Reconciling Nature and Culture in a Global Context? - Rainforest ...

Sandra PannellFurthermore, Komodo looks back onto well over two centuries of continuous Bimaneseinfluence, an influence that has resulted in the conversion of the islanders to Islam(Needham 1986: 64). While Kampung Komodo is identified as a ‘Muslim village’, as ClaireEllis points out, “like many ethnic groups within Indonesia, the descendants of the Ata Modohave retained their ancient beliefs” (1998: 74). In his 1991 report on ‘Conservation of theKomodo Dragon and Forest Management’, Rafael Karjon observes that the people ofKampung Komodo believe in three ‘supernatural forces’:Ina 22 Kama, who protects the people and the whole island; Ina Babu, whoprotects the Komodo dragon and its twin [sibling], the Ata Modo; and InaHadija, who protects the water sources and the whole community (cited in Ellis1998: 75-75).According to Ellis, “rituals and offerings are made to these three [beings] to ensure thatharmony continues” (1998: 75).In keeping with the two thousand or so year occupation history of the island, Verheijen’s mapindicates a number of former settlements (kiling) and a multitude of named garden andfishing areas on and around the island. In addition to these sites, Verheijen identifies gravesites (boa) and at least six ‘sacred’ places (mboho). Contrary to the official view expressedin later management plans and eco-tourism strategies that water is ‘scarce’ on the island(see Hitchcock 1993: 306), Verheijen identifies 32 named water sources (banu) (eithersprings or pools of water) on the island, as well as 25 named water courses (walu). Coveredwith hundreds of named locations and areas, whether sacred places, former settlements,garden areas, fishing locations, springs and wells, named geographic features (such asrivers, mountains, valleys, bays, islands, and points), as well as clan territories, Verheijen’smap clearly indicates that Komodo Island is far from the barren landscape commonlydepicted in tourist guides and in National Park documents.As Verheijen’s map and monograph indicate, the “superlative natural features” of the island,consisting of “rugged hillsides of dry savanna”, “pockets of thorny green vegetation” (IUCN1991: 23) and “high altitude monsoon forests” are very much the “combined works of natureand of man” (UNESCO 2005a: 83). As Blower et al. observe, large areas of fire climaxgrasslands are “probably due to deliberate burning for hunting purposes” (Blower et al. 1977:25). Indeed, Auffenberg states that repeated burning is one of the most extensive habitatmodification practices on the island (1981: 316). Verheijen gives some idea of how theKomodo Islander’s traditional way of life is not only well adapted to local conditions, but isalso instrumental in producing these conditions (see also Hitchcock 1993: 308).Prior to the establishment of the National Park, the subsistence and cash economy of theKomodo islanders consisted of some cultivation (mainly bananas, maize, cassava and sweetpotato), animal husbandry (chickens and goats), the collection of woodland products for saleand local use (notably tamarind and edible nests of swiftlets, and firewood), hunting(primarily deer for its meat and hides), the collection of marine products (both sea-grass andbeche-de-mer products are exported) and fishing. This latter activity, using cast nets, scoopnets, handlines, traps, outrigger canoes, and fishing platforms (in Indonesian bagan),provides the villagers with their main source of protein and certainly involves the “whole malepopulation of Komodo” (Verheijen 1982: 5-13; Hitchcock 1993: 309). According to Verheijen,sago (mbutaq) obtained from the sowang or gebang palm (Corypha utan) constitutes thestaple food source for the islanders. Verheijen identifies extensive groves of sowang (in theKomodo language) at eight different localities around the island (1982: 10). Sago meal22 In the Komodo language, ina is the kin term applied to mother, mother’s sister and father’s brother’swife (Needham 1986: 60).26