<strong>Left</strong>ist <strong>Foreign</strong> <strong>Policy</strong> Def<strong>in</strong>ed<strong>The</strong> basic features <strong>of</strong> a so-called leftist foreign policy need to be clarified, s<strong>in</strong>ce<strong>the</strong> conceptions <strong>of</strong> “left” and “extreme left” had different def<strong>in</strong>itions under differentpolitical circumstances. In <strong>the</strong> Cold War era, some seem<strong>in</strong>gly radical policies may nothave shared <strong>the</strong> same orig<strong>in</strong>, while some so-called moderate policies may notnecessarily have stemmed from pragmatic deliberations. In Ch<strong>in</strong>ese politics, to put itsimply, a leftist policy means one that pursues goals that are ahead <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir time orhigher than realistically possible. When extended to <strong>the</strong> doma<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> foreign policy, leftor extreme left policy has four basic characteristics.First, on <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical dimension, leftist policy holds a dogmatic attitude toward<strong>the</strong> traditional doctr<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> time. It refuses to make a concrete analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>cont<strong>in</strong>uously chang<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>ternational political situation. It simply asserts that <strong>the</strong> worldis “<strong>in</strong> a time <strong>in</strong> which capitalism and imperialism are mov<strong>in</strong>g toward destruction, andsocialism and communism are strid<strong>in</strong>g toward victory,” and <strong>the</strong>refore denies <strong>the</strong>existence and mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> detente <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternational situations, and does not acknowledge<strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g peace over <strong>the</strong> long term. 3Second, leftist policy exaggerates Ch<strong>in</strong>a’s position and <strong>in</strong>fluence <strong>in</strong> world politics.A manifestation <strong>of</strong> this is <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> “Ch<strong>in</strong>a as a center <strong>of</strong> revolution,” whichproclaims Ch<strong>in</strong>a as “<strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> world contradictions and <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> worldrevolutionary storm,” and argues that <strong>the</strong> direction Ch<strong>in</strong>a takes is “an issue thatconcerns <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world proletarian revolution,” “a matter <strong>of</strong> paramountimportance concern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world revolution,” and so on. 4 <strong>The</strong> “Ch<strong>in</strong>a as acenter <strong>of</strong> revolution” <strong>the</strong>ory reflected <strong>the</strong> strategic th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese leaders on <strong>the</strong>important issues <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a’s position and <strong>in</strong>fluence <strong>in</strong> world politics. From a deeperperspective, it more or less <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>the</strong> “Ch<strong>in</strong>a at <strong>the</strong> Center” view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong>3 L<strong>in</strong> Biao, “Renm<strong>in</strong> zhanzheng shengli wansui” (Long Live <strong>the</strong> Victory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> People’s War), <strong>The</strong> People’s Daily, 3September 1965; L<strong>in</strong> Biao, “Zai shoudu renm<strong>in</strong> j<strong>in</strong>ian shiyue gem<strong>in</strong>g wushi zhounian dahui shang de jianghua”(<strong>The</strong> Speech at <strong>the</strong> Convention <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> People <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Capital Commemorat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Fiftieth Anniversary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> OctoberRevolution), 7 November 1967; L<strong>in</strong> Biao, “Zou shehui zhuyi daolu, haishi zou ziben zhuyi daolu?” (To Take <strong>the</strong>Road <strong>of</strong> Socialism, or to Take <strong>the</strong> Road <strong>of</strong> Capitalism?), <strong>The</strong> People’s Daily, 15 August 1967.4 “Renm<strong>in</strong> zhanzheng shengli wansui” (Long Live <strong>the</strong> Victory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> People’s War); “Zou shehui zhuyi daolu, haishizou ziben zhuyi daolu?” (To Take <strong>the</strong> Road <strong>of</strong> Socialism, or to Take <strong>the</strong> Road <strong>of</strong> Capitalism?); “Zhongguogongchandang zhongyang weiyuanhui tongzhi” (<strong>The</strong> Notice <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Central Committee <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Communist Party <strong>of</strong>Ch<strong>in</strong>a), <strong>The</strong> People’s Daily, 17 May 1966.2
Ch<strong>in</strong>a.Third, leftist policy places so-called proletarian <strong>in</strong>ternationalism <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> supremeposition, deny<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> paramount status <strong>of</strong> national <strong>in</strong>terests <strong>in</strong> mak<strong>in</strong>g andimplement<strong>in</strong>g foreign policies. For <strong>in</strong>stance, “<strong>The</strong> Bullet<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Eleventh PlenarySession <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Eighth Party Congress <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Communist Party <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a” (Zhonggongzhongyang bajie shiyizhong quanhui gongbao) declared “proletarian <strong>in</strong>ternationalism”to be “<strong>the</strong> highest guid<strong>in</strong>g pr<strong>in</strong>ciple” <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese foreign policy. 5Fourth, <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> specifics, leftist policy calls for struggl<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>st imperialism,revisionism, and anti-revolutionists, and adopts strategies such as “strik<strong>in</strong>g enemieswith two fists,” (liang ge quan tou da ren) and “attack<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> all directions” (si mian chuji). S<strong>in</strong>ce o<strong>the</strong>rs have studied this aspect <strong>of</strong> leftist policy, it will not be fur<strong>the</strong>r discussed<strong>in</strong> this paper. 6Tak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>se four characteristics as criteria, we can conclude that extreme leftistforeign policy took shape roughly before <strong>the</strong> outbreak <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cultural Revolution. Tobe more specific, <strong>the</strong> Eleventh Plenary Session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Eighth Party Congress <strong>in</strong>September 1956 marked <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> this policy.<strong>The</strong> Turmoil <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese <strong>Foreign</strong> <strong>Policy</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Late 1950sTo understand <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> an extreme leftist policy, wemust first exam<strong>in</strong>e <strong>the</strong> basic contours <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese foreign policy before <strong>1962</strong>. After <strong>the</strong>People’s Republic <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a [PRC] adopted <strong>the</strong> “Five Peaceful Co-existencePr<strong>in</strong>ciples” <strong>in</strong> 1954, Ch<strong>in</strong>ese foreign policy entered a period <strong>of</strong> smooth development.Prior to <strong>the</strong> Eighth Party Congress, Beij<strong>in</strong>g def<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> direction <strong>of</strong> its foreign policy as“to strive for <strong>the</strong> endur<strong>in</strong>g peace <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world.” Whatever analysis this policy wasbased on, Ch<strong>in</strong>ese leaders explicitly asserted that “[s<strong>in</strong>ce] <strong>the</strong> world situation ismov<strong>in</strong>g toward detente, it has become possible to achieve endur<strong>in</strong>g peace <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>5 “Zhongguo gongchandang bajie zhongyang weiyuanhui di shiyi ci quanti huiyi gongbao” (<strong>The</strong> Bullet<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>Eleventh Plenary Session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Eighth Central Committee <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Communist Party <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a), August 14, 1966, <strong>The</strong>People’s Daily.6 See, e.g., Yang Changfu, ed. Dangdai Zhongguo waijiao (<strong>The</strong> Contemporary Diplomacy <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a) (Beij<strong>in</strong>g:Zhongguo q<strong>in</strong>gnian, 2002): 224-261.3