Americans, who believed the Second World War hadbeen fought to change the international system forever,to transcend the past and abolish the bad old world of"power politics." In the shadow of the frightful newpower of the atomic bomb, creating this new age wasseen as vital to survival. <strong>Churchill</strong>'s now famous addressthus was greeted with far more criticism thanpraise.FULTON +50Background and Response to the Fulton Address<strong>Churchill</strong> spoke in a climate of increasingly anxiousUS-Soviet relations, as the US was taking early stepsaway from the late President Roosevelt's accommodationistpolicy toward Soviet Russia, which his successorhad generally continued, in the direction of a more confrontationalpolicy. Stalin's "Election" speech of 9 February1946 had created concern in Washington and Above: <strong>Churchill</strong> delivers his speech, 5 March 1946.London with its emphasis on the opposition between socialismand capitalism, whose internal contradictions,Below: The Daily Worker reacts, 6 March 1946.he said, had precipitated the war and threatened to setoff another. On 15 February, news of a Russian atomicspy ring in Canada became public with the detention of* Have a cigar while I tell yoou>bat a Power for Peace ourtwenty-two persons suspected of espionage. (It had beenUnion would be..."known to the government since September.) Though itwas not public, George Kennan's now famous LongTelegram had been sent to the State Department on 22February and was receiving wide circulation in the government,especially at the behest of Navy SecretaryForrestal. President Truman was among its readers.(Kennan later described the reaction as "nothing lessthan sensational.") 1The first meeting of the UN General Assembly hadrecently ended in London. Secretary of State Byrnes,who had headed the US delegation and was under pressurefor being too soft on the Russians, gave a speech on28 February to the Overseas Press Club at the WaldorfAstoria which signaled a more robust US attitude. In The day before Byrnes spoke, Senator Vandenberg, aan obvious allusion to Russia's refusal to withdraw its Byrnes critic, asked in a Senate speech, "What is Russiatroops from Iran in violation of a wartime agreement up to now?" He, too, urged a stronger US stand but, likeand its role in setting up an autonomous regime in Byrnes, stressed working for peace through the UnitedAzerbaijan, he warned, '". . . we cannot overlook a unilateralgnawing away at the status quo [nor] allow ag-New York Times of 3 March, 1946 headlined its analy-Nations. 3 "The Week in Review" section of the Sundaygression to be accomplished by coercion or pressure or sis, "Is Our Policy Changing?" and James B. Reston'sby subterfuge such as political infiltration." Without article was titled, "Have We a New Foreign Policy? Capitalasks."naming names, he bluntly criticized the occupation ofIran and confiscation of industrial equipment in EasternEurope and Manchuria. A week later, on the day of<strong>Churchill</strong>'s speech, the State Department made public I n retrospect, it appears Truman was allowingits dispatch of two notes to Moscow protesting Russian <strong>Churchill</strong> to encapsulate events and crystallize opinionactions in Iran and Manchuria.on behalf of a new policy that was already taking effect.4 <strong>Churchill</strong> had discussed his speech with TrumanBut Byrnes did not wish to sound too tough. He reassertedRoosevelt's policy, emphasizing the importance at a White House meeting the evening of 10 Februaryof maintaining the "unity of all great powers" and preventing"exclusive blocs or spheres of influence." "We vana, who forwarded his account directly to Truman),(and earlier on 7 February with the US minister in Ha-must live by the Charter," he insisted. "That is the only and also with Byrnes and Bernard Baruch in Floridaroad to peace." 2 on 17 February. (Truman also saw the speech on theFINEST HOUR 89/30
FULTON +50train journey to Missouri, and Byrnes read it in full beforetheir departure.) 5But <strong>Churchill</strong>'s harsh and somber tone, and thebreadth and detail with which he made his case — thefirst strong criticisms of Russia by a Western leadersince the Nazi invasion of Russia in June 1941 —brought down on him a torrent of controversy. (Actually,it brought him back to the stage he had known allof his career except for the war years.) Senators Pepper(D-FL), Kilgore (D-W.V.) and Taylor (D-Id.), issued ajoint statement: "Mr. <strong>Churchill</strong>'s proposal would cut thethroat of the United Nations Organization." They describedit as "shocking." 6 Representative Savage (D-Wa.)declared that "this is an entirely different world than itwas before the war" and complained that <strong>Churchill</strong> was"asking for power politics to start lining up again." Russia'sactions were only guarding her security, he argued.7 Representative Patterson (D-Ca.) said <strong>Churchill</strong>was asking "that we should revert to the reactionaryand self-destructive ... old idea of balancing of onepower or one group of powers against another group. . .Blocs of powers against powers in this atomic age canonly bring world war and total destruction to thehuman race." 8_»_ earl Buck, a Nobel Laureate, called <strong>Churchill</strong>'s visita "catastrophe." George Bernard Shaw told a Reuterscorrespondent that <strong>Churchill</strong>'s speech was "nothingshort of a declaration of war on Russia" and that<strong>Churchill</strong> was proposing a "recrudescence of the old balanceof power policy . . . with a view to a future war." 9Marquis Childs wrote in the Washington Post that thespeech "overlooks a vital truth, [t]hat ... you cannotfight the 'Communist menace' by armed alliances."Rather the world needed to address the root economicand social causes of popular discontent. 10 In the Houseof Commons, 105 Labour MPs introduced a motion condemningthe speech and affirming the view "that worldpeace and security can be maintained, not by sectionalalliances, but by progressively strengthening the powerand authority of U.N.O. to the point where it becomescapable of exercising ... the functions of a world government."11„ _Time reported that a majority of Congress was"cold" and that US newspapers "generally viewed withdistaste and alarm the kind of military marriage proposedby <strong>Churchill</strong>." 12 Newsweek reported that Britishnewspapers "generally took the line that <strong>Churchill</strong> hadgone too far both in criticism of Russia and in proposinga virtual British-American alliance." 13Leading liberal newspapers and magazines attacked<strong>Churchill</strong> for relying on the old power politics, endangeringthe UN and wrongly placing the blame on Russia.The Chicago Sun denounced <strong>Churchill</strong> s poisonousdoctrines "" Norman Cousins wrote in the Saturday Reviewthat "Russian unilateralism today is not the disease;it is a product of the disease." The danger "is thecenturies-old problem of competitive national sovereignties. . . , the race for security, each nation decidingfor itself what is necessary for its own security . . . ."This leads to military bases, spheres of influence, alliancesand the arms race, all of which in the past hadled to war. The only hope, he concluded, mindful of theatomic bomb, "is real world organization, meaningworld law. . . ," 15 The New Republic proclaimed, "Securityis found in the hatred of all peoples for war, and thedemand of all peoples that all issues between nations beresolved through the U.N.O. . . . One standard must beraised now ... — 'Stand by the Charter.'" 16These words, although hyperbolic, were not entirelydissimilar to wartime statements by President Rooseveltand others, who offered the promise that victorywould usher in an era in which cooperation replaced thedemands of power. Wilsonian rhetoric was still the rulein their public pronouncements; it was, Roosevelt believed,the best way to keep the country united againstthe Axis enemy.T,hus, in an address to a joint session of Congress followingthe Moscow Foreign Ministers' Conference inNovember 1943, Secretary of State Hull (still a trueblue Wilsonian), said that once the new internationalorganization began, "there will no longer be need forspheres of influence, for alliances, for balance of power,or any other of the special arrangements throughwhich, in the unhappy past, the nations strove to safeguardtheir security or to promote their interest." TheCongressmen applauded wildly. 17 Roosevelt was certainlymore mindful of power considerations than Hulland very concerned to avoid the errors of President Wilson— the Security Council was based on his view thatthe Great Powers had to secure the peace; nevertheless,near the end of his Congressional address on the Yaltaagreement he felt compelled to say:"[Yalta] ought to spell the end of the system of unilateralaction, the exclusive alliances, the spheres of influence, thebalances of power, and all the other expedients that have beentried for centuries — and have always failed." 18For Americans reared in an idealistic tradition, theUN had all the answers: for Eastern Europe, Iran,Turkey and control of the atomic bomb. <strong>Churchill</strong>'s liberalcritics now saw the Roosevelt policy of one worldembodied in the UN breaking up into a confrontation oftwo blocs.For their part, conservative critics were more concernedwith <strong>Churchill</strong>'s proposal of a peacetime Anglo-American alliance than with his attacks on Russian policy.Senator Taft (R-Ohio) agreed with much of<strong>Churchill</strong>'s criticism of Russia, but stated, "it would beFINEST HOUR 89/31