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4ofthoseterms a revolutionaryleadership, a revolutionary prolonged isolation of the October Revolution, thesocialist cadre-formation. For somewhat different, but demoralizing material conditions created by Civil War,related reasons, the same distinction applies to the mass- and the growing hegemony of Zinoviev and then Stalinbased Communist parties of Western Europe. It is most added two forms of self-isolation to the objective isolarelevantthat this does not apply to the oldest layer of tion. The Bolsheviks lost confidence in revolutionscadres of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, abroad for the immediately forseeable future ("socialismwhich is a revolutionary socialist cadre fot_mation, in one country") and attempted to rationalize theA revolutionary cadre organization is constituted as a problems of industrial management through a socialsocial formation around Jthe invariant principle of its compromise with a substantial stratum of petit-boutcommitmentto the revolutionary transformation of the geois bureaucrats of traditionally Menshevik or morecapitalist working class into a revolutionary class-for- rightward tendencies. The "Lenin Levy" marks theitself. That is not merely the condition specified by Marx point of irreversible transition from the Bolshevik cadreandEngels as early as the Communist Manifesto; it is an party. Since that point, the Soviet bureaucracy, includabsolute,scientific distinction, ing the party bureaucracy, lacked all contact, with theThe sense of individual identity of the cadre-party problems of revolutionary mass work.member is constantly located for him in respect to his A recent article by Marshal Grechko aptly illustratescontribution to that invariant. The concern for the the point to be made. Grechko is explicit in his efforts toaccomplishment itself subsumes a correlated preoc- analyze the cadre-role performed by the Red Armycupation with everything that pertains to it. The within Soviet society. When he turns his attention torevolutionary cadre is not only acutely sensible of the potential Soviet allies outside the Soviet bloc, he reducesdistinction between class-in,itself and class-for-itself the matter to the mass force of the captialist sector'stendencies among individual workers and groups of "simple people." No experienced revolutionary cadreworkers, but with the discovery of methods for more would offer such over-simplification. • The mass ofeffectively strengthening the latter impulse. His existence working people, the fact of their objective self-interests,is focused entirely upon discerning the conditions and etc., are in themselves of no strategic importance. Themethods for this end. mass of German workers in the Wehrmacht invading theThose organizations which have disassociated Soviet Union were such "simple people," and yet theythemselves from such a primary task, no matter how pro- acted contrary to their class's historic interests, and didsocialist their convictions in other respects, cannot so in the most forceful manner. To the revolutionarypossibly develop those insights upon which proper cadre, class forces are defined in respect to the ebb andassessment of tactical potentialities of class struggle flow of subjective states and organizational potentials independs, the masses.' No revolutionary cadre would place anyTo repeat this crucial point, the competence to confidence in the molecular factor of masses of "simpledetermine strategic and tactical policies of class struggle people."depends upon a prolonged total commitment to In contrast to the party bureaucracies throughout thedetecting and recognizing unconscious revolutionary rest of Eastern Europe, the oldest cadre-stratum of theimpulses in mass forces as a matter of direct perception. League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) isThis qualification is not an instinct, but is a cultivated organically rooted in the experience of leading a heroicconceptual power acquired only through prolonged revolutionary struggle. The recent Tenth Congress ofintensive concentration in political work of cadre organi- that party did include some wishful observations onzations which are primarily committed to just such a non-alignment policies and some other errors of a minorrevolutionary transformation, sort, but in the main Tito documented a successfulThe Soviet leadership absolutely lacks such qualifica- recent struggle for radical reorientation of the party'stions. The Bolsheviks were such a force, otherwise the internal organization and policies, a struggle of theOctober Revolution could not have occured. Yet, the quality that can be mustered only by a revolutionary-Bolsheviks apart from the Luxemburgist cooptations cadre organization rooted in mass struggles. Whateverto Soviet leadership were lacking in direct experience esteem might be justified tbr this or that individualor understanding of the problems of class struggle in the leader in the Soviet Union or other parts of Easternadvanced sector; and apart from the Luxemburgist Europe, there is no parO, in those countries, includingtendency within the early Comintern, the Communist the Soviet Union, which possesses the qualities to in-International never developed a qualified body of cadres dependently replicate the quality of struggle seen in theoutside of the Soviet Union -- with the conditional recent experience of the LCY.exception of certain Balkan formations. After the Consequently. the Soviet party is organically incapal_lecrucial German events of 1921, by Lenin's death, the of detecting or effectively orienting to a mass-struggle