60222 "By definition, a written signature impliesthe actual or empirical non-presence of thesigner. But, it will be said, it also marks andretains his having-been present in a pastnow, which will remain a future now, andtherefore in a now in general, in thetranscendental form of nowness (maintenance).This general maintenance issomehow inscribed, stapled to presentpunctuality, always evident and alwayssingular, in the form of the signature."Jacques Derrida "Signature event context,"Margins of philosophy (Chicago, Ill.:Universiry of Chicago Press, 1982), p.328.223 Eliasberg, "Les signatures en formed'oiseau dans les manuscrits chinois deTouen-houang," p.39.LEWIS MAYOAs a 'pure' mark of power-as opposed to a 'living' bird which in somesense exists outside the political field and must be brought within it-the birdsignature seems completely obedient to the demands of authority. But it ispart of a continuum of relationships between birds and the ceremonial andornamental practices which are part and parcel of the relations of control overobjects, lives and spaces which constitute a political geography. Theconstruction of that political geography is inseparable from a transmission ofauthorized writing; signing acts are fundamental to the constitution ofgoverned space.Signature is an act which asserts its own presence, its own "nowness"(maintenance in French) 222 This attempt to create a permanent presence,and an acknowledgement of the absence of the signing power from the dayto-daygoverning acts which it supervises, is essential to the maintenance ofpower. It is a sign that authority is maintained-held in the hand (main tenirin French)-like the pen with which it makes the sign of the bird, or the hawkgrasped in the ruling fist. The supervisory power is a detached presence: itwas not present when the act of disbursement of the firewood was made, andit will not be present when the monk is travelling outside the oasis. Like allsignatures, it implicitly acknowledges its own absence (whether from the actof parcelling out bundles of tamarisk branches recorded in the reportsubmitted for approval-performed in the past-or from the journey acrossland which will occur in the future). But by signing, the authorising powerasserts that it is present, that it has been present and will be present.The right to use an abbreviated sign such as this is a privilege of power,which no longer needs a name, but can display itself with the depiction ofa bird, instantly recognizable.223 The ornamental ceremonial mark of the birdsignature denotes the intersection of symbolic and material power, not onlyin the construction of avian lives by social structures, but in the productionof the forms of spatial domination that constitute political geography. Birdsare historically embedded in the relations that exist between ruling hands andthe territories and lives they rule, especially through the ceremonial relationswhich join spaces and people together. An avian signature may seem to bea bird only in the most abstract and symbolic way. But this mark is not simplyarbitrary: it belongs to a continuum of spatial and political relationshipswhich, taken together, map out a history of Guiyi jun birds and theirengagement with the hand of power.Birds and Imperial Rule in Medieval EurasiaIn the lands surrounding the Guiyi jun, political conflicts continued tounfold around the bodies of birds through the tenth century and beyond. Asnoted, a white falcon was presented in 933 by the Ganzhou Uyghurs to theemperor Mingzong of the Latter Tang, a dynasty founded by Shatuo 19>Wt;Turks. The bird was set free, an action designated with one of the most potent
BIRDS AND THE HAND OF POWER61political verbs in modern Chinese discourse: Jiefang fIifftx, to liberate. Ratherthan serving as a permanent representative of the Uyghurs at Mingzong'scourt, a living bridge between two polities of Turkic background, the falconis the object of a strategy of sovereignty which stresses the emperor'sdisengagement from the world of hunting and from the claims made by thepeoples to the west of Latter Tang territory. The release of the falcon conformswith earlier public renunciations of hunting by Mingzong and officialdecrees against the submission of gifts of falcons and hawks that simultaneouslyinvoked a rhetoric of care for the moral foundations of the state224 and soughtto erect and maintain boundaries between the Latter Tang and those on itswestern and northern frontiers. Four years earlier, the Tanguts of the Ordoshad also defied the ban on the submission of hunting birds and had sent awhite goshawk (a tuyghun) to Mingzong. His senior minister, An Zhonghui.m, known for his rivalries with those who displayed affinities with theInner <strong>Asian</strong> cultural and political realm,225 informed the sovereign that thebird had been sent back. Mingzong formally assented to this, but is reportedto have surreptitiously ordered his retainers to fetch the bird and to have goneout to sport with it, instructing his officials not to let An find out. 226As the object of this furtive pleasure, the white goshawk is at the centreof a charged political field, infused with the energies of competing projectsand agendas. The bird is not something to which Mingzong is indifferent. Hispublic rejection of the goshawk and falcon is part of the broader attempt toregulate parties of Uyghur, Tangut and Tuyuhun who brought their sheepand horses into Latter Tang territory with complete indifference to governmentattempts to dictate the terms of their entry.227 The struggle over these whitebirds involves competition between the Latter Tang, Uyghurs and Tanguts toorganise the field of political exchange. This is not reducible to a clashbetween "Chinese" and "Central <strong>Asian</strong>" politics, in which Mingzong can beportrayed as caught between public adherence to the world of grain andbureaucrats and the private temptations of an ancestral Turkic huntingculture. Rather, Mingzong's public refusal of these gifts of distinguished birds,gifts which had the potential to augment his own political distinction, assertsauthority over the political field as a whole by decreeing what will and willnot be the domain of engagement. Such an act conforms with a situation inwhich sovereignties are far from unequivocal, something registered in theintensity of violent and non-violent exchanges between the various centresof power in North China, the Ordos and the Gansu corridor at this time. Itis far from coincidental that the Uyghur falcon arrived in Mingzong's capitalin the same year as a delegation from Liangzhou made up of the descendantsof the troops sent by Yizong from central China to block the eastwardadvance of Zhang Yichao in the 860s, 228 or that it was given in the wake of224 Mingzong is reported as explaining thebanning of tribute in hunting birds as theresult of watching hunters trample cropsIstanding in the field in pursuit of theirquarrywhen he was young. See Zizhi tongjian,juan 277, pp.9061-2.225 An was said to dislike Kang Fu m, theprefect of Cizhou CliZHI'1. modern Cixianl!!.g. in Hebei province), for speaking in anInner <strong>Asian</strong> language to Mingzong in privateaudiences. See Zizhi tongjian, juan 276,p.9033. James Hamilton discusses Kang Fuin footnote 2 on p.105 of Les Ouighours a!'epoque des Cinq Dynasties. The languageis referred to as huyu M -rg which meansgenerically Inner <strong>Asian</strong> or 'Barbarian' speech;it is probably Turkic but could possibly beSogdian, Sogdians having strong links withTurkic peoples at this time. Many people ofSogdian background had the surname Kang.An was also a common name amongst thosewith a Sogdian inheritance. On the linkagebetween Kang and An and Sogdiana, seeTongdian, juan 193, p.1039.226 See the biography of An Zhonghui inXin Wudai shi, juan 24, p.252. In anotherversion of the same incident, An Zhonghuiinforms the emperor that "Xiazhou 1'1'[the key Tangut centre in the Ordos] hasviolated an imperial order and sent in tribute;your servant has put a stop to it," to whichMingzong replies, "Good." Then, when thecourt audience has ended, the emperorsecretly orelers those around him to bringthe bird back. See Jiu Wudai shi, juan 40,p.555. A French translation of the story isgiven by James Hamilton (who gives thedate of 24 November 929 for this event) inLes Ouighours a I 'epoque des Cinq Dynasties,p.lOS. Hamilton translates the words whichI have given as "put a stop to it" as "brokenoff the treaty": both readings are plausible.He also translates the bird as "eagle."Wittfogel anel Feng translate ying as 'eagle'in their The history of Chinese society: Liao,e.g. p.236.227 See Wudai huiyao, juan 29, pp.462-3.French translation by James Hamilton, LesOuighours a L'epoque des Cinq Dynasties,p.107. See also Xin Wudai shi, juan 74,p.912, Jiu Wudai shi, juan 40, p.549. Seealso Ruth Dunnel, "The Hsi Hsia," in HerbertFranke anel Denis Twitchett, eels, TheCamhridge history of China, vo1.6, p.165,anel the French translation of the passage inthe Xin Wudai shi by James Hamilton in LesOuighours a !'epoque des Cinq Dynasties,p.105.228 See Xin Wudai shi, juan 74, p.914.