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Building For many decades South Africa's people have been organising to win control over their own lives. Wits Student reviews recent developments in the democratic movement The struggle for a non-racial, democratic South Africa has iong been a power struggle between the people of South Africa and the state. In this country where the vast majority of people are denied access to power - power over their own lives, their acces to law and government and even their own ideologies. It is over issues such as these that the people struggle and it is that struggle that the state repeatedly attempts to crush. The 1950's - "The Decade of Defiance", did much to popularize and strengthen the democratic struggle within South Africa. The ANC, along with SACTU (South African Congress of Tiade Unions) , it's trade union arm. organized around specific issues and campaigns. An example was the "pound-aday" campaign of 1955 which highlighted the extent to which all members of the community were affected by the abysmal wages paid to tlre workers. The communitv could not pay their rents, thl workers were being exploited and the school children were being "educated" for future exploitation. posed a threat to the state and were a means by which the people could work for power. The government responded with the State of Emergency and the banning of the ANC in 1960. As conditions of struggle havr changed, different forms ol organization have been needed. It is through struggles waged on different fronts, in the schools, the communities and at the work olace that rnass based demociatic organizations are challenging the Mass Action methods and means of control - and thus building people's power. Mass based action became a The significance of any struggle necessary response to all areas of is in the extent to which it oppression. The organizations challenges the ruling classes developed to channel this action ability to rule. Organising in education The emphasis on education in the The emergence of unified struggle can possibly be earmarked democratic student structures, such from 16 June 1976. This was a result of -B'C. (B I ack Consciousness) groups focussing on the poor education for blacks as a major grievance. Their initial protest was against Afrikaans as a 'medium of study. This led to the claim that Bantu Education was devised to "domesticate not educate" They also felt that education was the means for black survival in future societies. From June '76, further uprisings spread across the country. The state attempted to quell these by a crackdown on the BC movement in October'77. A problem facing the students was lack of grassroots organization. Membership, being predominantly students and BC activists, needed to form links between students and the wider community. This began tentatively during the '76 uprisings: when students campaigned alongside their parents against Urban Bantu Councils. Cosas as COSAS, became evident in 1980. Boycotts and protests were more organized and won greater community support. SRC's implementing programmes of alternative education after school hours were continually being harassed by the police thus limiting their effectiveness. Parents By mid-1980, school boycotts had spread units. The students supported their parents by boycotting classes over educational and community issues. An example of this is in Cape Town where students were involved in organising alternate transport during the bus boycotts. In 1982 the AZASO National Congress called for a non-racial and democratic education system and not just an equivalent to Christian National Education (CNE). It was decided to formulate an education charter with COSAS and NUSAS later joining this campaign. In i984 further boycotts and greater uprisings occured. The government reacted by closing Students then began contributing towards building local mass-based organisations. In June '79 COSAS (Congress of South African schools, finally resulting in wide Students) was formed. This spread detentions and anests by the police. organisation aimed to articulate the In addition to this the de education demands raised after Lange commission's 1976. AZASO, in turn, focused on recommendations were not campus orientated activities. In implemented, thus leaving the addition to this NUSAS was students with an "educational organising whiJe students in crisis". progressive activities which were According to the NECC "After to be the foundation for the 24 months the schools crisis is still buildine of a non-racial dead locked. Pupils have wrecked many parts of thb countrY and are ready to take further action if their demands are not met." The NECC met on 8 March this year to decide on what action to take concerning the demands set out in the December meeting. They said that Education was just one eiement of the general crisis of apartheid, . other problems identified were continued corporal punishment, harrasment and victimisation of students, the presence of security guards at the schools and the continued presence of hoops in the townships. SRC's Prefects were abolished in many schools in 1984 after students realised the system was not based on their freewill. Cosas drafted an SRC constitution favoured by the students, with parents a n d principals being called in to discuss this. At schols where studenls were united and had control - like Mndeni Junior and Bopa Senatla High - SRC's were simply and democratically elected. Organisations such as NECC (involving parents, teachers and students) and the formation of SRC's have led to developing widespread parents and community support. i986 was initiall-y called for as a "no-school year". But this decision has been reversed, and students are again attending schools, thus facilitating student organisations within the schools. It is thus that more can be achieved through pupils attending schools and acting collectively, as well as receiving the alternative education the SRC's Black or white, young or old, South Africans of all types are joining organisations toll apartheid oppression dnd ll ro exploitation. ll,t Vtbrker The struggle to organize an poiiticize labour was originall hampered by state repression an by the belief held by many union that problems faced by workers i the workplace could be dealt wif in isolation from problems the experienced in the cor4munities With the re-emergence of trad unionism in the 1970's. the bas was laid for political unionisn through the growth of hade union that aligned with communit struggles. As a result, in the 1980's a notio of progressive unionism develope in tandem with the concept o "peoples' power". Progressiv unions realised that they could us their organizational and economi power to unite people agains apartheid and exploitation. Thes unions recognized that thr problems faced by township residents were linked to thr struggles workers were waging ir the workplace. Building "peoples power" meant that hade unions student, youth and residents organisations wouid work closely together to achieve common goals. In 1985 the Congress of
Communalactio rs inthe frontline and ally and ons sin vith hey ade rsis sm )ns ity was formed. with a paid up membership of over 650000 and representing 33 unions, Cosatu has succeeded in uniting these Progressive unions across all the major industries. Cosatu believes that "the workers are the community and the community the workers" and addresses itself to all problems facing workers. Politics . Cosatu's involvement in com-' 'ol munity and political issues is shown Eq bv their demands for: the release of of ail political prisoners, the ve unbanning of political organi-f '1" sations, the lifting of the state of llc emergency and an end to the lst bantustans system. Cosatu argues :se that these are the steps necessary as ne a "prelude to the creation of a rp democratic South Africa where all le shall live in peace asnd prosperity". rn The most effective popular cam- )s paign which Cosatu has been ins' volved in, was the 1986 May Day s stayaway when an estimated 1,5 ty million workers responded to the detained.Elijah tsarayi, President. of Cosatu was -detained for two weeks and heavily restricted on his release The period from 1979 to 1983 saw the rapid growth of community based organizations at a grassroots level. Civic associations, women's groups, tenants associations and so on were formed initially to deal with condrtions or issues pertaining to a specific constifuency or community. The sfuggles around such ateas as increased rents, poor services and inadequate housing brought people together fostering a conJidence in organised communal action. Many activists having realised the need for a clear analysis of South African society, began to see the need for equipping people with a broad understanding of their oppression.They were struggling not only against the repressive features of the government but also against a system which reinforced the status quo through numerous institutions and curtailed peoples, access to a share of the country's wealth. Co-operation The successful battles being waged by the workers for better conditions and the increased cooperation between trade unions and community and student organisations highlighted the fact that the struggle was also over key sources of wealth and development. The tactic of consumer boycotts that has been used widely over the last year showed widespread cooperation between UDF affiliated township and student organisations and frade unions. It was initiated in small Eastern Cape communities by township residents angered at the nightly presence in the townships of armed groups of enrployers and shop owners. Organisations were able to force business concerns to pressurize local government agents into meeting specific community demands. In Port Alfred for example, the local chamber of commerce went so far as to recognize the Iocal civic association and negotiations were Cosatu has called for protest action (including strikes and work stoppages) in order to pressurize the government into lifting the state of emergency.There have been sporadic work stoppages and strikes throughout the country and on July 14 there was a widespread entered into concerning improvement of the township and stayaway in the Eastern the release of local activists from Cape.There was a 247o stayaway at detention. Cosatu organized factories in the Broader demands were also made PWV area. such as the lifting of the state of The organisational difficulties facing unions as a result of the detentions and repression were reflected in the limited success of the stayaway. But despite this the progressive emergency, the withdrawl of the troops from the townships and the release of Mandela. The Eastern Cape made the most gains out of consumer boycotts.In other areas most problems were labour movement remains encountered where townships are conunitted to a Programme that bigger and more difficult to "politicizes, mobilizes and organizes the working class so that it plays a leading role in the liberation of our society and its transformation into an economic, organize. In Soweto for instance, it proved impossible to canvass widely the support of people for the boycott. The use of mass stayaways by ftrlfi ll -:*:r -' power the workforce has when it collectively and strategically with - draws its labour power. As in the case of consumer boycotts, the white communities are brought to some awareness of the situation in the black communities when they are confronted with a massive absence of the black workforce. Funerals became a means of building a sense of collective power and solidarity . In the past 50000 people might gather to hear speakers and express their defiance. People's Power With the current crackdown, the danger of over-reliance on mass protest has been recognised. Out of the anger generated by people's response to state repression came the cail for ungovernability . This was seen as positive in terms of its challenge to the status quo , but problems arose concerning discipline, especially as so many acti - vists were detained. There are also limits to what mass opposition can achieve - that it serves to invite heightened repression and disrupted organisation. With this in n1ind, it has become a matter of urgency to implement widely the more sophisticated notions of "people's power" based on organisation at a street or block level. Street committees, being smaller and more cohesive , encourage greater participation in decisions on dayto-day issues and allow for the informed direction of activists In this way, question such as discipline are more easily dealt with and previously unnily elements are more easily incorporated on the basis of their living in specific streets or blocks. In Mamelodi, for example, an "operation clean-up" was embarked upon to educate youths engaged in unmandated acts of "disciplining" people who did not adhere to the consumer boycott. The "clean-up" has also meant refuse removal every weekend and establishing "people's parks" follwing the withdrawal of services bv com - munity councillors. Tighter structures These smaller, tightly-knit organisational structures are also proving to be the most effective way ofreproducing leadership and facilitating a thorough process of politicisation of community members. People are increasingly coming to a more holistic understanding of their position within society. This form of democratic organisation is giving people a say in various aspects of their lives as never before and provides in
Page 1 and 2: Wits Volume 38 No g 24 July 1986 A
Page 3 and 4: Subsequent events on campus on that
Page 5 and 6: il IITU'P f Efif I T'I'58 E EFSEffi
Page 7 and 8: pageT - Where have all our leaders
Page 9: ,,33'r!r!r""imrir#!555#!!!i!ttiflff
Page 13 and 14: The view from t m r I r I I I I I I
Page 15 and 16: [fi --r! I lrt m w.rur The state of
Page 17 and 18: Kiddie Kash K ll nsls For a long ti
Page 19 and 20: SPORTS Soccer triumph ffi:t3!!t't'!

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