Law & Politics Book ReviewSponsored by <strong>the</strong> Law and Courts Section of <strong>the</strong> American Political Science AssociationEVOLUTION, CREATIONISM, AND THE BATTLE TO CONTROLAMERICA’S CLASSROOMSby Michael Berkman and Eric Plutzer. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2010.304pp. Hardback. $85.00/£50.00. ISBN: 9780521190466. Paperback. $27.99/£17.99. ISBN:9780521148863. Adobe eBook. $22.00. ISBN: 9780511922251.pp. 584‐590Reviewed by Michal Paris, Political Science, The College of Staten Island (CUNY). Email:Michael.Paris [at] csi.cuny.edu.“No scientific generalization is more strongly supported by thoroughly tested [evidence] than is that oforganic evolution.” So said a resolution of <strong>the</strong> American Association for <strong>the</strong> Advancement of Science <strong>in</strong><strong>the</strong> year 1922. Yet, as is well known, shortly <strong>the</strong>reafter, <strong>in</strong> 1925, <strong>the</strong>re followed <strong>the</strong> Scopes Monkey Trial.For decades after that, communities across America banished evolution from high school biologyclassrooms. Susan Epperson’s successful establishment clause challenge to an Arkansas law that made itunlawful to teach Darw<strong>in</strong>ian evolution did not end <strong>the</strong> controversy <strong>in</strong> 1968. Nor did Don Aguillard’ssuccessful attack on a Louisiana law that required “balanced treatment” for “creation science” and“evolution” end it <strong>in</strong> 1987. Still, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1990’s, <strong>the</strong> national guardians of modern science <strong>in</strong> publiceducation – for example, <strong>the</strong> National Academy of Science’s National Research Council – might havereasonably thought that <strong>the</strong>y were pound<strong>in</strong>g nails <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> coff<strong>in</strong> when <strong>the</strong>y po<strong>in</strong>tedly argued that <strong>the</strong>scientific case for evolution had grown stronger by <strong>the</strong> decade, and that evolution was scientific fact,pure and simple, and not merely a hunch, an idea, or even “a <strong>the</strong>ory” (Berkman and Plutzer, pp.14‐15;99‐101; 145). But anti‐evolutionism <strong>in</strong> America is like <strong>the</strong> wounded soldier who suffers defeat only toreturn to <strong>the</strong> fight with enhanced ardor (p.98, <strong>in</strong>ternal citation omitted). And so “scientific creationism”soon morphed <strong>in</strong>to “<strong>in</strong>telligent design,” and controversies over evolution and state education standardserupted aga<strong>in</strong>, most notably <strong>in</strong> Kansas and Florida. In Dover, Pennsylvania <strong>in</strong> 2004, <strong>the</strong>re were echoes<strong>the</strong> Scopes Monkey Trial when <strong>the</strong> compet<strong>in</strong>g sides faced off <strong>in</strong> federal court <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kitzmiller case. Aconservative judge nom<strong>in</strong>ated by George W. Bush dealt <strong>the</strong> anti‐evolutionists yet ano<strong>the</strong>r st<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g legaldefeat.Why is <strong>the</strong>re an ongo<strong>in</strong>g political controversy when, accord<strong>in</strong>g to an overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g scientific consensusbased on overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g empirical evidence, <strong>the</strong>re should be no controversy? What expla<strong>in</strong>s “<strong>the</strong>amaz<strong>in</strong>g durability of this conflict on <strong>the</strong> American scene” (p.3)? In this book, Berkman and Plutzer setout to unpack this puzzle and illum<strong>in</strong>ate its multiple strands. They succeed. This is a very f<strong>in</strong>e and nicelycrafted book. It will be impossible here to do justice to <strong>the</strong> authors’ social scientific creativity andnuanced argument.Most readers will approach <strong>the</strong> creationism/evolution controversy with <strong>the</strong> sense that this is onePage 34 of 154
<strong>in</strong>stance of what [*585] Laurence Tribe once said about <strong>the</strong> abortion issue: What we have here is a“clash of absolutes” that is <strong>in</strong> large measure impervious to reason and evidence. The secular andscientific consensus on evolution threatens <strong>the</strong> deeply held religious values of large numbers of people.After that, <strong>the</strong>re really isn’t all that much to say.Although <strong>the</strong>re is some truth to this common wisdom, Berkman and Plutzer show, <strong>the</strong> story ofevolutionary biology <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> classroom is far more complicated and <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g. The authors’ contributionbeg<strong>in</strong>s, as does much good social science, with some simple, important, and neglected questions: Whoshould decide what children learn <strong>in</strong> public schools? Who decides now? How are policies on teach<strong>in</strong>gevolution made <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> fifty states? How are <strong>the</strong>y actually implemented (made?) at <strong>the</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t of contact<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> classroom? Why do teach<strong>in</strong>g practices take <strong>the</strong> shape and form that <strong>the</strong>y do? To address <strong>the</strong>sequestions, <strong>the</strong> authors take us on a journey through America’s honeycombed system of educationalpolitics and policymak<strong>in</strong>g. We encounter some surpris<strong>in</strong>g facts, which <strong>in</strong> turn call for explanation, which<strong>in</strong> turn give rise to new questions, which <strong>in</strong> turn give rise to <strong>the</strong> need to dig out more facts. The heart ofthis book consists of results from a nationwide, six‐page survey of 926 high school biology teachersconducted <strong>in</strong> 2007.Berkman and Plutzer focus on first response to <strong>the</strong> question “who should decide?” The democraticanswer is that <strong>the</strong> people should govern. Faith <strong>in</strong> democracy f<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>in</strong>stitutional reflection <strong>in</strong> traditions offederalism and local control <strong>in</strong> education. In a constitutional democracy, however, <strong>the</strong> people oftendon’t rule unproblematically, or without limit. When it comes to teach<strong>in</strong>g evolution, democracycompetes with roughly three o<strong>the</strong>r important sources of authority: (1) law and courts, (2) science and<strong>the</strong> views of policy experts, and (3) ideas about <strong>the</strong> professionalism and autonomy of teachers.Chapter 1 offers a brief legal and policy history of <strong>the</strong> evolution conflict, tak<strong>in</strong>g us from Scopes toKitzmiller. Law and courts scholars have often remarked that <strong>the</strong> implementation of judicial decisions isgenerally easier when a court says “stop do<strong>in</strong>g x,” as opposed to “do x.” The creationism decisions bearthis out. There is a constitutional boundary here. States cannot ban evolution or allow “creationscience” or “<strong>in</strong>telligent design” (ID) to be taught. Lawmakers <strong>in</strong> state capitals respect this boundary, giveor take a few momentary lapses, as do teachers <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> nation’s classrooms, give or take a few outliers.At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong> authors rem<strong>in</strong>d us, <strong>the</strong> boundary has ano<strong>the</strong>r, “permissive” side. The spacenarrowed by <strong>the</strong> law “still provides significant room” for a wide range of policies and practices (p.25). Do<strong>the</strong> people govern with<strong>in</strong> this permissive zone?In Chapter 2, Berkman and Plutzer turn to public op<strong>in</strong>ion on teach<strong>in</strong>g creationism and evolution. Somemight f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>the</strong>se facts surpris<strong>in</strong>g, or even jarr<strong>in</strong>g. After canvass<strong>in</strong>g (and <strong>in</strong> some cases reanalyz<strong>in</strong>g) allrelevant polls and surveys over <strong>the</strong> past three decades, <strong>the</strong> authors conclude that a substantial majorityof Americans endorse teach<strong>in</strong>g both creationism and evolution. Indeed, five adm<strong>in</strong>istrations of onesurvey s<strong>in</strong>ce 1999 reveal that 38% of Americans say [*586] <strong>the</strong>y would like “to replace scientificdiscussions of human orig<strong>in</strong>s with biblically <strong>in</strong>spired alternatives” (p. 36). Poll results consistently showthat teach<strong>in</strong>g evolution only (which is, after all, <strong>the</strong> official policy <strong>in</strong> all fifty states) comes <strong>in</strong> a distantthird place to teach<strong>in</strong>g both evolution and creationism or teach<strong>in</strong>g creationism only. Teach<strong>in</strong>g evolutiononly received as low as 12% support, and never came <strong>in</strong> at higher than 35% (pp.36‐39). These op<strong>in</strong>ions,<strong>the</strong> authors argue, have little to do with “irrationality” or “ignorance.” Support for creationism is rational<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> m<strong>in</strong>imal sense that it flows readily and coherently from broader belief systems. Even among <strong>the</strong>“scientifically literate,” public op<strong>in</strong>ion still overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g favors teach<strong>in</strong>g both (pp.49; 75‐79). After thisnational overview, one might th<strong>in</strong>k that when it comes to teach<strong>in</strong>g evolution <strong>the</strong>re is a very large gapbetween public op<strong>in</strong>ion (<strong>the</strong> democratic will, if one likes) and public policy. But that view would bePage 35 of 154
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