PCC) since 1991 about alleged racism in the Press has been upheld.”
69 Between 1995 and 2004, the Zentralrat Deutscher Sinti und Roma filed 384 complaints to the German
Press Council on the grounds that the Romani origin of alleged culprits was named. Only very a few
complaints were considered by the Press Complaint Commission. 70
Of the 54 complaints made by the Zentralrat Deutscher Sinti und Roma to the German Press Council in 2004
only 44 made it to the Press Complaint Commission. The Commission considered 20 complaints as unfounded
and only in ten cases came to the conclusion that the articles or reports were discriminatory. In only two cases
were reprimands issued. 71
If we look at the reasons why complaints rarely end in a condemnation of the media outlet, we will find that the
criteria applied for considering a complaint as legitimate are excessively restrictive and complacent with regard
to the journalists or editors:
Article 13 of the British Code of Practice only recognizes racist reporting made against a specifically named
person, and even then there is no violation unless the named victim complains. 72
Press Complaints Commissions have shown a great largesse with regard to the application of the Press
Codes. This concerns in particular the question as to whether the naming of the ethnic background of a culprit
or alleged culprit is relevant to the story or not.
For instance the German Press Council rejected the complaint of an NGO regarding the report in a German
magazine, probably the Spiegel, about petty crime committed by children in German cities where the
magazine spoke of “Roma criminality”. The Commission argued that there was indeed an objective reason for
stating the cultural belonging of the youngsters to the Roma community, since the “subject of the report is a
specific form of crime in a big German city.” 73 It concluded that the mentioning of the ethnic origin of the
teenagers was necessary in order for the article to be understood properly.
A similar judgement was made by the Australian Press Council. A newspaper had published a report about a
swindle which contained nine references to Romani origin of the culprits who were identified as “English gypsy
con-artists”. The Press Council decided:
“In the context of the obvious public interest in the operations of the gang, the newspaper was justified in
providing the essential descriptions needed for potential victims to identify the scamsters. Failure to do so
could well have been a breach of a newspaper’s duty to inform readers properly and accurately about matters
of public interest.” 74
With their judgement the Press Council actually confirmed the idea that a particular form of criminal activity is
common among Romani people. This conclusion seems obvious in particular regarding the fact that it
69 Rachel Morris: Gypsies, Travellers and the Media: Press regulation and racism in the UK, in: Communications Law, Vol. 5, No.
6, 2000
70 Zentralrat Deutscher Sinti und Roma: Stellungnahme zum Entwurf eines Gesetzes zur Umsetzung europÖischer
Antidiskriminierungsrichtlinien, BT-Drs. 15/4538, Anhårung im Deutschen Bundestag – Ausschuss fÉr Familie, Senioren, Frauen
und Jugend - am 7. MÖrz 2005
71 Deutscher Presserat: Deutscher Presserat weist VorwÉrfe des Zentralrats Deutscher Sinti und Roma zurÉck. Von 56
Beschwerden waren 42 unbegrÉndet, Press Release, 4.03.05
72 Rachel Morris: Gypsies, Travellers and the Media: Press regulation and racism in the UK, in: Communications Law, Vol. 5, No.
6, 2000
73 Magazinbericht Éber die deutsche Hauptstadt der Taschendiebe, Ziffer: 12. Entscheidung: Beschwerden unbegrÉndet, B1-
217/218/03)
74 Adjudication No. 1152, January 2002, at: http://www.presscouncil.org.au/pcsite/adj/1152.html

apportioned blame related to the mention of the Roma ethnicity on other occasions. 75
In other cases, the German Press Council accepted the explanation provided by the editors according to which
the ethnic denomination of the culprits was not made by the newspaper, but by the police. 76
The biased approach of the German Press Council as of the Press Councils in other countries is further
demonstrated by the fact that they have not banned the used of names which are considered as derogatory by
those intended such as the name “Zigeuner”. In a written answer to an email inquiry the German Press Council
stated that the simple use of the word “Zigeuner” as a description of Sinti and Roma would not be considered
as derogatory, but the whole context of the report taken into account. 77 Accordingly, the same would be valid
for the use of the word “Nigger”. In an earlier email, the Press Council admitted that the Zentralverband
Deutscher Sinti und Roma considers this term as derogatory.
In an article on “Discrimination and Political Correctness” the president of the Swiss Press Council supported
the position of a Swiss publisher, Dieter Zimmer, saying according to whom the placing under taboo of the
word “Gypsy” led to a situation where it has become almost impossible to name an individual of this group 78
and stated that it was “real luck that Jewish people had the self-confidence not to request a politically correct
renaming” despite the fact “that they had experienced even stronger stigmatisation than Gypsies on the basis
of this word”. 79
If we look at this, we may conclude that the self-regulatory role of the press councils is completely inefficient
when it comes to discriminatory reporting on ethnic minorities and Romani people in particular. The reason for
this is that those who have to judge about the accuracy of the reporting probably share the same racist
stereotypes as those who wrote or published the reports.
To put it in the words of Rachel Morris: “Those who watch the press, whether regulators or commentators, are
little better.” 80 Quoting Philomena Essed she added: “When ... racism is transmitted in routine practices that
seem ‘normal’, at least for the dominant group, this can only mean that racism is often not recognized, not
acknowledged – let alone problematized – by the dominant group” 81
However, there is also reason for hope: On 11 July 2005, the French Media Supervisory Body, Conseil
SupÇrieur de l’Audiovisuel, issued a warning to the French TV broadcaster France 5 stating that the feature:
“Delinquency: The Road of the Roma” which was broadcast on 11 February 2005 was indeed in breach of the
French legislation regarding racist and discriminatory broadcasting. More particularly it made the criticism that
the very title of the feature created an amalgam between a particular community and a specific form of
organised crime. On this basis it concluded that the feature was likely to reinforce racist prejudices. 82
Conclusion
At the beginning I quoted Jaromir Konecny because I believe he neatly summarised the role of the media and
75 More cases can be found on the website of the German Press Council, at: http://www.presserat.de/
76 Zentralrat Deutscher Sinti und Roma: Stellungnahme zum Entwurf eines Gesetzes zur Umsetzung europÖischer
Antidiskriminierungsrichtlinien, BT-Drs. 15/4538, Anhårung im Deutschen Bundestag – Ausschuss fÉr Familie, Senioren, Frauen
und Jugend - am 7. MÖrz 2005
77 Ella Wassink, 18 August 2005
78 Accordingly, Zimmer explained that a person can only be either “Sinti or Roma” if belonging to any of the two groups and that it
would require another ending if the person is a women. He also said that the use of the correct word would not undo
discrimination.
79 Peter Studer: “Zwischen Diskriminierung und Political Correctness”, in: medienheft ? 29.05.2002
80 Rachel Morris: Gypsies, Travellers and the Media: Press regulation and racism in the UK, in: Communications Law, Vol. 5, No.
6, 2000
81 Philomena Essed: Understanding Everyday Racism, California 1991, p. 10, quoted according to: Rachel Morris: Gypsies,
Travellers and the Media: Press regulation and racism in the UK, in: Communications Law, Vol. 5, No. 6, 2000
82 çmission C dans l'air : France 5 mise en garde, Decision taken on 11 July 2005, published on 1 September 2005, at:
http://www.csa.fr/actualite/decisions/decisions_detail.php?id=29702

its responsibility in perpetrating anti-Gypsyism: media tend to reproduce rather than dismantle stereotypes
regarding Roma. They offer a one-sided view in which Romani people appear as troublemakers and social
outcasts. Romani views are seldom or never represented, neither are Romani concerns as is reflected in the
almost absence of reporting about violence against Roma.
If we look for the reasons for this we find it easy to blame journalists. As a matter of fact the reasons lie much
deeper: They lie in the fact that the media are produced by white people, but most essentially they are
produced for a white audience whose interests they serve. I am referring more particularly to the role of the
media in producing ideology and national identity. I am also referring to economic interests.
For these reasons the media have so far failed to produce a vision of society in which all its members are
equal. Romani people, immigrants and refugees must appear as outcasts and exotic outsiders, because if the
media would provide a true picture of their lives and realities this would question the dominant ideology
according to which all people are treated on the basis of equality.

Appendix
How Could this Happen?
Youngsters attacked Roma in GroÄrÅhrsdorf. Newspaper tries to find out why
By Karin Waringo
10 April 2004: The SÅchsische Zeitung from Dresden reports that a group of “Sinti and Roma” are staying with
their caravans on the fairground in the eastern part of Zittau. The newspaper explains that the city is
“tolerating” their stay and quotes the director of the Mayor’s Office who explains that the Roma do not present
any public order problem, that they will have to pay for their consumption of water and electricity and that the
city administration will take in charge of waste removal.
21 April: Under the title “Garbage remains on the fairground” the SÅchsische Zeitung reports that residents
neighbouring the fairground are upset because of the garbage the Roma left behind. As a justification of
their anger the newspaper displays a picture of the fairground with heaps of rubbish in the foreground. In the
last part, however, it quotes a statement by the office of public order explaining that the city did remove the
refuse at the expenses of the Roma who paid for this in advance.
23 April: The SÅchsische Zeitung reports that a group of more than 200 Roma established their camp at the
“Friedensplatz” in Freital. It quotes a Rom who explains that his group came from India (!!!) and that they
spend several months in Europe each year. He is further quoted as saying that the Roma came to Freital
because they wanted to visit Dresden, adding that his group does not aim to cause any problems and will
leave again soon. As previously, the director of the Mayor’s Office is again quoted. He explains that the city
administration decided to authorise the stay after carefully evaluating the security situation and that police
officers will monitor the camp daily.
24 April: The SÅchsische Zeitung reports that a group of drunken youngsters attacked a group of French
Roma who established their camp in Groβråhrsdorf and that the Roma subsequently left.
27 April: The SÅchsische Zeitung again mentions the departure of the Roma. This time the head of the police
station of Radeberg is quoted. He explains that the Roma left subsequent to verbal attacks and vandalism. He
further elaborates that the night before the Roma's departure three drunken youngsters had been shouting
right-wing slogans and cut the electricity supply to the camp for which they are now being charged.
29 April: The SÅchsische Zeitung reports on the city council meeting where the attacks were discussed. The
mayor is quoted as saying that the arrival of the Roma surprised him. He claims that the Roma left without
paying the guarantee requested by the municipality and that the electricity bill remained unpaid, but remains
confident that he will recover the money.
What follows is a series of explanations: According to the city counsellor from the Conservative Party the
youngsters were worried that the presence of the Roma might endanger their “witches’ fires”, fears which the
mayor refutes as unjustified. A social democrat explains that the youngsters are mere blockheads who
cannot bear the presence of the caravans of French “gypsies”.
Roma, potential disorder and rubbish. This is the chain of reasoning the SÅchsische Zeitung has constructed.
By comparison, the inept reporters make the young “blockheads” look pretty good. At least they managed to
comprehend the logical connection between light and electric cables when they cut them.
In the end, the Roma had to leave and not for India, chased away like a thousand times before in their history.
No matter that the allegations against them proofed to be unfounded.