Adapting to a new life in Canada: an ethnography of ... - Sympatico

Adapting to a new life in Canada:an ethnography of Japaneseimmigrants in TorontoDoctoral thesis proposalby Glenn GiffenSecond Language EducationCurriculumOntario Institute for Studies in Educationof the University of Toronto

2Table of ContentsIntroduction and Research Question 3Literature Review 4Canadian Research 5American and other English Research 13Early research on immigrant assimilation 13Biculturalism, situational ethnicity and non-linear assimilation 15The Model Minority Debate and Entrepreneurship 17Japanese Research 25A short history of Japanese immigrants to Canada 27The current state of the Shin-Issei in Canada and Toronto 38Toronto as a context for immigrant incorporation 46Methodology 47Selecting participants 48Data Collection/Generation 49Transcription and Translation 51Analysis 52Timetable 52Appendices 53References 61

3Introduction and Research QuestionHundreds of thousands of people immigrate to Canada each year.Increasingly since the 1960's, immigrants have come from Asia and other areasoutside Europe. As North American society becomes more culturally diverse,sociologists and anthropologists have started researching immigration more, but stillrelatively little work focuses on the experience from the point of view of theimmigrants themselves. In a 1994 survey of the ethnographic literature in Canada,Canadian anthropologists Norman Buchignani and Paul Letkemann noted that:"ethnographic research on individual-level ethnic relations has notincreased since the 1970’s. This is one of the most significant gaps in theliterature, as ultimately groups do not 'acculturate,' 'assimilate,' 'adapt,' or'form relations with others.' Individual people do, yet we lack basicinformation about the nature of such relations. By extension, we knowlittle about how ethnic individuals are tied into Canadian society,economics, culture and polity at the most basic level of their own directexperience with their neighbours and workmates" (1994:217).American sociologist Herbert Gans (1999) has likewise suggested that"knowledge about the immigrants themselves" constitutes a major hole in theAmerican literature. American anthropologist Caroline Brettell has also argued for afocus on individual migration stories in order to gain a better understanding of howthe process of immigration “looks from the inside out and from the ground up”(2003:43). One of the traditional strengths of ethnography has been this ability toprovide something of a feel for the texture of individual lives and the relations withinand between groups. In this thesis, I would like to look at one such group, recentJapanese immigrants to Canada, to try to understand how they cope with their newsituation and how Canadian communities welcome these new arrivals.The main focus of this thesis will be on trying to gain an understanding of thelives and experiences of the Shin-Issei, the "new first generation" of immigrantsfrom Japan who have arrived in growing numbers since the mid 1960's. In theUnited States, a fair bit has been written in a general way on the greater diversity ofthe new post-1965 wave of immigration (Portes and Rumbaut 1996). With regard tothe Japanese, in both the U.S. and Canada, many historians have dealt with the

4experiences of the Issei, the first generation of whom arrived mainly between 1877and 1928, and their progeny, the second generation Nisei and third generationSansei, particularly in relation to their internment during the second world war (forCanada, see Adachi 1976, and for the U.S. see Spickard 1996). Yet, relatively littlehas been written about the more recent wave. Are they finding jobs and settling in?Are they satisfied with their lives? If not, what do they see as the source of theirdifficulties? What kind of adjustments have they made to their ways of doingthings? What practices have they carried over from their earlier lives in Japan? Dothey feel that they are being discriminated against? How does their view of theirown adjustment and the receptiveness of Canadian society affect their decision tostay or leave? These are key questions for any immigrant community, and theanswers will shed some light on how people to adapt to a new environment andwhat local residents can do to facilitate this process.Literature reviewLike many other areas of contemporary interest, research into the Japaneseimmigrant experience is not concentrated in a single academic discipline, but spreadout over a wide range of fields, most notably sociology, anthropology, history, AsianAmerican studies, sociolinguistics, second language education, geography and socialpsychology. There is some recognition that a multidisciplinary approach might offerthe richest picture of migration (e.g. Foner et al 2000), but efforts in this directionhave been fairly tentative so far. In this review, I would like to touch on work fromall of these fields, while placing my central focus on research that examines the livesand experiences of the immigrants themselves. My own research will be based inToronto, Canada, but in this review I would also like to explore research on similartopics in the United States and Japan, to the extent that this seems relevant.Canadian ResearchIn the late nineteenth century, Canadian politicians in the course of theirduties would often comment on the suitability of different types of immigrants(Knowles 1997, Kelley/Trebilcock 1998), but before the establishment of sociologyprograms, immigration seems to have attracted relatively little academic interest.By 1909, James Shaver Woodsworth, a Methodist minister who later became one of

6St. Jean Baptiste or Jewish organizations, played an important role in helpingimmigrants to find jobs and housing, and settle into their new communities(Dawson/Gettys 1929: 550-2). A number of Dawson's students wrote on immigrantgroups in Montreal in the 1930's, focusing attention on how the depression hadthrown both immigrants and native-born Canadians out of work, meaning thatassimilation could no longer be judged simply in terms of work success (Shore1987:240-60). The future of ethnographic research on immigrants looked bright,but then in 1939, World War II broke out, the many graduates of Dawson's programwere scattered, and the program shifted focus.Between the wars there was also some research being carried out on the westcoast. What was later to be dubbed the model minority debate first flared up in thefield of education in B.C. The 1925 British Columbia school survey claimed that"[t]he Japanese in B.C. are probably the most intelligent of all racial groups whichmake up the total Canadian population" (Putnam/Weir 1925:251-2, Ashworth 1979:91-133). A few years later, school principal J. E. Brown (1928) accepted that theJapanese were "an excellent selection of immigrants," but noted that their testscores tended to be lower than "white" children in subjects such as English andHistory which depended more on facility in English. In his master's thesis at U.B.C.,Rigenda Sumida drew attention to the high rate of attendance of JapaneseCanadians at university, "a noteworthy fact considering the economic status of themajority of their immigrant parents who included four fishermen, two farmers, twogardeners, two coalminers, two tailors and dressmakers, two lumber mill workersand seven confectioners" (1935: 521).Not long after, in 1938, Charles Young and Helen Reid waded in with a fulllength ethnography of immigrants from Japan that formulated many of the key ideasthat have driven later work. Like Dawson and his students in Montreal, Young andReid were concerned about the increasingly strident tone of nativist rhetoric inBritish Columbia calling for the exclusion of the Japanese. They likewise remarkedon the very high level of Nisei enrolment in higher education despite the humblesocial origins of their parents and widespread discrimination in employment. By wayof explanation, they suggested that in B. C. schools, the Nisei were able to establishrelatively harmonious relations with their majority peers and teachers, and it wasonly upon graduation and attempts to enter the labour force that they becameaware of widespread racial discrimination that forced them back into the ethniceconomy to make their living (Young/Reid 1938:132-40).

7Two of the key charges of exlusionists of the time was that the high birth rateof the Japanese immigrants threatened Anglo dominance and that the Japanese"willingness" to accept a lower standard of living was dragging down the wages ofnative-born Anglo workers. In answer to the first charge, Young and Reid noted thata majority of the women in the community were married and in their twenties, so itwas hardly surprising so many children were being born.As for the tolerance of lower wages, they note that this was hardly a matterof choice given the discrimination that the Japanese immigrants were facing in tryingto secure jobs. B.C laws of the time blocked Asians from jobs in teaching, pharmacy,the professions, the civil service, and lumbering on crown lands. Using Park's ideasof competition leading to conflict, Young and Reid suggest that fishermen andlumber workers formed the basis for the early anti-Asian movement, who instigatedthe Vancouver race riot of 1907. The B.C. government responded by limiting fishinglicenses granted to Japanese and instituting a minimum wage law, in Young andReid's view a measure to drive the Japanese out of the lumbering industry asemployers would have less incentive to hire them if all wages were equal. Then, asthe Japanese immigrants, forced out of these industries, sought refuge in farmingand small business, the working class became more sympathetic. By 1931 theCanadian Trade and Labour Council admitted the Japanese and began to supporttheir campaign for the franchise and equal treatment under the law. However, theirnew rivals, Canadian farmers and shopkeepers, previously indifferent, now began totake up the anti-Asian rhetoric in B.C. that intensified as the depression of the1930's dragged on. As I will describe below, American sociologist Edna Bonacichwas later to take up these ideas with her "split labour market" thesis (Bonacich1972).Like Dawson, Young and Reid believed that assimilation had already to a largeextent taken place, only hindered by white discrimination against the alreadyessentially Canadian second generation. They cited much lower rates ofunemployment, crime and mental disease and higher levels of education forJapanese Canadians compared with Canadians of European backgrounds.Young and Reid shared Dawson's interest in on-site fieldwork and in-depthinterviews. They include short biographical sketches of a cross-section of theirinformants, which give some insight into how assimilation was proceeding. Theysuggest that young immigrants in Vancouver would work as personal servants inmajority homes and this allowed them to learn enough English and save enough

8money to eventually go into business for themselves. In their view, farmers andfishermen had less need for English, and were more likely to send their childrenback to Japan to be educated.Relatively little research seems to have been carried out in Canada duringWorld War II, but University of Toronto anthropologist John Embree and sociologistForrest La Violette were lured away to the U.S., where they joined the WartimeRelocation Authority's Community Analysis Section to study life in the concentrationcamps, Embree serving as its first director. The Community Analysis Section hascome in for a lot of subsequent criticism for serving mainly to help theadministration ferret out the 'disloyal' and ruining people's lives (de Cristoforo 1992,Simpson 2001). American anthropologist Peter Suzuki (1981), one of the childrenimprisoned in the camps, has charged that little research of value emerged despitethe large number of scholars involved. La Violette released a monograph (1948)arguing that the Canadian Issei, and the Nisei in particular, were highlyCanadianized, and thus innocent victims of a blind racist policy. Many years later,the Toronto Star journalist/historian Ken Adachi released histories arguing the sameview (1958, 1976), and starting in the seventies, there have been a number ofhistorical studies linking the racist policies of the prewar period with the internment(Roy 1972, 1989, 2003, Ward 1978, Sunahara 1981). I will touch more on the warand internment in the section below on Japanese Canadian history.After the war, small studies of the Japanese and other ethnic groupscontinued to be released, until in 1964, Canadian sociologist Raymond Bretonreleased his famous paper on the institutional completeness of ethnic groups. UnlikeDawson, who believed that assimilation was inevitable, Breton asserted thatsuccessful integration need not be into the majority community. Ethnic communitiesin Montreal and Toronto had by then become sufficiently developed that newcomerscould choose to associate with their own community or another ethnic community orsome combination of the three. This view was soon to be embraced as acornerstone of Canada's multiculturalism policy, the mosaic to the U.S.'s melting pot.As described here much of the early research on immigrants in Canada wascarried out by anthropolgists and sociologists from a qualitative or ethnographicperspective. However, in 1965, Carleton University sociologist John Porter releasedhis famous study Vertical Mosaic, which had a massive impact on later work. On thepositive side, it was one of the first studies to make a strong case that Canadiansociety was stratified along ethnic lines, leading to much further research on this

9question. Porter, working mainly with data for immigrants from Europe, suggestedthat upon entry they had to undergo an "entrance status," a longish period in a lessskilled job before they would be able to advance to a level more in line with theireducational qualifications.However, Porter's main source of evidence for stratification was the responsesto questions on occupation in the Canadian census, compared against statedethnicity. One of the obvious problems with this approach is the wide-rangingheterogeniety of the categories used. Occupations such as "manager" include boththe executives of large multinational banks as well as those who operate local fruitstands at farmer's markets. Labels such as "visible minority" include rich or poornative born, immigrant or refugee Hong Kong Chinese, Mainland Chinese, EastIndians, Filipinos, Jamaicans, Sri Lankans and Japanese as if there is some commonthread that runs through this diverse collection of disparate groups. Little effort hasbeen exerted to untangle the complex interactions of culture, history and economicresources of even the largest immigrant groups. For better or worse though, thisapproach has taken hold, and now most of the research on immigration in Canadaseems to be based on census response rather than original detailed research(Richmond/Kalbach 1980, Boyd et al 1985, Pineo/Porter 1985,Beaujot/Basavarajappa/Verma 1988, Guppy/Davies 1998, Li 1999,Frenette/Morissette 2003, Galarneau/Morissette 2004). I will examine the claims ofsome of this research in the section below on the current state of the Shin-Issei.York University anthropologist Judith Nagata (1969) was one of the first to doresearch on how immigrants claim different ethnic labels depending on the specificcontext. In her ethnography of Greek immigrants to Toronto, she found that newarrivals would go through a period when both husband and wife found themselvesdevoted entirely to work, and that this seemed to have the effect of forcing them tocome to terms with Canadian norms of behaviour. However, once they becameestablished, and the pressure eased off, they would seek to re-establish contact withthe Greek community, and would act alternately "Greek" or "Canadian" as seemedappropriate in each individual context. 22 Although his work is perhaps less well known, Peter Vasiliadis has examined thesituational selection of identity among Macedonians in Toronto (1989b) and first nationspeoples in Northern Ontario (1989a).

10Perhaps fuelled by the rise of multiculturalism as official government policy,interest in the Japanese Canadians seemed to experience a large upswing in the1970's. Canadian historians Patricia Roy (1972) and Howard Sugimoto (1972)started writing about the history of discrimination against Asians in B.C. and theVancouver anti-Asian riot of 1907. Adachi released his detailed history of the initialperiod of immigration, discrimination in B.C., the wartime internment and thestruggle for redress (1976).Nisei sociologist Koji Victor Ujimoto at the University of Guelph (1976)compared the prewar and postwar Japanese immigrant communities in Vancouver,finding that the latter was much less cohesive. He attributed this in part to thedissatisfaction of the new immigrants with the pidgin Japanese spoken by their Niseiand Sansei (third generation) peers, perhaps reflecting his own struggles with thelanguage.Yoko Ueda (1978), a Shin-Issei student at the Ontario Institute for Studies inEducation(OISE), surveyed the Shin-Issei community in Toronto. She noted thatunlike Nagata's Greek informants, the Shin-Issei did not seem to go through aperiod of narrow concentration on work, but rather quickly set up and participatedactively in Japanese language schools and churches. 3 She found that when theyarrived in Toronto, they would rarely encounter the prewar immigrants or theiroffspring, and that the two groups had little contact. 4 Another phenomenon that shenoted is 'U-turn' immigrants, who come to Canada, go home and then return toCanada. She did find support for Porter's (1965) notion of an entrance status, but,like Richmond and Kalbach (1980), believed that this was temporary and related totheir limited command of English.Ujimoto (1979) reported on his 1972 survey of 100 recent immigrants fromJapan to Vancouver. The largest group were in semi-skilled or service trades,including hairdressers, cosmetologists, waiters, welders, and auto mechanics. Thenext largest group was professionals, but he also found small numbers in managerial,3 Funding for the schools comes from diverse sources: tuition fees, provincialgovernments, local Canadian school boards, local Japanese Canadian parentsassociations and Japanese overseas development organizations like JICA or the JapanFoundation (Suzuki 1997).4 This continues to be a problem today, witness the National Association of JapaneseCanadians' (2002) recent meeting on the topic.

11clerical and skilled manual positions, as well as a small number of farm hands andfishermen, as was more common before the war. He too explored Porter's 'entrancestatus' notion, finding that professionals and managers were the most prone toexperience downward mobility. He attributed this mainly to their limited English,lack of Canadian qualifications, relative lack of experience, and lack of contacts, buthe also saw them as harmed by an over reliance on specifically Japanese culturalnorms that would not seem to apply in Canada. He describes how his informantswould sit quietly through job interviews, fail to make follow up calls because theybelieved that they had already been turned down, rely heavily on older members oftheir group for job introductions rather than knocking on doors cold, and refusing toquit dead-end jobs out of loyalty.Ujimoto is here struggling to capture something of the difference betweenCanadian and Japanese culture. As OISE graduate Ryuko Kubota (1999: 14) argues,recognizing that differences do in fact exist is a valuable first step to understandingthem, but there is the ever-present danger that conceptual oppositions will beestablished between, in this case, "Canadian" and "Japanese" cultural norms, andrigid boundaries drawn between them (see also Said 1978 on essentialism). Withregard to immigrants in particular, while they may in some cases continue to beinfluenced by norms learned in the communities from which they come, doubtlessthey too are aware of differences and are striving to understand their new context.As Sylvia Yanagisako (1985) noted, the very notion of what culture was like in thehomeland can become altered over time, leading to the invention of new traditionswith only a cursory connection to practices in their land of origin.Yuko Shibata, a Shin-Issei scholar at the University of British Columbia, hasexplored the lives of both Issei and Shin-Issei women living in Vancouver (1980).Shibata touched on a lot of issues that I have seen in my own fieldwork andinterviews. One such is the role reversal of mother and child in Canada. "Theresearcher often encountered situations in which the child teased or talked back tohis/her mother in English. ... The researcher felt like telling the child to respecthis/her mother (1980: 267)." Shibata saw this lack of respect as arising when thechild has trouble at school because of "the language barrier and problems copingwith Canadian culture," and the mothers felt helpless to assist (see also Pierce 1993for a report of similar role reversals in other ethnic groups). She also notes howgiving birth in a Canadian hospital can be a turning point in the development of themother's self-confidence in her ability to speak English.

12Shibata divides Shin-Issei women into four groups: 1) the wives of Kika-Nisei,Japanese Canadians who had been deported after the war but chose to return toCanada, 2) married and single Gijutsu-Imin, "technical" (i.e. independent)immigrants, 3) the wives of non-Japanese men and 4) the wives of expatriatebusinessmen or researchers. The Kika-Nisei wives started work as cleaning ladies orin canneries after their children grew up. Independent immigrant wives tended tostay at home, while single women worked in low paying jobs "because of theirlanguage handicaps" (1980: 269). Women married to non-Japanese had worked assecretaries in large cities where they met their husbands, had only recently arrivedin Vancouver, and were busy raising children. The expatriate wives lived in anisolated "colony," answering the phone "moshi-moshi" (hello). Although justthumbnail sketches of what are doubtless more complex lives, Shibata is one of thefew scholars to provide a look at the settlement experiences of Japanese immigrantwomen.Some interesting work on adjusting to Canada has been written by Japanesescholars tracking the students in the Japanese language schools in Toronto and theirfamilies. Momo Podolsky (1994) interviewed 78 children and their parents abouttheir friendship networks, sense of identity, education and home life. She describeshow the children's commitment to studying English or Japanese depends to someextent on the degree of success that their parents are having in establishingthemselves in Canada. One father, feeling that he was being discriminated againstat his job in a Canadian company, became disillusioned with Canada (Podolsky1994: 121). His sons (aged 9 and 11 years old), who had by then become fluent inEnglish, and found many Canadian friends, began to spend more time with Japanesefriends whom they had made at the Japanese schools that they were attending. Themother told Podolsky that the father's pessimism had apparently spread to hischildren.Other parents deliberately chose to live away from other Japanese, so thefamily could concentrate on learning English and meeting Canadians (Podolsky1994: 115-6). Even families who initially networked closely with other Japanesewould find that their children slowly began to experience difficulty in keeping up withthe pace of classes at the Japanese school. The children themselves found it harderto relate to recent arrivals who tended to talk about trends in Japanese popularculture with which the children living in Canada had grown out of touch.

13Yasuko Kanno (1996) carried out her research on four Japanese expatriatechildren in Toronto, as they adjusted to life in Canada and after their return to Japan.Kanno herself was born and raised in Japan, but went to high school in England thenreturned to Japan for her B.A. before coming to Toronto to study at the OntarioInstitute for Studies in Education. She wrote, "I often came back to my dormitoryfrom an OISE class, locked the door, and lay on my bed until the informationoverload passed. I wanted the company of fellow Japanese, with whom mutualunderstanding did not require so much effort. By then, I had gained enough selfconfidenceas a sojourner to consider the desire to seek out [my] compatriots as anatural one, not a weakness." The main focus of Kanno's work was on the struggleof her students with the question of their identity and their drive to create a "home"for themselves. Some tried to emulate the popular children in their classes; othersdisdained the mainstream, socializing with Japanese in Toronto and then otherreturnees once back in Japan. Kanno selected her participants because they werescheduled to return home, but she captured well the conflicting ties of attachment tothe two cultures that might play a part in the lives of more permanent migrants aswell.Demographers Warren and Madeline Kalbach (2000) have suggested thatpeople who attend ethnic churches are more likely than those who attendmainstream churches or practice no religion to try to preserve their home languageand culture, and suffer discrimination in the work force.Queen's University geographer Audrey Kobayashi (n. d., 2002, 2003) hasnoted that recent years have seen an explosion in the number of women comingover from Japan, now outnumbering men by almost two to one. She hypothesizesthat many of these women see their advancing age as a liability in seeking marriageor a career in Japan, and hope that Canada will be less ageist. Based on censusdata, she has estimated that while Issei and Nisei women tended to marry men ofJapanese descent (76% and 86% respectively), the Sansei seem to be turning veryheavily to out-marriage (95%), with young immigrant women falling in between(41% out-group). She notes that the high rate of out-marriage seems to becontributing to a rapid expansion in the number of people who claim at least partialJapanese ancestry on the census. She also surmised that, while the women whoarrived in the 1970's and 1980's were fairly well off and well-educated, recentlythere is more diversity in social and educational background, with many women

14arriving on working holiday visas seeking work in the ethnic economy in serviceindustries such as restaurants and stores catering to Japanese tourists.Amongst demographers, there has been a lot of discussion of why recentimmigrants seem to be earning less and having more trouble finding jobs thanearlier waves of immigrants (Frenette and Morissette 2003, Aydemir and Skuterud2004). University of Toronto sociologist Jeffrey Reitz has proposed that educationallevels have been rising rapidly among native-born Canadians, and even thoughCanada is admitting immigrants with higher education levels as well, employers areshowing an increasing preference for the native-born (Reitz 2003). There has beensimilar concern over the large scale underemployment of immigrants with universityeducations, in particular Southeast and South Asians, a large proportion of whomend up in jobs requiring only a high school diploma (Galarneau and Morissette 2004).Another demographic study found that newly arriving Chinese immigrantswere tending to buy houses soon after arriving, and were able to preserve theirmother tongue by living near each other, and using it at work (Myles and Hou 2004).The authors felt that having ethnic group members living in close proximity witheach other was the key to language maintenance as witnessed in the example ofFrench in Quebec.American and other English ResearchEarly research on immigrant assimilationSome of the earliest academic research on immigrants that is still referencedwas carried out by William Thomas, Robert Ezra Park, Ernest W. Burgess and theircolleagues at the University of Chicago (Thomas/Znaniecki 1918-20, Park/Miller1921, Burgess 1925, Park 1950). At this time, there was a rising nativist andracialist tide in academia with much attention being focused on IQ tests, which wereadministered to show that non-Anglophone immigrants were inferior in intelligenceto their Anglophone counterparts due to reasons of "race" as it was then conceived.Thomas and Park, in trying to establish sociology as a discipline independent ofpsychology, seized on immigrant adaptation as a key issue which could be betterexplained in terms of social and cultural influences rather than racial or biologicalones (Shore 1987).

15In contrast with idealists who thought that greater contact between groupswould lead to greater understanding and tolerance, Park believed that initial conflictwas unavoidable. He described immigrant incorporation as taking place in fourstages: competition, followed by conflict, accommodation and finally assimilation.Assimilation was conceived of as a sort of melting pot process where traits of thevarious groups would become fused to create a new consensus culture. Park wasoptimistic that groups like African and Japanese Americans were already well on theway to cultural assimilation into the U.S., but that a fixation on skin colour waspreventing people from realizing this and leading to a racial gulf. The belief thatassimilation would eventually eliminate all ethnic distinctions was a truism of NorthAmerican sociology until at least the early 1960's.Perhaps the clearest statement of the assimilationist argument wasformulated by University of Massachusetts sociologist Milton Gordon in 1964. A keyproblem for assimilationists was explaining why ethnic groups seemed to bepersisting, and here Gordon posited a key distinction between behaviouralassimilation, coming to act in ways similar to the mainstream, and structuralassimilation, where the immigrants would come to share the same "primary groups,"that is, clubs or organizations where close friends meet. Gordon believed thatbehavioural assimilation was inevitable because of the higher status andattractiveness of white Anglo-Saxon Protestant culture, but immigrants needed tospend time with their fellows, and this lack of "structural assimilation," as he termedit, should be tolerated.Starting in the 1960's, American ethnic revivalists such as Nathan Glazer(Glazer/Moynihan 1963), Michael Novak (1972), and Andrew Greeley (1974) begancritiquing the assimilationist stance by pointing out the ways that ethnicity served asa means of grouping for political or religious ends. The shift in U.S. and Canadianimmigration policy in the mid-1960's has caused others to question both theinevitability and desirability of assimilation (see below). Although recent scholars inthe Chicago tradition have qualified their position somewhat, they continue to arguefor the essential inevitability of assimilation (Gans 1997, Alba/Nee 2003).Biculturalism, situational ethnicity and nonlinear assimilationOne of the essential assumptions of Chicago school assimilationism was thatimmigrants started with one culture, underwent a period of adjustment and then

16emerged as an acculturated member of the new community. One had to be loyal toeither one community or the other, and the process of transformation proceeded ina linear fashion. Failure to adjust resulted in the immigrant becoming a "marginalman" (Park 1928, Stonequist 1937).American anthropologist Daniel Crowley (1957) was perhaps one of the firstto assert that there was no necessity to assimilate to a single norm, and that peoplecould vary their ethnic practices throughout the day. Carrying out his fieldwork inTrinidad he noted that "A Trinidadian feels no inconsistency in being a British citizen,a Negro [sic] in appearance, a Spaniard in name, a Roman Catholic at church, anobeah (magic) practitioner in private, a Hindu at lunch, a Chinese at dinner, aPortuguese at work, and a Colored at the polls" (1957:823). Crowley described theway Trinidadians became this way as "plural and differential acculturation." In asimilar vein, American anthropologist Malcolm McFee (1968), in his ethnography ofBlackfeet Indians in the U.S., proposed that the degree of proficiency in the homeculture and the majority culture could vary independently, with some Indiansbecoming "150% men," true biculturals. 5By the late 1960's, anthropologists had started to look in more detail at theways in which people emphasize through their behaviour one or other ethnic identitydepending on the situation. Norwegian anthropologist Fredrick Barth (1969)suggested that membership in an ethnic group was not based on a shared set ofethno-cultural traits, but rather was achieved through the active work of membersto distinguish themselves from other groups. Groups engaged in an ongoing processof boundary maintenance claiming certain members as their own and rejectingothers based on culturally constructed and conventionalized criteria that shifteddepending on the time, place and situation.American anthropologist Takie Sugiyama Lebra, herself a first generationimmigrant from Japan, was apparently the first to use the term "linear" to describethe older zero sum approaches to assimilation (1972, later Gans and others havetermed this "straight line" assimilation). Lebra suggested that social relationships,roles, audiences or reference groups were the key feature of context that bicultural5 In more recent years, psychologists such as Canada's John W. Berry (1980) andthe U.S.'s Colleen Ward, Adrian Furnham and Stephen Bochner (2001) have madethis idea one of the cornerstones of their approach to acculturation.

17individuals paid attention to in deciding between cultural alternatives in a givensituation.The work of British social psychologist Howard Giles (1973), while not relatedto immigrants directly, nonetheless suggests the ways in which people may choose acertain speech style (e.g. received pronunciation or cockney) from their repertoire toemphasize solidarity with co-members of a group or to assert superiority or distancethemselves from outsiders.American anthropologist Christie Kiefer (1974: 88-89) broadens out therepertoire concept to suggest that individuals can choose to emphasize certainelements of the stereotypes held of them by their opposite numbers depending onthe situation. For example, a Japanese American accused of a wrongdoing would tryto emphasize the 'quiet' and 'honest' aspects of the stereotype, while one trying fora promotion would have to emphasize the 'hardworking' aspect. Keifer also noteshow the very same behaviour may have different connotations in the two cultures,as when Japanese children who are quiet are seen as mature, while Americanchildren who are quiet are seen as obedient and well behaved (1974: 94).While some people in particular situations may acquiesce in the labels appliedto them others may resent the label and try to resist. German sociolinguist VolkerHinnenkamp (1991) explores the case of a longish conversation in German betweena beggar and a passer-by, which abruptly comes to an end, shortly after the beggaridentifies the passer-by as "Turkish" and switches to foreigner talk, an oversimplifiedregister that can be taken as patronizing. Similarly, Swedish sociolinguist DennisDay (1994) relates the situation of a woman working in a Swedish factory who isteamed by management with "Chinese" workers on the assumption that she is oneof them. She explains to Day though that one of the reasons for her leaving hernative land of Vietnam was to get away from being typecast as a Chinese. In anearlier paper, I found similar resistance to labelling among foreign students in Japan(Giffen 1998).In another thread of sociolinguistic work, American anthropologist FrederickErickson has drawn attention to the importance of “gatekeeping” encounters inaffecting an individual’s life chances. Gatekeeping encounters include suchsituations as job interviews, academic placement interviews, or visits to governmentsocial welfare agencies, where a representative of a large organization is in aposition to make a decision that can have a profound influence on one’s future jobprospects or income (Erickson 1976, Erickson/Shultz 1982, Gumperz 1982). The

18applicant must discern what sort of identity they should try to claim, and thegatekeeper is often on the look out for vaguely defined but no less real markers thatsignal a certain level of cultural awareness, education or status. Beyond this,Erickson (1985) has also claimed that gatekeepers quite clearly appreciate andfavour applicants with whom they share common interests or connections.This relates back to what Gordon (1964) described as structural assimilation:membership in the same clubs and travelling in the same circles. Not only can comembersmore quickly establish a bond during an interview, they are more likely tohear of job openings, or meet influential gatekeepers in a social setting. Universityof Bologna sociolinguist Guy Aston (1993) has explored how newcomers seek tobuild rapport with their host native counterparts. Initially, the newcomers arehampered by their unfamiliarity with their new environment, and they may seek outothers who have had the experience of being an outsider. As time passes, they canslowly build up a shared history of interaction with natives, who may later be able tooffer valuable help in finding jobs or negotiating the local laws and bureaucracies.The Model Minority Debate and EntrepreneurshipAnother common theme in the literature has been attempts to estimate thedegree of economic or educational success achieved by various generations ofJapanese immigrants. A number of prominent majority group sociologists andanthropologists in the U.S. have argued that Japanese Americans have achievedremarkable success in both education and socio-economic position, while AsianAmerican scholars have tended to emphasize continuing inequities anddiscrimination.The war and internment pretty well shut down the debate for a time, but afterthe war, American anthropologist William Caudill and psychologist George DeVos(1956) working among those who resettled in Chicago, suggested that the Niseiwere getting hired into white collar jobs with mainstream companies, and attributedthis surprising trend to a culturally inherited "achievement orientation" prevalent inJapan and shared in common with middle class American society. Nisei Americanpsychologist Harry Kitano (1962) was not quite so optimistic. He suggested thatwhile Nisei students were benefiting from a stereotype of being "quiet, studious andindustrious" (1962: 257), the grade point averages of Nisei in California, had fallendown closer to majority group norms in the decades following the war from a peak

19reached in 1941. He considered the suggestion that the young Nisei had stopped"trying to achieve in school because of the uselessness of this means for achievingfuture success" in American culture, but concluded instead that the pre-war Niseihad taken to academic studies mainly because they were denied the opportunity tojoin social groups because of greater discrimination at the time, and the fallinggrades were symptomatic of greater social integration into majority circles.American anthropologist John Connor (1975) drew similar conclusions based on hisstudy of Seattle Sansei.What really brought the notion of Asian American success into the public eyewas a series of articles in popular American newspapers and magazines starting inthe late 1950's. The New York Times Magazine started the trend with an article onthe Chinese in 1957, and it was American sociologist William Petersen who firstlabelled the Japanese Americans a "model minority" in the New York Times in 1966. 6In 1971, Petersen followed up his article with a book-length study in which hemarshalled a wide array of statistics and references to support his thesis. The bookitself now seems dated because of the frequent cold war rhetoric, and hisexplanation for the success that he documents seems to be that the Japanese hadbrought with them a self-confidence derived from the modernization reforms of theMeiji restoration in 1868 that gave them a psychological edge in their quest formobility. Later historians have not shared this view, and the consensus seems to bethat the first immigrants tended to come from rural farming and fishing villageswhere the tax burden placed on them by the "modernizing" government wasbecoming oppressive, and many may have been fleeing the military draft which wasbeing imposed for the first time (Adachi 1976, Wakatsuki 1979, Ichioka 1988,Spickard 1996).Some of the main critics of the model minority stereotype have emerged fromwithin the Asian American movement. 7 Wake (1970) and Uyematsu (1971) called6 Newsweek released similar articles on model minorities "outwhiting the whites" in 1971and 1982, the second time setting off another spate of articles in Time and other popularmagazines.7 Wei (1993) describes the origins and early progress of the movement. The Council ofOriental Organizations was the first umbrella organization founded in 1968, to befollowed by the Asian Pacific Planning Council circa 1976, which ties in various ethnic andsocial work-related NGOs (a3pcon 2004). In 1969, Gidra, the first journal appeared,

20immediate attention to the timing of the first wave of model minority articles, shortlyafter the Watts race riots in Los Angeles in 1965. The 1966 U.S. News and WorldReport article made the connection hauntingly clear: "At a time when it is beingproposed that hundreds of billions be spent to uplift Negroes (sic) and otherminorities, the nation's 300 000 Chinese-Americans are moving ahead on their own- with no help from anyone else... In crime ridden cities, Chinese districts turn up asislands of peace and stability."Perhaps more than Petersen though, UCLA sociologist Ivan Light (1972) hasemerged as perhaps the most sophisticated of the model minority proponents. Heinterpreted the Watts and subsequent riots as coming about when African Americans,angered by police violence, took out their frustrations by looting local shops largelyowned by "whites," many of who were Jewish and/or European immigrants. InLight's view, African Americans had failed to establish a foothold in small business,whereas Chinese and Japanese (and West Indian) Americans seemed to have usedthis avenue to achieve their success. He believed that the key ingredient wasrotating credit associations, 8 informal agreements between budding entrepreneurswith kin or regional ties who took turns lending each other money, so that one at atime they could establish their own businesses. Chinese, Japanese and West Indiansbrought this tradition from their homelands, while in Light's view, the descendants ofthe slaves had lost touch with the tradition, and were forced to rely on banks instead.Banks in general were unlikely to lend to people without collateral, but the system ofmutual trust based on kin or regional ties allowed Asian Americans to borrow moneyfollowed by Amerasia Journal (http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/aasc/aj/index.php) andBridge in 1971. Asian American studies programs at UCLA, San Francisco State andother universities also date from circa 1969 (Nakanishi/Leong 1978). The AsianCanadian movement has been somewhat more modest: in the 1980's, University ofGuelph sociologist Koji Victor Ujimoto was involved in editing several volumes ofconference proceedings (e.g. Ujimoto/Hirabayashi 1980, 1989, Ujimoto/Naidoo 1991),and there have been journals such as Rikka, Asianadian(http://faculty.washington.edu/chanant/asianadian) and Rice Paper(http://www.ricepaperonline.com). Simon Fraser University recently established the firstAsian Canadian studies program.8 The Japanese term is 無 尽 mujin, 頼 もし・ 頼 母 子 tanomoshi or 講 ko.

21without the need for collateral. 9 Light also emphasizes the advantages of theenclave. Ethnic shopkeepers could count on co-ethnics to come to buy groupspecificfoods which could not be obtained in mainstream stores while attractingmainstream customers based on lower prices, possible due to the long hours workedby family members.In the same year, American sociologist Edna Bonacich (1972) took up thetheme earlier explored by Young/Reid: how systematic differences in wage levelsbetween groups could led to ethnic antagonism. In Bonacich's view, immigrantssuch as the Japanese in California often hoped to quickly get jobs, make money andthen take it back to their homelands. Thus, they were willing to settle for lowerwages than the native majority and this lead to ethnic antagonism. The majorityworkers with whom they were competing would lobby either to establish a castesystem, as in the American southeast where blacks were barred from certain typesof jobs, or to bar the immigration of the competing group, as happened to theJapanese in California and British Columbia starting in 1907. By way of illustration,she noted how the California labour movement seemed to be similarly hostile to thearrival of "Okies," Americans of largely British descent from Oklahoma and theMidwest who were also undercutting the wages of native Californians.While Bonacich's Split Market theory attempts to explain the pre-warcondition of the Japanese, she focused on the post-war situation in her next articleon "middleman minorities" (1973). In her view, middleman minorities such as theJews in Europe, Chinese in Southeast Asia or Japanese in California start initially assojourners (rather than settlers) intending to return to their homelands, or at leastexhibiting "an unusual attachment to an ancestral homeland" (1973: 585). Thisleads them to save rather than spend and to focus on liquid assets: truck (i.e.produce) farming rather than orchards or cattle, shop keeping and skilled trades9 There are a few mentions of similar associations among the Japanese in Canada. In1950, the Japanese Vernon Cooperative Association was founded for farmers who'd losttheir land in the internment and the Toronto BuddhistChurch Credit Union created in 1956 apparently grew out of an informal mutual creditassociation for people resettling from the camps in Toronto (Watada 1996:300). Theseorganizations have passed away since, but Korean, Slovenian and other immigrantgroups have credit unions still active in Toronto.

22rather than industry. They avoid out-marriage, establish their own schools forcultural maintenance and avoiding involvement in local politics beyond theirimmediate short-term interests.An associate of Bonacich's, American social historian John Modell (1977)suggested that in the 1920's and 1930's, the Issei of Los Angeles county had startedto move heavily into fruit and vegetable farming, planting very heavily on smallparcels of land near the city leased at high rents. By working long hours harvestingthe produce by hand, they were managing to out-produce local farmers, graduallybecoming the main source of berries in the region. The better educated Nisei wouldtry to get jobs in the city, but, encountering discrimination, would open up fruitstands and grocery shops to profit from their connections in the community. Othersworked for British/European American homeowners in domestic service andgardening.In 1980, Bonacich and Modell expanded on these ideas in a book length study.They adopted Bonacich's "middleman minority" framework, describing how theJapanese Americans were moving into merchant shop keeping in the 1930's, andthen used the split market theory to explain how their conflict with establishedBritish/European American farmers and shopkeepers led to discrimination whichpushed them to strengthen their ethnic ties. The immediate postwar years forcedthe uprooted Nisei out of their family businesses, and so they turned to office jobswith American companies, but through the 1950's and 1960's, the Nisei began todrift back. So long as the group continued to work as shopkeepers or skilled labourin an ethnic enclave economy, self-interest led to ethnic cooperation, but those wholeft the enclave lost the need to be ethnic, and assimilated to majority norms.The Bonacich/Modell approach has been criticized on various grounds. Whilenot a direct response, Canadian historian Anthony Chan (1980) argued that theimage of Chinese Canadians as sojourners was essentially a myth perpetrated byadvocates of exclusion to justify institutional racism against them. Americanhistorian Roger Daniels (1982) likewise suggested that the majority of the Niseicertainly had no intention of returning to Japan and many of the Issei likewiseintended to remain. American sociologist/historian David O'Brien and psychologistStephen Fugita (1982, Fugita/O'Brien 1991) suggested that British/EuropeanAmerican labour was moving out of farming in the prewar period, leaving a gapwhich Japanese farmers moved into by first starting as hired hands. Theyemphasized how Nisei were seeking higher education to get away from dependence

23on their parents' businesses, but were blocked by business, government and labourunions from getting jobs in the mainstream economy. They also emphasized thecultural tradition of trust and financial cooperation to which Light first drew attention.Similar to Kitano's earlier suggestion, American anthropologist John Ogbu(1974, 1978) suggested that the system of racial stratification in employment in theU.S. had led "involuntary minorities" to become discouraged and turn away fromschool as a means of social mobility. He believed that immigrant children weresucceeding in school because their parents found cause for optimism when theycompared their jobs in the U.S. with those they had had in their poorer homelands,and had not yet realized the extent of discrimination that minorities suffer(Fordham/Ogbu 1986, Ogbu 1997). Ogbu's rosy picture of immigrant life seems tobe based mainly on his own success immigrating from Nigeria and securing aprofessorship in California. He studiedly avoids any mention of the voluminousresearch available on discrimination against immigrants or immigrant school failure.Yet, his notions of oppositional youth subcultures that resist schooling and folktheories of social mobility have become important themes in the recent debates onschool failure among minority children in the U.S., Japan and Canada (Foley 1992,Ebuchi 1997: 59-61, Nunes 1999).In 1977, American educator Bob Suzuki came out in a strong attack on thevery notion of Asian American success. He pointed out that one of Petersen's mainpieces of evidence for Japanese status as a model minority was the higherhousehold incomes reported by those who described their "race" as Japanese on theU.S. census. He pointed out that Japanese Americans were on average older thantheir majority counterparts (the same is true of Japanese and other Asianimmigrants to Canada), and that if comparisons were made between individuals ofthe same age, the incomes of Japanese and other Asian Americans incomes turnedout to be much lower than those of their majority counterparts. Other confoundingfactors were that Asian Americans tended to have more years of schooling, to worklonger hours, have more people working per family, and be concentrated in citieswith higher costs of living, thus making them seem more successful than theyactually were (see also Takaki 1989:474-84). Suzuki went on to suggest that Asianswere being deliberately trained by the American education system to be quiet andobedient in preparation for low status white collar jobs with little or no decisionmaking power, and that Asians were profiting less from their long educations thanAmericans of European descent. In a similar vein, American sociologist Eric

24Woodrum (1981) cited U.S. government reports suggesting that Japanese Americanwomen earned less per hour than African American women of similar age andeducation, and that men earned only slightly more, but still much less than theirmajority counterparts.In 1980, American sociologists Kenneth Wilson and Alejandro Portes took upLight's theme of the economic advantages of the enclave. Analyzing the situation inMiami, they noted how the Cubans who had arrived in the 1960's had becomeestablished, and were successfully building businesses that employed and catered toa Hispanic clientele.One of Ogbu's students, Maria Eugenia Matute-Bianchi (1986), pursuedOgbu's thesis of immigrant success, finding that the children of Mexican immigrantsand Japanese Americans seemed to do better than Hispanic Americans who hadgrown up in the U.S. She suggested that the Japanese American students, thechildren of local farmer, professional or working class parents, were all committed togoing to university, and had a detailed knowledge of entrance requirements and therelative ranking of the various nearby universities. The best students of Mexicandescent knew that it was important to do well in school to succeed, but they tendedto have less specific career goals and cited fewer role models outside the schoolwhom they could look up to. Her Japanese American informants told her that theythought that hard work rather than native ability was the key to doing well in school.Although some attended the local Buddhist church, unlike the students of Mexicandescent, they did not participate in ethnically linked activities at school. In somefamilies, the parents spoke Japanese at home, but the children all tended to speakEnglish.Another of Ogbu's students, Margaret Gibson (1989) noted very similartrends for Sikhs in a town in California: an emphasis on hard work as the key tosuccess and a tendency to conform at school but not at home, a process she termed"accommodation without assimilation." Both Matute-Bianchi and Gibson workedwithin the broad outlines of Ogbu's model, but Gibson showed strong affinities toLight's approach, drawing attention to the way that immigrants were managing tomake impressive gains in entrepreneurship in spite of intense societal discrimination.In 1990, sociologist Saskia Sassen started to examine how changes in theglobal economy were affecting the nature of immigration. She pointed that mostimmigrants seemed to be coming to the U.S. from countries that were rapidlyindustrializing (Mexico, Brazil, South Korea and Taiwan) rather than those which

25were poor. She held that the U.S. was undergoing a period of deindustrializationwith fewer jobs in manufacturing, and more jobs in high paying professional services(finance, insurance and real estate) and lower paying personal services (restaurants,gift shops, beauty salons). A lot of immigrants seemed to be women who first foundjobs in the branches of American multinationals in their home countries, but thensought to relocate to the U.S., and ended up in low-paying jobs in the service sector.In Canada, there have been similar plant closings: in the mid-1990's, Mitsubishiplants in Windsor, Midland and Kitchener, the Sanyo plant in Montreal, and theHitachi plant in Pointe Claire. Certainly the high proportion of women coming fromlarge Japanese cities noted by Kobayashi would seem to support Sassen's thesis.In 1992, American anthropologist Louise Lamphere edited an importantcollection of articles examining the effects of economic restructuring, in particularcities on the relations between immigrants and established residents. Hagan andRodriguez (1992) outlined how a recession in the oil industry led to the renting ofwhat had been fairly high-end housing to Latino immigrants in Houston. As theeconomy picked back up, landlords tried to segregate Hispanic families in an effortto lure back high income Anglos. Horton (1992) explored how the concentration ofChinese immigrants in Monterey Park, a suburb of Los Angeles had led to a fightbetween nativist exclusionists and the newcomers, followed by the election ofChinese American mayor. This collection was one of the key works to excite interestin the possibilities of examining the varying characters of individual cities as keyinfluences on the course of immigrant incorporation (see also Brettell 2003b and thesection on Toronto below).In 1992, Sociologist Herbert Gans, famous amongst ethnographers for TheUrban Villagers, his 1962 study of Italians in Boston, released a seminal paperdrawing attention to the possibility of "second generation decline." He was detectingsigns that the post-1965 offspring of the recent wave immigrants from Latin Americaand Asia might not be experiencing the same degree of economic success as theirpredecessors from Europe. Fellow sociologists Alejandro Portes and Min Zhouquickly jumped on the band wagon releasing a widely cited article outlining theirconcept of "segmented assimilation." Conducting fieldwork among Haitian studentsin Miami, they found further support for Portes's thesis that if immigrant adolescentsstayed within the ethnic community, they would be better able to resist the pressureto join the culture of resistance that they saw as flourishing within the inner city

26neighbourhoods where immigrants tend to live. 10 They found that immigrants,rather than assimilating to middle-class norms, tended to take up residence in poorneighbourhoods where they could potentially experience "segmented assimilation,"that is, identification with the anti-school oppositional culture which Ogbu describeamongst alienated African American youth. In Portes and Zhou's view, parents andother figures in the ethnic community provided an alternative emphasizing theimportance of school as a road to successful employment, and children whomaintained their ties to their ethnic group of origin were more likely to persevere intheir studies despite their lack of economic resources.On a related theme, Portes and Rubén Rumbaut (1996) have suggested thatboth Asian and Hispanic immigrant minorities in California often appear to havelower infant mortality rates and better health generally, and attribute this to ethnicopposition to the use of illicit drugs and alcohol by pregnant mothers. As thesegroups assimilate, they found infant mortality rising, further evidence in favour ofthe "segmented assimilation" hypothesis.Japanese ResearchJapanese anthropologist Kazuhiro Ebuchi (1997) provided perhaps the bestsummary in Japanese of the anthropological literature related to biculturalism andimmigrant adaptation. In his own ethnographic research, he focused on theUkrainians in Canada and the participation of Sansei in the Japanese community inSan Jose, California.The history of the early wave of immigration to Canada has now receivedquite a lot of attention from scholars writing in Japanese (e.g. Shinpo 1977, 1996,Iino 1997, Akaishi/Iino/Tanaka 1997, Kage 1998, Yamada 2000). There has beensome scholarly work done on the new immigrants, mostly published in the nowdefunct journal Ijuu Kenkyuu [Migration research]. Kunizo Kawaji (1972) wasperhaps one of the first to note the trend towards out-group marriages among newimmigrants, especially women. He suggested that women were more likely to marrynon-Japanese for four reasons. Shin-Issei women's average age was slightly older10 Marcelo Suarez-Orozco (1993) draws a similarly bleak portrait of the drugs, violenceand low expectations evident in two anonymous inner city schools in the U.S. althoughhe lacks Ogbu's and Portes' optimism on the likelihood of success for immigrant youth.

27than the average Shin-Issei man. The women had often worked in western-runcompanies in Japan, and as a result were looking for partners with strong Englishand high status jobs. They often had good English skills, and could make a goodliving on their own, so they could afford to wait to find the ideal partner. Shin-Isseimen tended to return to Japan to find partners. One can perhaps sense a personalelement in Kawaji's proposals, but they do offer a look at a little studied area.Yoshiichi Takeuchi (1987) and Michiko Suzuki (1997) surveyed the situationin the Japanese language schools. Vancouver had a large thriving school before thewar, but that was seized during the internment. By 1949, schools had reopened inVancouver and in Toronto as well, but the real boost came with the advent of thepolicy of multiculturalism in the 1970's. There grew up schools in Ottawa, Montreal,London, Waterloo, Calgary and four in Toronto. In the 1980's, disputes arose withschool boards over funding; schools in smaller towns were scrambling to findteachers, and having to include students with little or no prior exposure to Japanesein order to keep up class numbers. Since the writing of these articles, the school inWaterloo has closed its doors and the future of the other schools seems somewhat indoubt, but many parents remain firmly committed to seeing them continue, evengoing so far as to drive their children to neighbouring cities every Saturday to attend.The former head of the Toronto Shin-Ijuusha Kyoukai, the late ShizukoEguchi (1989) provided a brief history of her organization of her organization and itsactivities. She described divisions between the Issei, Nisei, Sansei and Shin-Issei,which she attributed to the wounds Japanese Canadians experienced during theinternment. She explained that the Shin-Ijuusha Kyoukai managed to work out anagreement with the Japanese Canadian Cultural Centre, the National Association ofJapanese Canadians (representing Nisei and Sansei) and the Shokokai (representingexpatriates) to co-sponsor the annual Red and White Song festival at New Year's.She described how in the years after 1966 when the new immigrants first startedarriving there were more single men than women, so her organization becameinvolved in arranging matches with eligible women still in Japan. Other activitiesthey were involved in were Yuai Kikin, a charitable fund to help Japanese immigrantsstruck by tragedy, housing help for new arrivals, the Kaede Bunko library and theBenricho, a handbook and phone directory for new arrivals. She also noted how thenew immigrants were striving to use the opportunities presented to them byCanada's policy of multiculturalism to pursue Japanese language education for theirchildren. A few years later, Eguchi wrote another article examining how the

28community should respond, as the new immigrants grew older, and required specialcare (1992). The Momiji Health Care Society had already been created in 1978 toserve the elderly Issei, and in the years since 1992, has slowly been opening upbranches in other Scarborough homes, such as Castleview Wychwood, Leisure World,Greenview Lodge and the Yee Hong Scarborough Finch Centre for Geriatric Care.Even now, the majority of Shin-Issei are a bit young to retire, but Eguchi believedthat perhaps new facilities should be set up to cater to the specific needs of theShin-Issei.As I have tried to show, immigrant adaptation is influenced by a broad rangeof interconnected cultural, economic, historical, psychological and social factors,each of which contributes to the process in important ways. Any attempt tosummarize necessarily leads to simplification that may downplay or ignore keyinfluences on adaptation, but some of the salient themes that I have touched onhere include: assimilatory pressures, the role of ethnic organizations in easingadjustment, inter-ethnic antagonism, the use of ethnicity as a resource as one ofseveral aspects of identity, the effects of positive stereotyping by academia and themass media, the impact of economic resources and ethnic community norms ondecisions to cooperate with or resist education, and the impact of occupation andethnic cooperation on success and outlook. All of these different issues would seemto have a bearing on how adaptation works itself out, and provide a valuable lensthrough which I can view the lived experiences of my fieldwork informants.A short history of Japanese immigrants to CanadaFrom the early 17th century until the arrival of U.S. Admiral Perry in 1853,Japan had strict rules prohibiting travel outside Japan, let alone emigration. Perry'svisit and the subsequent revolution in government in 1868 (the Meiji Restoration)led to an opening of the doors, and soon students and diplomats were encouraged togo abroad to learn about the rest of the world. In 1869, 149 Japanese arrived inHawaii, then an independent kingdom, to work on sugar plantations underconditions that the Japanese government regarded as tantamount to slavery. Thiswas not quite what they had in mind, so they shut off emigration again until 1884,when the Hawaiian government agreed to ensure the arriving Japanese moreequitable conditions. The first Japanese believed to have arrived in Canada was oneManzo Nagano, a 19-year-old sailor who chose to remain in New Westminster B.C.

29when his ship put in there in 1877. Soon, more Japanese arrived, the sons offarmers and fishermen from rural areas in the west of Japan, and it is believed thatthe first woman did not arrive till 1887. The early communities were largelycomposed of young males, hoping to work a few years, and return home. At first,they tended to work in fishing, forestry or mining, but gradually they began to saveenough money to buy their own boats, shops or land to practice the careers of theirfathers. Japan established a consulate general in Vancouver in 1889, and sought toset up companies that would help immigrants find jobs, and recommended theyconvert to Christianity and adopt local customs (Adachi 1976, Ashworth 1979: 91-133, Pringsheim 1983).Most of the early settlers were men, and they would often have to switch jobsevery few years, due to changes in the economy or new laws designed to exclude"Orientals" from jobs where they were competing with "white" labour. Those whochose to stay in Canada were the ones who managed to find work again soon, butoften ended up working in completely different industries from the ones in whichthey started.The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was a period of highimmigration, and initially the Canadian government paid no more attention to thethousands of Japanese arriving on the west coast than the similar large numbersfrom Europe arriving in the east. Local British Columbia politicians and labourleaders however were not nearly so tolerant. The Japanese were seen as similar tothe Chinese who had arrived to build the railway, an unassimilable group whoundercut the wages of working whites. The British Columbia legislature passed aseries of laws designed explicitly to discourage Asians from immigrating. Canadianlaw allowed all arrivals to naturalize, and those who were born here had the right toCanadian citizenship, but the Japanese were denied the right to vote in provincialelections in 1895, a move which kept those who had settled in B.C., the vastmajority of Japanese in Canada, off the federal voters list as well. B.C. passed manyother discriminatory laws, but those related to immigration often had to be struckdown by the Dominion government due to the treaty of friendship between Japanand England granting each other's nationals the right to move and settle in eachother's territory. B.C. did manage to exclude Asians from government jobs, andcareers in pharmacy, law and teaching. In 1897, the Canadian Japanese Associationwas founded to lobby the government for a repeal of the discriminatory laws, andprovide new immigrants with help learning English and finding jobs (Adachi 1976).

30In 1906, the first Japanese school was opened in Vancouver, providing both Englishlessons for new arrivals and Japanese lessons for the Nisei (second generation)children (Ashworth 1979).In 1907, the U.S. changed its laws prohibiting Japanese in the newly acquiredcolony of Hawaii from entering the mainland. Many Japanese had been using Hawaiias a stepping stone to the mainland, and suddenly denied entrance to the U.S.,some 7000 Japanese flocked to B.C. instead that year. With so many coming in,some of the better educated established a Japanese newspaper, the Tairiku Nippo(The Continental Daily) to serve the local community.Some Canadians did not see this influx in such a good light. Leaders of theVancouver Trade and Labour Council established an anti-Asiatic League, whichlaunched a violent attack on Chinatown and the Powell street Japanese ghetto inVancouver on September 8th, burning and looting Asian shops and homes. WilliamLyon Mackenzie King was sent to assess the degree of damage to Chinese andJapanese property affected by the riot, and award reparations to those whoseproperty had been destroyed. Many of the exclusionists had charged that theJapanese government was deliberately trying to flood B.C. with immigrants, but Kingfound that the majority of those who had arrived were coming from Hawaii and, ofthose who were coming from Japan, most had jobs lined up in Canadian railways orcoal mines. He did recommend that restrictions be placed on Japanese immigration,and, as a result, Canada sent a minister to the British Legation in Tokyo to negotiatea "gentleman's agreement" whereby Japan agreed to voluntarily limit the number ofmale emigrants to whom it issued certificates allowing emigration. Thus began theera of "picture brides," as eligible bachelors already in Canada wrote home to theirfamilies in Japan asking them to find them wives who would be willing to join them.Japan was a Canadian ally during the First World War. During the war,Chitose Uchida became the first Japanese Canadian to graduate from a Canadianuniversity, but due to the discriminatory laws in B.C. at the time, she was barredfrom teaching in B.C. schools, and had to work in the main Vancouver Japaneseschool teaching English to other Japanese.Japan for its part had been moving further and further in the direction ofdemocratic government. Provisions for a parliament had been established in the1879 constitution and a party system on British lines had been established by 1900.After 1900, the pace of change was swift, with schools being built at a rapid pace,till over 95% of boys and girls up to the age of 14 had been enrolled in free

31compulsory schools by 1917 (Japan 1980). Wages in North America continued to bemuch higher than in Japan, but educational levels in Japan were fast catching up.After the war at the Paris treaty talks, Japan sent representatives Hayashiand Chinda to support the creation of a League of Nations. They hoped that the neworganization would be based on equal relations between member nations with racialequality enshrined as one of its principles. Although France, China, Czechoslovakiaand many other countries supported the idea of racial equality, Canadian PrimeMinister R. B. Bennett, realizing that politicians in British Columbia would be againstthe lifting of its laws prohibiting the immigration and employment of Asians, sidedwith U.S president Woodrow Wilson and the prime ministers of England andAustralia in voting against the resolution. The majority of delegates voted in favour,but Wilson, fearing repercussions from a similarly nativist California, ruled that, forthe first time, unanimous consent would be required. The Japanese delegates werenot deterred by this setback, and in negotiations on labour laws proposed a clauseguaranteeing labourers and their families the same treatment as nationals. However,Prime Minister Bennett succeeded in getting the proposal reworded so as to avoidthe need for a revision of British Columbia's laws banning Asians from variousoccupations (Adachi 1976:106-7, Brawley 1995). In the end, the U.S. chose not tojoin the League of Nations, and it appears that pressure from Californian nativistswho feared that the U.S. might be forced to accept more Asian immigrants playedan important part in the decision to stay out.As veterans (including some 143 Japanese Canadians) returned home to B.C.from the war, they had trouble finding jobs. Soon, majority Canadian fishermen putpressure on the government to put restrictions on the number of fishing licensesissued to Japanese Canadians, whom they claimed were slowly beginning todominate that industry. B.C. Department of Marine and Fisheries complied, andmany Japanese Canadian fishermen had to find new jobs (Adachi 1976:106).According to Adachi, some of the more pro-Canadian Issei had becomedissatisfied with what they saw as the overly pro-Japanese tendencies of theCanadian Japanese Association and its newspaper the Tairiku Nippo. In 1920, thesecritics joined together in the Camp and Mill Workers Union, which urged JapaneseCanadians to renounce their Japanese nationality and try to cooperate with theCanadian labour organizations. In 1924, they founded their own newspaper, NikkanMinshu (The Daily People), to compete with the more conservative Tairiku Nippo.

32The nativist tide, however, was rising. In 1923, the Canadian governmentbanned all immigration from China, and the next year, the U.S. banned all non-Europeans. Japan's diplomatic pull with England helped keep the door for Japaneseimmigrants partly open, but in 1928, Canada asked Japan to revise the "gentlemen'sagreement" to include the picture brides in the quotas, in response to Canadiancritics who believed that they were raising the birth rate to an alarmingly high level.The Japanese community ensconced firmly in Vancouver and the nearby fishingvillage of Steveston found themselves cut off to newcomers from their homeland,but the community was still growing rapidly now thanks to natural increase assistedby the recent influx of picture brides.New Japanese schools in Vancouver were opened, focused less on helping theaging Issei with their faltering English, and more on maintaining the weakeningJapanese skills of the children (Adachi 1976: 127-9). Blocked from applying forteaching jobs in B.C. and increasingly focused on education, many graduates had tomove east or to the U.S. or return to Japan to find posts.1928 proved to be a key turning point in many ways. On the positive side,the Japanese Canadian Camp and Mill Workers Union finally gained admittance tothe Trades and Labour Council of Canada, signalling the beginnings of cooperationbetween workers on both sides of the colour line. The government of Japan movedfirmly in a democratic direction, extending the franchise to all adult males, thusallowing socialists to be elected to the Diet for the first time (Reischauer 1981:180).Canada likewise agreed to send an ambassador to Tokyo, Canada's third suchmission following the opening of embassies in Washington and Paris. Trade betweenthe two countries was expanding rapidly. Japanese trading companies had longbeen supplying Canadians with tea and silk, but increasingly they bought Canadianlumber, paper and coal. Trade has also served as an indirect impetus toimmigration as trading company employees studied English and then chose toremain in Canada, a process that continues still.Unfortunately, darker events soon cast a shadow over the lives of theJapanese in Canada. Also in 1928, the nativists in B.C. finally succeeded inconvincing the King government to shut off the flow of the picture brides. The nextyear, drought on the prairies set off a stock market crash, and the great depressionensued. In an increasingly fearful climate, the U.S and U.K. met with Japan on theproblem of disarmament in the Pacific. The west forced the Japanese delegation toaccept a lower limit on its number of warships, and this concession combined with

33the malaise brought on by the depression led to a nationalist backlash against thegovernment. In 1931, the army blew up Marco Polo Bridge, blamed China, andmoved in to annex Manchuria. Canada and the other countries of the west, fearinga loss of trade with Japan, only issued a mild rebuke, but the Japanese in B.C foundthemselves under increasing suspicion. Cooperation with Canadian labour continuedthough as the Trades and Labour Council of Canada endorsed Asians' right to thefranchise. When the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (C.C.F.) was formed in1933, it started to press for extension of the franchise in both Ottawa and Victoria.Japan's invasion of China proper in 1937 pushed the question of loyalty withinthe Japanese Canadian community to the fore. Based on primarily English languagesources, Adachi (1976) has argued that conservative Issei in the Canadian JapaneseAssociation continued to support Japan, claiming Japan was merely acting in selfdefenceagainst an aggressive China, but it seems likely that a majority of the Niseiand many of the Issei, such as those in the pro-Canadian Camp and Mill WorkersUnion, felt increasingly alienated by Japan's military aggression. In the U.S., Modell(1977), Ichioka (1988) and Tamura (1994) have argued that even in the 1920's,when Japan was becoming increasingly democratic, the local Japanese Americanassociations and newspapers still largely dominated by Issei were arguing foracculturation in some form to American norms, and against support for Japan. Alsoit seems clear from contemporary accounts that in many ways the Nisei werealready quite highly acculturated as a result of their experiences in the schoolsystem.What made the loyalty issue a difficult one for the Nisei was the lingeringlegal and social barriers against admission to jobs in government or majoritybusinesses, forcing even highly educated Nisei to work for their Issei parents on thefarms and fruit stands of the enclave economy, or return to Japan (Young/Reid1938: 144-5, La Violette 1945, Kitagawa 1967, Kiefer 1974, Spickard 1996: 77-9,85-8). The successful move by many Issei into farming and small business (Modell1977) made this not an altogether bleak prospect, but the cultural gap betweenparent and child led to some frustration among the Nisei who sought independence.By the late 1930's, the Nisei, unhappy with what they saw as their parents' fatalistacceptance of misfortune (Masumoto 1987:37), 11 were turning increasingly to11 Marriage was another area of tension. At the time, better-off Japanese youth reliedon their parents to introduce suitable candidates for marriage (called in Japanese Omiai,

34political organization (Adachi 1976). In 1936, the Nisei formed the JapaneseCanadian Citizens League, an organization espousing the values of liberal democracy,which began serious efforts to lobby the federal government to restore the franchiseto Canadians of Asian ancestry, and repeal the discriminatory employment laws. In1938, they started publishing their own newspaper, The New Canadian, the firstsuch to be published with both English and Japanese text.In September 1939, Japan's ally, Germany, invaded Poland. Canada waited aweek before declaring war in order to gain time to buy weapons from the thenneutralU.S. German and Italian nationals were asked to report regularly to thefederal government's Registrar of Enemy Aliens, but Canadians of German andItalian descent remained unaffected. Racial tensions ran high in Vancouver, leadingto another race riot on Halloween, as 300 Vancouver youths smashed windows andlooted Japanese stores on Powell Street (Adachi 1976:191). The Japanesecommunity braced themselves for the worst, as Maclean's magazine predicted aJapanese invasion of B.C.On December 7, 1941, the Japanese navy bombed Pearl Harbour, killingJapanese Americans (by then 1/3 of the population of Hawaii) and other Americansalike. The R.C.M.P. moved swiftly, impounding 1200 fishing boats all owned byCanadians of Japanese ancestry, closing the 59 Japanese schools and the threeJapanese language newspapers (Adachi 1976: 200). The New Canadian newspaper,the voice of the pro-Canadian Nisei, was allowed to continue publishing. Canadiancompanies fired their Japanese employees, and insurance companies, having to copewith mounting property damage claims, cancelled their policies. Labour unions,farm groups and business associations began to demand their expulsion. TheCanadian army, navy and the R.C.M.P. all reported that even Japanese nationalsposed no security threat (Adachi 1976:203).In January 1942, the federal government announced that all male Japanesenationals between the ages of 18 and 65 (some 1700) were to be sent to roadcamps to work, leaving their wives and children behind on the coast. 12 In February,e.g. the picture brides), but the more independent Nisei wanted to find their ownpartners as was common in North America both then and now (Yanagisako 1985).12 Though less well known, the Canadian government had done this before. About 8500enemy aliens, many of them Ukrainians from Austria-Hungary, were put in work campsin Canada from 1914-20.

35in the U.S., President Roosevelt signed an order requiring all persons of Japaneseancestry to move out of the three Pacific states (but allowing those in Hawaii, far toonumerous to be moved, to remain in their homes), and soon after Canada followedsuit. Wives and children of Japanese nationals and entire families of Canadians ofJapanese descent (by then more than 75% of the community were Canadiancitizens) were moved to concentration camps in the B.C. interior. The Custodian ofAlien Property took control of their property, and sold it off to pay for themaintenance costs of their detention.In December 1944, in the U.S., the evacuation was ruled unconstitutional,and the Japanese Americans slowly freed, but Canada continued to enforce theprohibition on return to the coast until 1947. Before the end of the war, the R.C.M.P.asked all Japanese Canadians to sign a form declaring whether they would prefer togo back to Japan or relocate east of the Rockies. After Japan surrendered, theCanadian government moved to deport all those who had written that they wishedto repatriate, despite the fact that many had doubtless changed their minds.Hundreds were sent before agitation by the Japanese Canadian Committee forDemocracy (a Nisei group) and Cooperative Committee on Japanese Canadians (acivil rights group made up largely of Christian and Jewish sympathizers) convincedMackenzie King to rescind the order. In the coming decades, most of the Canadianbornwould trickle back into Canada (Kage 1998).Those Japanese who had agreed to move east were allowed to go free torebuild their shattered lives. In 1949, the Mackenzie King government at lastrelented, allowing those who so wished to return to the coast of B.C. and grantingthe vote to Canadian citizens of Japanese ancestry for the first time in that province.What happened after the war in Canada is rather less well covered in theliterature. Many former internees came to southern Ontario. Indeed, in the 1950'sand 1960's, Japanese formed the largest visible minority in Toronto. The communityis now about equally split between Ontario and B.C. with a slightly higher density inVancouver, and in the nearby towns of New Westminster, Port Moody, andRichmond where the fishing village of Steveston is. Some in the U.S. havesuggested that many Nisei, shocked by the prejudice they had experienced, soughtto hide their Japaneseness, and hyper-assimilate into American culture, but this leftthem with low self-esteem and emotional scars (Okimoto 1971, Houston/Houston1973, Mass 1978, Spickard 1996). Discrimination continued, but the high level ofeducation achieved before the war began to pay off, as Nisei, forced out of the

36ethnic enclave by the relocation, now began to compete for white-collar jobs in abooming economy. In Toronto, they found work in the garment industry withcompanies run by Jews or other ethnic minorities who were sympathetic to thevictims of prejudice (Takata 1983).In the U.S., O'Brien and Fugita suggested that in the immediate post-waryears, the defeat of Japan and dispersal of the west coast Japanese communityserved to allayed the fears of the nativists, and the onset of the cold war requiredthe rapid enlistment of Japan as an ally, thus leading employers to be more open tohiring Japanese (1991:90-1). Kitano (1969) argued that the most impressive gainswere made on the east coast where the relatively small numbers of Japaneseseemed to pose less of a threat, and that discrimination on the west coast continued.Fugita and O'Brien (1991:119) also argued that the concentration of Nisei andSansei in small business has continued on the west coast, as they had troublegaining entry into large established corporations. In Canada as well, census datasuggests relatively high rates of self-employment among Japanese Canadians evenas late as 2001. 13Three ethnic churches - the Toronto Japanese United Church, St. Andrew'sAnglican Church and Toronto Buddhist Church - were established in Toronto in the1940's as Japanese arrived from the west coast during and following the internment(Kawano 1998, Imai 1958, Watada 1996). Soon after the war, the Toronto BuddhistChurch established a tanomoshi (rotating credit association) to help people arrivingfrom the internment camps get money to set up businesses and buy homes (Watada1996).A Japanese school was reopened in Toronto in 1949, and the NationalJapanese Canadians Citizens Association (NJCCA), a Nisei-led group, established.The Issei were now becoming too old to lead, and the RCMP had closed down theirorganizations during the war, so the Nisei became the leading force in thecommunity. Through The New Canadian bilingual newspaper and the NJCCA (nowcalled the National Association of Japanese Canadians), they lobbied the governmentfor "redress" for their material losses incurred as a result of the internment. Finally,in 1988, after a long struggle, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, again following the U.S.13 The 2001 Census estimates that 16.3% of Japanese Canadians are self-employedcompared to a Canadian average of 14.8%. Korean Canadians have what most surelybe the highest rate with one in three reporting being self-employed.

37lead, offered an apology, agreed to pay each Japanese Canadian involved $11 000 incompensation, and financed the establishment of the Canadian Race RelationsFoundation.Although redress formed a central concern in the community, in the 1950'sand 1960's, the N.A.J.C. also lobbied the government to revise its race-basedimmigration restrictions. In 1952, a new immigration act allowed Canadian citizensto sponsor spouses and unmarried children. In 1957, a new order-in-council allowedresidents (i.e. non-citizens) to sponsor spouses, unmarried children and agedparents "from Asia and other countries," although precious few Japanese wereallowed in as a result (Ujimoto 1979: 343). Unfortunately, soon after, the RCMPconducted a well-publicized nationwide raid of Chinese organizations looking forillegal immigrants, and Diefenbaker's Conservative government reacted by puttingthe brakes on the influx of Asians in 1959 (Kelley/Trebilcock 1998).Internationally, the U.S. occupation and the Korean War led to greatercontact between American military personnel and Asians, leading to a spurt ofintercultural marriages in the form of an influx of Asian "war brides" into the U.S.(Nishi 1995). In 1952, the U.S. occupation of Japan ended, and Canada reestablisheddiplomatic relations with Japan. The U.S. was anxious to see theJapanese economy rebuilt to prevent the further spread of communism, and tradebetween Japan and Canada grew rapidly. By the early 1960's, Japan had becomeCanada's third largest trading partner after the U.S and U.K. By the mid to late1960's, Japanese companies like Toyota, Panasonic, Sony and Honda were settingup sales and distribution centres in Canada. However, the greater contact betweenthe two countries perhaps led the Canadian government to reconsider itsexclusionary immigration laws, especially in view of its newfound tendency to extolthe virtues of multiculturalism (For a history of multicultural rhetoric by theCanadian government, see Day 2000).In 1980, UBC anthropologist Doreen Indra suggested that Canada tended toopen up immigration offices principally in the capital cities of its main tradingpartners, and this perhaps explains why the Pearson government opened up its firstimmigration office in Tokyo in 1966. A major turning point in Canadian history camein 1967, when Canada flung open its doors to the world for the first time. ThePearson government passed a new immigration act eliminating race and country oforigin as the main criterion eligibility to immigrate, and introducing the pointssystem, still in effect today, by which applicants were to be judged on their age,

38money and skills. This move seems to have been prompted in part by pressure onthe Canadian government from Britain, which was accepting many immigrants fromthe West Indies, and hoping that Canada with its much larger area would pitch in bytaking some as well (Kelley/Trebilcock 1998:332). Also, in 1965, the U.S. hadeliminated race as a criterion for immigration, and if Canada did not follow suit thebrain drain of talent from non-traditional source countries to the U.S., already quiteserious, would only worsen. There has been a modest of flow of Japanese intoCanada ever since, ranging from 225 to 1646 per year (see Appendices - Table 1).The number of immigrants Canada accepts from all countries seems to fluctuatesomewhat in tune with extent of unemployment in Canada. The new act wasdesigned to encourage more immigrants with technical skills or financial resources,but as Ujimoto (1979), Shibata (1980, 2003) and Kobayashi (2003) have noted,Japanese immigrants continue to form a very diverse group in terms of occupationalstatus, ranging from farm hands and waitresses to university professors andrestaurant owners.In July 1967, some from the new wave of Japanese immigrants arriving inToronto banded together to form the Shin-Ijuusha Renraku Kyougikai (NewImmigrant Contact Association). It published a quarterly handwritten newslettercalled Shin-Issei with information on how to adjust to English-speaking society andstories of the experiences of various members adapting to the new environment.Yet, according to Eguchi, the first group of post-1966 immigrants were anindependent lot, and few wanted to take the leadership mantle, and so bySeptember 1972, the organization had to close (Eguchi 1989: 2)In 1971, the Trudeau government, on the recommendation of the RoyalCommission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, agreed to support a policy ofmulticulturalism. This eventually led to funding and increased interest in a range ofShin-Issei projects. Kokugo Kyoushitsu, a Japanese school in Toronto for thechildren of immigrants was set up in 1976, and two more, Nikka Gakuen andNisshuu Gakuin, soon followed. Vancouver Shimpo, a Japanese language newspaperfor immigrants was established in 1978, and the Nikka Times, a Toronto based one,in 1979. Although the N.A.J.C. is still going strong under Nisei leadership, interestamong the Sansei in participation in ethnic groups seems to be waning. Thebilingual Nisei newspaper, The New Canadian, based in Toronto, closed its officesthis year, and looking for new members, the N.A.J.C. has started holdingconferences to try to establish common ground with the Shin-Issei. In Vancouver,

39they have established an organization to provide support for new immigrants, theIjuu no kai (Immigration Society), but Toronto has no equivalent. In some ways,the Shin-Issei in Toronto remain somewhat isolated from the descendants of the firstwave, but the Nisei/Sansei-run Japanese Canadian Cultural Centre hosts the Ikebatanursery school, the Kaede Bunko library and the Shin-Ijuusha Kyoukai, and acts asone important focus for joint activity.Starting in the 1970's, companies in Japan started to buy up factories basedin Ontario or open their own, although the number of expatriate businessman inCanada was and continues to be small compared to the number of Japanese touristsor students. Delios/Ensign (1999) estimate that only about 700 Japaneseexpatriates worked here. In 1972, Matsushita Industrial Canada opened a televisionplant in Etobicoke in Toronto to make Panasonic and later Quasar TV's. In 1983,Mitsubishi Electronics Industries Canada bought RCA Canada's television plants inWindsor and Midland. Honda Canada opened a car manufacturing plant in AllistonOntario in 1986 which now employs around 4000 people. In 1988, Toyota Motoropened its own plant in Cambridge Ontario, employing around 2500, andBridgestone Tires bought out Firestone, moved its HQ to Mississauga and set up aplant in Woodstock Ontario. In 1989, CAMI Automotive, a joint venture betweenGeneral Motors and Suzuki, opened a plant in Ingersoll Ontario, employing around2400 (Rugman 1990, McMillan 1991). 14 The vast majority of the workers in theseplants are Canadians, but they have also provided an important source ofemployment to Japanese Canadians and expatriates, many of whom eventuallychoose to remain in Canada. The expansion of the 1980's was followed byretrenchment in the 1990's. Mitsubishi, Sanyo and Hitachi closed their TV plants inOntario and Quebec, and relocated to Mexico and the southern U.S. to takeadvantage of lower labour costs, shortly after the North American Free TradeAgreement came into effect in 1994.I have tried here to provide a brief outline of the history of Japaneseimmigrants in Canada as reported in the literature, but there is clearly a lot morework that needs to be done particularly on the topic of the recent immigrants.14 Other major Japanese employers in Canada include Fujitsu Consulting (with a largestaff in Alberta and the Maritimes), Daishowa Forest Products in Alberta, CrestbrookForest Industries in B.C. and Sony Canada (with stores across Canada). Westar Mining,a major employer in B.C., went bankrupt in 1992.

40The Current State of the Shin-Issei in Canada and TorontoWith so much of the literature focused on history, it is hard to put togethermuch more than a fragmentary picture of current conditions. Statistics Canada andCitizenship and Immigration Canada distribute census forms and applicationquestionnaires, which provide some information on the demographic characteristicsof immigrants. Clearly, some people do not complete these questionnaires, andeven those who do may not interpret them in the same way as those who framedthem or accept the presuppositions that they contain (Cicourel 1964, Briggs 1986,Hutchby/Wooffitt 1998, Hymes 1998). Still, an immense amount of work goes intodistributing these questionnaires and collating the responses, so I will touch onsome of their findings here.According to Citizenship and Immigration counts, there have been two greatwaves of immigrants from Japan, one around 1905-7 and the second more recentlyin 1999-2001 (see Appendices - Table 1). While the earlier wave was made upmostly of young men hoping to make their fortunes, as Kobayashi (2002) pointedout, in recent years it has been mainly women in their late twenties and earlythirties who have been arriving (see Table 2 below). The introduction of the workingholiday visa program in 1986, which allows Japanese people in their twenties tocome to Canada to work for a year (and vice versa), is probably one factor (seeTable 3). Also the mid to late 1990's saw several thousand Japanese exchangestudents arrive each year, more than from any other country in 1993-1996 and1998 (see Table 4. Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2004). Young people mayalso be fleeing from the rising rate of unemployment in Japan and/or trying to takeadvantage of the continuing high value of the yen.The gender imbalance probably has something to do with the differing labourconditions for the two sexes in Japan. Large Japanese companies have a tendencyto hire most of their career track employees straight out of college. Starting salariesare usually quite low, but rise steadily for permanent employees ( 正 社 員 ) the longerone stays with the same company. Thus, if a Japanese man emigrated to Canada,and then had to return to Japan to look for work, he would probably not be hired bya large company, and would have to accept the same salary as workers muchyounger than himself despite his greater experience. Upon graduating from highschool, junior college or university, most Japanese women go to work, but many of

41those who marry and have children quit when the first child is born. 15 There isprobably a fair amount of variation, but there is a strong societal expectation inJapan that a husband will turn over his pay cheque to his wife, who will handle mostof their banking and purchases, and receive only a small allowance for his ownexpenses. Japanese tax laws favour families where one of the partners works parttime, and most large companies do not hire older people for permanent positions.Thus, although large numbers of married women re-enter the labour force in theirforties, they often have to settle for part-time work in smaller companies that offerless security and fewer benefits (Takahashi 1998). 16 This whole system and theemphasis on women as caregivers for children and the elderly has conspired to keepwomen's incomes quite low, often less than half the rates for Japanese men (seeTable 5 in Appendices). Unmarried men will often live in company dorms, but manyunmarried women continue to live at home with their parents. Parents often viewmarriage as the main means for their daughters to gain financial security, and putincreasing pressure on them to get married, particularly as they pass twenty-five,considered the ideal age for a woman to get married. 17 Emigration carries with itthe chance to escape from parental pressure, and to search for a new marriagepartner on one's own, or to carve out a career in a country with a reputation forgreater sexual equality (Kobayashi 2002).Quite unfortunately though, if Canadian census data is to be believed,Japanese women continue to earn less than half their male counterparts even afterimmigrating to Canada (Table 5). This is particularly hard to understand in view ofthe very high rates of high school and college graduation reported by members ofthis group (Guppy/Davies 1998:106). They earn less than most immigrant womenbut slightly more than other immigrant women who belong to visible minorities15 One should note that the trend towards leaving work is of fairly recent vintage. InJapan, until the 1960's, a large proportion of women (and men) were employed onfamily farms. It is only in the last few decades that there has been a large shift tosalaried work in services, commerce and manufacturing (Takahashi 1998, Mitchell 1998:97).16 In Canada, dual income couples can deduct daycare expenses, but there is no similardeduction for families where one parent stays home to take care of the children.17 A popular metaphor compares women to Christmas cakes, best before their twentyfifthbirthday, but not so marriageable afterwards (Kobayashi 2002).

42(Table 5). Japanese immigrant men by contrast report incomes higher than mostCanadian men, immigrant as well as Canadian born. Some of these men may holdmanagement positions in Japanese companies in Canada, but many others work inthe professions or other fields. Perhaps there is an element of self-selectioninvolved as well. Because of the risk involved in emigrating, Japanese men will notcome here unless sure of getting a salary commensurate with their skills, whilewomen may be coming for other reasons than money.One of the features contributing to the gender-based income gap in Canada isthe relative youth of the female population compared to the male. The recent influxof women has meant that the majority of working women are younger than 45 whilethe majority of men are older (see Table 6). Older people of both sexes tend toearn more money.There have been relatively few surveys of the occupations of Japaneseimmigrants, and none at all that break down the occupations by gender. Asmentioned above, Ueda (1978: 60) conducted a small-scale survey finding a highproportion of professionals and semi-professionals in Toronto, while in Vancouver,Ujimoto (1979: 355) found a high proportion in semi-skilled and service trades (i.e.delivery boys, waiters, painters, taxi drivers and sales clerks). Citizenship andImmigration Canada collects data on the intended occupations of newly arrivingimmigrants (Table 7), but the nature of the situation encourages applicants tosomewhat overstate their aspirations, and in any case, the discounting of foreigncredentials in the Canadian labour market forces many to settle for more modestjobs once here (Reitz 2003). Here spouses and students are the two most commoncategories indicated followed by clerical and administrative jobs.The most common categories listed for Toronto in the Japanese languageTown Pages Telephone Directory for Japanese Canadians, vol. 10 2005 are:1) Japanese Restaurants 542) Shiatsu Clinics 243) Study Abroad Information Services 174) Beauty Salons 165) Travel Agencies 166) Religious Groups/Churches 147) Kenjinkai (Prefectural associations) 148) Real Estate Agents 119) Martial Arts Centres 10

4310) Insurance Companies 10Some of these businesses are owned by members of other ethnic groups, butthey all have Japanese-speaking staff to cater to the immigrant community.The 2001 Census includes figures on the occupations of Canadians ofJapanese ethnicity, but most of these are second and third generation Canadians,born and raised here, who are presumably more adept at finding high paying jobs intheir fields of expertise. In Toronto, men tend to be in the professions andmanufacturing, while women are in the professions and retail trade. The figures forCanada show a large group of Japanese Canadian women in education.The Issei from the first wave of immigration are now quite old, and manyhave passed away, so now the majority of living immigrants are Shin-Issei who havearrived since the opening of the first immigration office in Tokyo in 1966 (Table 8).Ueda's (1978:56), one of the only researchers to have looked into where therecent immigrants hale from, found that many in Toronto came from Japan's largestcities, Tokyo, Yokohama and Osaka. Census figures seem to indicate that, like mostrecent immigrants, they move to large cities after they arrive in Canada, principallyVancouver, Toronto, Calgary, Montreal and Victoria (see Table 10). 26.6 % ofJapanese immigrants in Canada live in Toronto. The figures for language use (Table9) indicate that almost all Shin-Issei continue to use Japanese at home, and evenmany Nisei and Sansei seem to as well, especially in cities like Vancouver, Montrealand Victoria. Chinese and Koreans seem to share a similar commitment to languagemaintenance, but even first generation immigrants from many European groupsappear to begin using English at home. Toronto has an especially large communityof Japanese speakers, more than half of whom seem to be of other than Japaneseethnicity. This is extremely rare. For most ethnic groups that have been in Canadafor decades, the number of speakers falls off sharply. Many of these Japanesespeakers appear to be Chinese Canadians who study Japanese in school, Canadianspouses of Japanese immigrants, other Canadians who have lived in Japan, or olderKoreans and Taiwanese who attended school in Japanese when their countries werecolonies of Japan.It is hard to say exactly where Japanese immigrants live within Toronto, butthe census does publish figures on the federal ridings where Canadians of Japaneseethnicity are concentrated (Table 10). In Toronto, the largest concentrations are inthe downtown core (Toronto-Centre, Trinity-Spadina, Toronto Danforth, St. Paul's),the Willowdale area in the north, Scarborough in the east and in the nearby city of

44Mississauga to the west. The Japanese Canadian Culture Centre is in the Don ValleyWest district and the largest Japanese shopping centre, J-Town, is in the northernsuburb of Markham, but neither of these areas have a particularly large Japanesepopulation. Other ethnic groups in Toronto are becoming much moreconcentrated, 18 most notably, the Chinese who congregate in the variousChinatowns (Dundas/Spadina, Gerrard in Riverdale, Agincourt near Finch/Midland,Markham), South Asians near the "Indian Bazaar" on Gerrard between Coxwell andMain St. and Koreans in Koreatown on Bloor St. West between Bathurst and Christie.Older immigrant groups have long had their own landing areas, for example, theLittle Italies on St. Clair West and College West and in the suburb of Woodbridge,the Little Poland on Roncesvalles, Portugal Village on College West or the Jews alongBathurst north of Bloor.In British Columbia, the largest groups of Japanese ethnics are in VancouverCentre, North Vancouver and other parts of that city, with many living in the nearbysuburbs of Burnaby, Richmond (which incorporates the old fishing village ofSteveston) and New Westminster. There are still quite a few in Kelowna B.C. in theOkanagan valley, where many used to own fruit farms. Lethbridge, Alberta has alarge group, and in Montreal, most seem to live in the Westmount-Ville Marie area.The lack of any sizable Japantowns in Canada seems to be in part the result ofgovernment policies at the end of the war calling for dispersion. In Toronto,although many new immigrants appear to work in the ethnic economy of restaurants,shiatsu clinics and beauty salons, these too are spread out across much of the city.A number of scholars have commented on an increasing tendency towardoutgroup marriage among Japanese Canadians, especially among younger sanseiand yonsei (i.e. 4th generation) women, but also evident among the shin-issei(Kawaji 1972, Yamada 2000, Kobayashi 2002, 2003). Almost half of Canadians ofJapanese ethnicity born in Canada claim a second ethnicity as well, suggesting astartling high rate of outmarriage among child producing couples. Kobayashi(2003:233) has produced an estimate that about 41% of women who were born inJapan, married and under the age of 35 had married someone of other thanJapanese ancestry. University of Massachusetts sociologist Cuong Nguyen Le's data18 Hou and Picot (2004) have even suggested that the concentration of Chinese andSouth Asians in some areas of Toronto and Vancouver is leading to "rapid replacement,"i.e. what is known in the U.S. as "white flight."

45(2004) suggests that the rate may be much lower in the U.S., perhaps 8% amongShin-issei men who emigrated after age 13, and 15% among Shin-issei women. Itshould be stressed in both cases that the sample of census data used provides avery small number of cases, so these have to be considered very rough estimates.Guppy and Davies (1998) and Ornstein (2000) use 1991 and 1996 censusdata to probe the question of ethnic academic achievement. They both find widediscrepancies between different groups, but do not offer much in the way ofexplanation. Across Canada amongst 20 year olds, native-born and foreign-bornKorean men were the most likely to have completed high school followed by nativebornKorean and Chinese women and foreign-born Filipino men. Japaneseimmigrants were not far behind followed closely by native-born Japanese Canadiansof both genders (Guppy and Davies 1998: 106). The groups with the fewest yearsof schooling were Portuguese, First Nations, Greeks, Italians and Vietnamese (Guppyand Davies 1998: 112). The same pattern seems to hold true for Toronto on the1996 census (Ornstein 2000: 36-8). These findings are difficult to explain. Koreansand Filipinos generally report much lower incomes on the census than Italians orFirst Nations peoples. The census seems to suggest that overall immigrants arebetter educated than native-born Canadians, but immigrants from southern Europeare among those who seem least likely to finish high school or university.One prominent feature of the Japanese community in Toronto is the widerange of churches and temples catering to the Shin-Issei community. They provideone key venue for immigrants to gather, network and discuss common concerns. InJapan, faiths are usually divided into old religions - Shinto and the various pre-1850sects of Buddhism: Tendai, Shingon, Joudo, Joudo Shinshuu, Nichiren, and Zen -and new religions - Agonshuu ( 阿 含 宗 ), Institute for Research in Human Happiness( 幸 福 の 科 学 ), Konkoukyou ( 金 光 教 ), Seicho-No-Ie ( 生 長 の 家 ), Soka Gakkai ( 創 価 学 会 )and Tenrikyo ( 天 理 教 ) (Clarke and Somers 1994, Clarke 2000). There are more newreligions, but these are the ones that have churches in Toronto (see Appendix 1 forcontact information). The new religions tend to be based on Shinto or Buddhistideas, but were often founded by charismatic leaders, and are more active atproselytizing to gain new adherents than traditional religions. Some of the newreligions predict a coming apocalypse, and many focus on worldly goals likehappiness or financial success.Kobayashi (1987) brought attention to the fact that many of the first Isseiwave of immigrants in the early years of the 20th century were associated with the

46Jodo Shinshuu sect of Buddhism, and this formed an important connection betweenthem. The Toronto Buddhist Church (Jodo Shinshuu) and St. Andrew's Anglicanchurch are both contributing members of Japanese Social Services, the non-profitorganization that provides counselling and orientation lectures to recent immigrants.The churches also act as a magnet for adherents to the counterpart churches inJapan who want to try their hand at living abroad.The census also provides data on the religious affiliation of Canadians ofJapanese ethnicity. Across Canada, a little less than half report no religiousaffiliation, close to a quarter are Protestant and less than a fifth are Buddhist 19(Table 12). Religious affiliation seems to be somewhat higher in Torontopresumably because it is only in large cities that there are enough adherents tosupport a church. It seems likely that more of the Shin-Issei would be Buddhist orsubscribe to one of Japan's new religions than the older wave of Nisei and Sansei,many of whom have converted to Christianity during their time in Canada (Less than1% of Japanese in Japan are Christian). Toronto in particular has a wide range oftemples and churches. Protestantism is represented by Centennial Japanese UnitedChurch, Toronto Japanese Seventh Day Adventist Church, Japanese Gospel Churchof Toronto, St. Andrews Japanese Anglican Church, Wesley Chapel Japanese Church(Methodist), Kingsway Baptist Church, and Grace Japanese Church (Presbyterian).Traditional Buddhism is represented by the Toronto Buddhist Church, and TorontoNichiren Buddhist Church. The new religions are represented by Soka GakkaiInternational, Seicho no ie, the Institute for Research in Human Happiness (knownin Japanese as 幸 福 の 科 学 ), Konko Church of Toronto, Agonshu Canada BuddhistAssociation and Tenrikyo Canada Church.The United Church appears to have an active Nisei congregation, whichshares the building with a Shin-issei group, which conducts ceremonies in Japanese.The Toronto Buddhist Church probably has one of the largest congregations, isactive in charity work both in Toronto and Japan, and runs movie nights, obondances in August and bazaars for fundraising and entertainment. Konko Church hasclose ties with the Toronto Shikokukai, an association for immigrants hailing fromthe four prefectures on the Japanese island of Shikoku. Soka Gakkai has a club at19 Kalbach and Kalbach 2000 have suggested that membership in ethnic churches isassociated with greater use of the mother tongue at home, and leads to discrimination inthe Canadian labour market.

47the University of Toronto, and is probably one of the most aggressive in recruitingnew members.The Japanese Canadian Culture Centre is probably the most important focusfor events. They offer a wide range of classes in traditional Japanese arts (Japaneselanguage, karate, judo, aikido, kendo, flower arranging, calligraphy, etc.), whichappeal to both the Shin-issei and other Canadians. In June, the centre is the site ofthe Japanese pavilion at Caravan, Toronto's annual citywide show of ethnic food andentertainment.There are three schools in Toronto that cater to the children of immigrants:Nikka Gakuen, Kokugo Kyoushitsu, and Nisshuu Gakuin. Kokugo Kyoushitsu founderMichiko Suzuki (1997:28-29) reported Nikka Gakuen as having 140 students, andKokugo Kyoushitsu as having 112. All three run their classes on Saturday mornings,and concentrate on the elementary grades, although Nikka Gakuen and KokugoKyoushitsu run small mixed age classes for the high school years. As in Japan,parents are encouraged to attend for track and field, student plays, parent days andother seasonal celebrations.There are 19 Kenjinkai, associations for people hailing from the sameprefecture. There are wide dialectical variations within Japan, and usually peoplefrom the same prefecture are able to speak or at least understand the regionalstandard. 20 As mentioned above, the Kenjinkai were probably very important to theIssei as a basis for the establishment of the tanomoshi rotating credit associationwhich provided the funds by which many immigrants set up their first businesses.Most of the current Kenjinkai are descendants of these early organizations, broughtby the internees when they moved east, and thus still reflect the traditional sourceprefectures of western Japan (Shiga, Wakayama, and Hiroshima) rather than thelarge cities from which many of the Shin-Issei originate. As unemployment reliefhas come to be provided by the Canadian government, and loans have became morereadily available from mainstream Canadian banks, these roles have faded, and nowthe Kenjinkai serve mainly as social groups, holding regular barbecues, picnics orkaraoke sing-offs.20 Speakers from Okinawa or southern Kyushu often have their speech subtitled whenappearing on TV in Tokyo, but some dialects such as Kansaiben spoken in the majormetropolitan centres of Osaka, Kyoto and Kobe are widely understood throughout Japan.

48Japanese Social Services is a volunteer organization housed in the JapaneseCanadian Culture Centre, which provides counselling services and orientationlectures for recent immigrants. The organization was first established in 1987, butclosed its doors in 1996 due to funding cuts, and then reopened in 1998. Much ofits funding comes from the city of Toronto, the Japanese consulate, and theShokokai, the association representing Japanese companies in Toronto, but thechurches and many private individuals contribute as well. The JSS helped produceProject Blue Sky, providing information in Japanese, Chinese and Korean for womenand children in situations of domestic violence. 21There is a wide range of Japanese language magazines and newspapersserving Toronto area Shin-issei. Nikka Times is the main general interest newspaper,published weekly. It reports on news in Canada and Japan, publicizes upcomingcommunity events, and contains classified ads for jobs and housing. Green Page isan annual phone directory with up-to-date articles on finding work, housing, banking,food, etc. for immigrants and other long-term visitors. Bingo, bits and hiyori areToronto-based magazines which provide information in Japanese on localentertainment and travel. mamma is a magazine for young mothers on childcare.There are also a number of active online forums, notably Baby Talks Forum for thecaregivers of newborn children.Toronto as a context for immigrant incorporationBrettell (2003b) has argued that individual cities present very differentenvironments for arriving immigrants. Comparing the work and housingarrangements of Portuguese living in Toronto and Paris, she found that whileToronto had its own "little Portugal," in Paris, Portuguese tended to live all over thecentral core in the upper floor of their employer's houses due to their wideemployment as domestic servants. Toronto, she believed, had a multicultural ethos,which promoted and nurtured ethnic distinctiveness 22 in contrast with the moreassimilationist emphasis of "becoming French" which she believed she had found inParis. She went on to survey the anthropological literature on cities noting the21 http://www.projectbluesky.ca/english/index.html22 She noted as evidence the Toronto Caravan International Festival, the largest of itskind held for nine days every year at the end of June.

49diverse ways in which their distinctive housing and labour markets, economy,government and history can have an impact on the lives of arriving immigrants.Toronto is almost certainly the most multicultural city in Canada, and one ofthe most diverse in the world. Only cities like Dubai, Miami and Amsterdam appearto have a larger percentage of foreign born (Table 12), and only cities like LosAngeles and New York have a higher number of foreign-born residents (Table 13).Immigrants have arrived in Toronto in a number of waves. During the 1950'sand 1960's, the United Kingdom and Italy were the main source countries (Table 15).In the 1970's, large numbers arrived from Jamaica and Portugal, and in the 1980'sthere was burst of immigrants from Poland. In the 1990's, Asia provided most ofToronto's immigrants with large numbers arriving from India, the People's Republicof China, Hong Kong, the Philippines and Sri Lanka.Toronto is the most expensive city in Canada to live in, followed by Vancouverand Ottawa (Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation 2004), but considerablycheaper than large cities in Japan or the U.S. such as Tokyo, New York or LosAngeles (Government of Quebec 2004). Apartment vacancy rates were very low formost of the 1990's, but they have improved recently as low interest rates havemade it possible for higher income renters to purchase condos, that are being builtin abundance, thus easing the squeeze on rental housing (Research Working Group2003).Some demographers have maintained that independent immigrant men whoarrived in the 1970's seemed able to find jobs fairly quickly after arrival, and soonwere earning salaries similar to those born in Canada, but later arrivals have notfared so well (Human Resources and Skills Development Canada. 2001). Immigrantwomen seem to have been particularly hard hit by the recessions of the early 1980'sand 1990's and the gap between their incomes and those of Canadian born womenseems to have widen during the 1990's despite the economic recovery in the latterhalf of the decade (Statistics Canada 2003). Canadian sociologist Jeffrey Reitz(2003) has suggested that in earlier decades, employers were willing to hireimmigrants because they had higher levels of education than Canadians, but now asmore and more Canadians are pursuing post-secondary studies, employers seemmore reluctant to hire those who lack Canadian education or experience.Professional associations and the government have shown little interest in speedingup the credentialing process. According to one study, one in four immigrants with a

50university education is working in a job requiring no more than a high schooldiploma (Galarneau and Morissette 2004).MethodologyAs outlined above in this thesis, I would like to focus on the immigrationexperiences of the Shin-Issei, the new first generation immigrants from Japan. Arethey finding jobs and settling in? Are they satisfied with their lives? If not, what dothey see as the source of their difficulties? What kind of adjustments have theymade to their ways of doing things? What practices have they carried over fromtheir earlier lives in Japan? Do they feel that they are being discriminated against?How does their view of their own adjustment and the receptiveness of Canadiansociety affect their decision to stay or leave?Most of the research on the lives and experiences of recent immigrants seemsto have been carried out within the framework of ethnography by sociologists in theChicago School tradition (Whyte 1993[1943], Gans 1984), or more recently, byurban anthropologists (Watson 1975, 1977, Gibson 1988, Lamphere 1992, VanEsterik 1992, Oxfeld 1993, Sanjek 1998, Brettell 2000, 2003, Foner 2000, 2003).These researchers have drawn on a wide range of methods from surveys andhistorical research to participant observation, but without question in much of thiswork, interviews have played a key role. American anthropologist Caroline Brettellargues that: "[g]enerally ethnographers and others who study migrants and themigration process must rely on migrants' own detailed accounts of why they decidedto leave, what the journey was like, what happened when they arrived in their placeof destination, and if relevant why they returned home. These accounts emerge inthe context of intensive and often repeated open-ended interviews, where anethnographer asks a migrant to talk about his or her experiences (Brettell2003:27)." This is the method I intend to adopt here.Selecting participants: When I first began conducting fieldwork among theJapanese in Canada in 1987, I spent most of my time with exchange students, livingnext to them in an effort to pick up the language, and gain some sense of theculture. From 1990 to 1998, I lived in Japan visiting the homes of many of theexchange students whom I had first met in Canada. Some of them have gone on toimmigrate to Canada or the United States, and I have often discussed with them atlength their reasons and hopes. Since returning to Toronto in 1998, I have been

51associating with expatriates, long term residents as well as landed immigrants. Thedivision between these groups is not at all clear-cut. Several of my immigrantcontacts have been unable to find work or have lost their jobs and had to returnhome, while many who arrived as students or expatriates choose to stay on.I have drawn my main participants from friends of friends or people I havemet during my volunteer work at Japanese Social Services. I have also been visitingvarious ethnic organizations which seem to provide the most support to newcomers,talking to their representatives and observing activities there to get a sense of whatrole they play. I hope to include the Kenjinkai (prefectural associations), Buddhistand Christian churches, the three heritage schools (Kokugo Kyoushitsu, NikkaGakuen, Nisshuu Gakuen) and the Shin-Ijuusha Kyoukai.I would like to focus in on ten or so families or individuals whom I willinterview in more detail. I would like to talk with people from as wide a range ofbackgrounds as possible to get a sense of the degree of diversity the communitycontains. Clearly, Japanese immigrants vary in countless ways, for example,prefecture of birth/upbringing, other countries lived in, religious affiliations, age ofarrival, or number of years in Canada. As Nagata (1969), Kiefer (1974) and othershave noted, people tend to emphasize certain facets of their identity in somesituations, while downplaying these same aspects in other situations depending onthe circumstances. The key to understanding which aspects of their identity areimportant for understanding their behaviour depends on fieldwork observing them ina wide range of situations.A couple of distinctions that do seem key though are gender and occupation.As I noted above, by leaving Japan, men stand to lose any chance of getting asecure well-paying job in the competitive Japanese labour market, whereas womenhave less to lose financially, and may be trying to escape from parental pressure tomarry. As mentioned, Light (1972), Bonacich and Modell (1980) have looked at howself-employment in small stores helped early immigrants raise enough money tosend their children to university, but led to subsequent intergenerational conflictsabout who would take over the store. Podolsky (1994) noted how the feeling thatthe father could not get a promotion in a Canadian company drove one family togive up on the immigrant project and return to Japan. Based on my initial fieldwork,the question of whether one works inside or outside the ethnic economy also seemscentral (Wilson and Portes 1980). In my core group, I hope to interview andobserve perhaps ten informants, men and women varying along these dimensions.

52Ten will allow me to explore some of the diversity within the community while largernumbers would make it difficult to get sufficient depth. Like Shibata (1980), I doubtthat I would want to make any claims about the representativity or typicality of myinformants. I prefer to aim to get as much depth as practical given the limited timethat we will have together.Data Collection/Generation: In ethnographic research, the two main formsof data generation are field notes and interviews. Field notes involve jotting downbrief mnemonic scratch notes in the course of observing and/or participating invarious activities. These scratch notes are then fleshed out later into a longeraccount of the event (Sanjek 1990: 95-9). Ideally, the ethnographer tries todescribe as much of the situation and context as possible. In practice, researchersprobably tend to concentrate on those elements that seem most important giventheir evolving understanding of the phenomena being observed.In this particular project, rather than the outward behaviour of peopleinvolved in public events, I am more interested in how my informants themselvesview their lives and experiences as a whole. The decision to come here, and to tryto make a go of their life here hinges centrally on how they view their own ability toget by and the reception which they are receiving in the various social arenas oftheir lives. They may experience hardships and pain, but maintain sufficient hope intheir ability to overcome it. Alternatively, they may be troubled by what might seemto an observer like minor annoyances, but these may ultimately lead to theirdecision to give up, and go back home.I am also interested in events from their past that may have had someinfluence on their decisions in some cases without their conscious awareness.Although, ideally I would like to be able to follow my participants from their homesin Japan through immigration and on to their settling in jobs here, observing them ineach setting, in practice this has proven hard to achieve. Veteran ethnographerCaroline Brettell in all her years of fieldwork only managed to stumble on one caseof a woman who was about to emigrate from Portugal (2003:27). Thus one isforced to some extent to rely on post facto accounts. Brettell does not see this as aproblem arguing that "[w]hile the recounting of these events is obviously subject tolapses of or embellishments on memory, Gmelch (1992) stresses that migration is aparamount and disruptive event in anyone's life and is therefore likely to be recalledwith more vivid detail than some other events. He suggests that people often omitthe unpleasant, but when asked about it are generally forthcoming" (Brettell

532003:27). In the interviews that I have conducted so far, I have been pleasantlysurprised by the amount of detail that my informants have been able to relate to meabout their earlier lives.Interviewing however can be a delicate process with its own dynamic. Askingrelative strangers questions in the course of their activities can arouse suspicions(Whyte 1993: 303). Shibata describes her difficulties in interviewing her fellowShin-Issei women:In contrast to the Issei women, who loved to talk about their lives in Japanand early days in Canada, many of the Shin-Issei women did not wish torelate their experiences. I remembered how careful I had become inselecting my words when I interviewed some Shin-Issei women. I sensedthat even though they were curious and asked me question about myprivate life, I was not allowed to ask them similar questions. ... In somecases I skipped some questions and probed later in our interviews. Formany Shin-Issei women, this was not the time to reflect on theirexperiences as they were constantly being challenged to adapt to theirnew country (Shibata 2003: 186)I have not as yet experienced problems of this nature although some of myparticipants have been more taciturn than others. I initially considered creatingfocus groups or asking if I could sit in on already existing clubs as recommended byKobayashi (2002), but now that I have conducted most of my interviews I no longerfeel that this will be necessary.In cases where I have established sufficient rapport to carry out longerinterviews, I would like to ask people about their reasons for coming to Canada andtheir reasons for staying, whether they have changed since arriving, and if so inwhat ways. I hope to pursue other questions such as the nature of their socialnetworks, contexts in which they come into contact with Canadians, how they foundtheir current job if they are working, what kind of training they have, and how theyare coping at work. Rather than conducting one off interviews, I hope to keep intouch with my informants, asking about new developments and exploring varioustopics and interpretations that have come out of my interviews and observations.

54Interviews used to be written up in much the same way as fieldnotes, but inrecent decades, tape recorders (or MD or solid state recorders) 23 have become animportant tool of the ethnographer. Working with recorders frees the researcher tolisten attentively and ask questions rather than divide one's attention trying to writedown what is said. Being able to go back to the original tape also allows theresearcher to discover nuances that were missed at the time, and lessens thedanger of misquoting someone or taking their words out of context (Nader 1970,Keiser 1970, Agar 1996). Most times, the context provides important clues as towhy the informant responded that way at that particular time, and the researchercan go back, and try to reconstruct the sequence of events that led to certainrevelations or troubles in the course of the interview.Transcription/translation: As soon as possible after each interview, I willtry to write up field notes on each interview including as much as I can rememberabout the context and other elements that did not get captured on tape. I also hopeto transcribe/translate long passages from the tapes to be used as the raw data ofmy analysis and to provide illustrative quotes about salient trends. I hope to includefairly extensive excerpts from the interviews in an appendix to the thesis in additionto the portions that are translated for quotation in the body of the thesis. I willdiscuss specific problems of transcription/translation with either the informantsthemselves or with other Japanese-speaking colleagues.Analysis: In the analysis, I plan to go through my tapes, field notes andtranscripts, trying to gain some understanding of why my participants came toCanada, what kind of experiences they've had since arriving, how they've dealt withthe tasks of finding work and building a social network, and how their experiencesand approach have influenced their decisions to settle here. and/or apply forCanadian citizenship. I take it that the goal of ethnographic theory is similar to thediscipline of history in that the ethnographer tries to work out the wide range ofcontributing factors that contribute to particular events (Hexter 1971), in this casethe decision to work and live in Canada, and its effects. The ethnographer relies onwhat evidence can be found to piece together the story, the narrative of cause andeffect. The ethnographer must try to convey the atmosphere of the situations thatled to certain turning points in the lives of the people studied. Certain inferred23 British anthropologist Alan Stockdale (2002) provides a good outline of the types ofrecorders available and their advantages.

55causes may point to larger themes, but the essential job of the ethnographer is totry to understand individual cases in all their complexity rather than trying to reducepeople's lives to a small number of factors. I take it that how the people themselvesview their lives has a large impact on the decisions they make, and thus anyanalysis must take this into account.Timetable: I have finished interviews with 7 participants to date, and havebeen keeping field notes on this process and my visits to ethnic organizations. Ihope to finish transcribing/translating by the end of August 2005, and the first draftof the thesis by November 2005.

56AppendicesTable 1: Immigrants from Japan and from world for various yearsFromJapanFromworldFromJapanFromWorldFromJapanFromWorld1900-1 6 49 149 1935 70 11 277 1970 785 147 7131901-2 - 67 379 1936 103 11 643 1971 815 121 9001902-3 - 128 364 1937 146 15 101 1972 684 122 0061903-4 - 125 899 1938 57 17 244 1973 1020 184 2001904-5 354 142 853 1939 44 16 994 1974 810 218 4651905-6 1922 184 064 1940 43 11 324 1975 654 187 8811906-7 2042 122 165 1941 4 9 329 1976 498 149 4291907-8 7601 257 309 1942 - 7 576 1977 412 114 9141908 858 143 326 1943 - 8 504 1978 359 86 3131909 244 173 694 1944 - 12 801 1979 666 112 0931910 420 286 839 1945 - 22 722 1980 737 143 1351911 727 331 288 1946 1 71 719 1981 770 128 6391912 675 375 756 1947 - 64 127 1982 622 121 1761913 886 400 870 1948 5 125 414 1983 333 89 1881914 681 150 484 1949 11 95 217 1984 256 88 2711915 380 36 665 1950 11 73 912 1985 225 84 3341916 553 55 914 1951 3 194 391 1986 275 99 3251917 887 72 910 1952 6 164 498 1987 437 151 9991918 1036 41 845 1953 46 168 868 1988 356 161 4941919 892 107 698 1954 71 154 227 1989 524 191 4931920 525 138 824 1955 97 109 946 1990 423 216 3961921 481 91 728 1956 121 164 498 1991 551 232 7441922 395 64 224 1957 180 282 164 1992 645 254 8171923 404 133 729 1958 183 124 164 1993 972 256 7411924 510 124 164 1959 190 106 928 1994 1000 224 3641925 424 84 907 1960 159 104 111 1995 868 212 8591926 443 135 982 1961 114 71 689 1996 1056 226 0391927 511 158 886 1962 134 74 586 1997 971 216 0141928 535 166 783 1963 171 93 151 1998 1021 174 1591929 179 164 993 1964 140 112 606 1999 1355 189 9221930 217 104 806 1965 188 146 758 2000 1304 227 3461931 174 27 530 1966 500 194 743 2001 1646 250 4841932 119 20 591 1967 858 222 876 2002 1077 229 0911933 106 14 382 1968 628 183 974 2003 1008 221 4621934 125 12 476 1969 698 161 531Sources: Adachi 1976, Citizenship and Immigration Canada http://www.cic.gc.ca

57Table 2: Japanese immigrants arriving in Canada 1996 by age and genderAge Male Female Total0-4 27 21 485-9 23 40 6310-14 24 16 4015-19 13 15 2820-24 9 42 5125-29 55 249 30430-34 52 218 27035-39 32 55 8740-44 21 32 5345-49 18 17 3550-54 8 13 2155-59 5 9 1460-64 7 4 1165 & older 13 18 31Source: Citizenship and Immigration Canada, http://www.cic.gc.caTable 3: Number of Japanese in Canada on a working holiday visa1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994236 743 1,315 2,153 2,995 3,590 4,000 4,000 3,5001995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 20023,500 3,500 3,500 4,008 4,633 4,183 4,346 4,875Source: http://www.jawhm.or.jp/eng/prgrm/visa.htmlTable 4: Number of Japanese exchange students in Canada1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990621 588 738 737 927 1232 1109 1868 2896 2915 30301991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 20013300 3624 3709 3860 4613 5638 5834 5520 5778 5641 6409Source: http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/research/papers/foreignstudents/annex-c.html

58Table 5: Median Estimated Earned Income in home country and CanadaHome countryCanada(US$ purchasing power parity 2002) (CN$, 2000)men women men womenAll Canadians 36299 22964 29276 17122Canadian born - - 29963 17351Non-visible minority 30044 17442Visible minority 14688 12281Japanese Ethnic 32448 22907Canadian immigrants - - 27478 16557Non-visible minority immigrants - - 31095 17378United Kingdom 32984 19807 39105 20238South Europe - - 28147 15043Italy 36959 16702 - -Portugal 24373 13084 - -East Europe - - 26898 16306Poland 13149 8120 - -Visible minority immigrants - - 23218 15428East Asia - - 18572 13475Japan/Japanese 37208 16977 34861 15711Chinese - - 20134 14267Hong Kong 33776 18805 - -China 5435 3571 - -Caribbean & Bermuda - - 27555 20306Jamaica 4783 3169 - -South East Asia 25988 18449Philippines 5326 3144 26655 20548Southern Asia - - 14979 13839Sri Lanka 4523 2570 - -India 3820 1442 - -Sources: United Nations Development Program 2003, 2001 Census Statistics Canada

59Table 6: Percentage of Canadians age 15 or over with degrees or diplomasUniversity degreeHigh school diplomamen women men womenEast Asian immigrants 34.8 25.0 74.0 69.0Southern Asian immigrants 32.1 25.2 73.7 65.7East European immigrants 26.2 22.2 75.5 70.6All Canadian immigrants 23.5 18.3 72.2 67.2South East Asian immigrants 23.0 24.2 71.8 70.9Immigrants from the United Kingdom 21.5 12.9 80.9 72.2All Canadians 16.0 14.9 68.5 68.9Canadian born 13.8 13.8 67.4 69.3Immigrants from Caribbean & Bermuda 13.6 10.4 73.4 73.8South European immigrants 7.8 6.2 47.4 38.6Source: 2001 Census Statistics CanadaTable 6: Number of Japanese immigrants in Canada/Toronto by Sex and AgeCanadaTorontoTotal Women Men Total Women Men0-14 640 280 360 165 55 11015-24 810 470 340 180 105 7525-44 6900 5125 1775 1445 1005 44045-64 6765 3885 2880 1635 920 71565+ 2120 1385 735 475 295 180Total 17235 11145 6090 3895 2375 1520Source: 2001 Census, Statistics Canada

60Table 7: Intended Occupation of Immigrants arriving from Japan in 1996Intended occupation, 1996 # %Spouses 138 13.1Students 114 10.8Clerical and related 77 7.3Managerial, Administrative 74 7.0Natural Sciences, Engineering 69 6.5Services 69 6.5Children 45 4.3Art, Literature, Performing Arts 42 4.0Not destined for labour force 28 2.6Entrepreneurs 22 2.1Teaching 14 1.3Sales 14 1.3Source: Citizenship and Immigration CanadaTable 8: Immigrants from Japan by period of immigrationTorontoCanadaTotal Women Men Total Women MenBefore 1961 230 130 100 1160 745 4151961-70 590 275 315 2400 1300 11001971-80 995 630 365 3675 2125 15501981-90 485 325 160 2550 1715 8351991-2001 1610 1020 590 7465 5275 2190Total 3910 2380 1530 17250 11160 6090Source: 2001 Census, Statistics Canada, http://www.statscan.ca

61Table 9: Population of Japanese Immigrants, Mother Tongue Speakers,Ethnics and Speakers in various Canadian citiesCensus Metropolitan areasJapaneseimmigrantsSpeakJapaneseat homeJapanesemothertongueJapaneseethnicitySpeakJapaneseVancouver, B.C. 7 615 13 270 14 400 27 040 24 275Toronto, Ont. 4 695 6 770 7 860 20 085 39 090Calgary, Alb. 710 1085 1285 4 710 2 595Montreal, Que. 595 1025 1120 2 575 2 675Victoria, B.C. 500 1000 970 2 155 2 215Ottawa, Ont. 465 690 800 1785 1815Edmonton, Alb. 355 605 770 2 235 1680St. Catherines/Niagara, Ont. 210 280 285 620 590London, Ont. 205 220 220 520 470Winnipeg, Man. 170 355 525 1590 975Hamilton, Ont. 110 175 310 1165 675Kelowna, B.C. 90 300 390 1210 655Abbotsford, B.C. 90 165 220 545 440Lethbridge, Alb. 85 170 345 1215 490Kitchener, Ont. 80 185 220 460 485Canada 17 630 30 565 34 820 73 320 65 035Source: 2001 Census, Statistics Canada, http://www.statscan.caTable 10: Federal Electoral Districts with most Canadians of Japanese ethnicityLargest in Toronto Area # Largest Outside Toronto #Willowdale 935 Vancouver Centre 3320Toronto-Centre 785 North Vancouver 2170Don Valley East 760 Burnaby-Douglas, B.C. 1895Trinity-Spadina 725 Richmond, B.C. 1890Toronto Danforth 685 Vancouver Quadra 1755St. Paul's 675 Lethbridge, Alb. 1605Pickering Scarborough East 665 Burnaby-New Westminster, B.C. 1530Scarborough Guildwood 665 Vancouver South 1250Mississauga Erindale 665 Vancouver East 1175Scarborough Centre 660 West Vancouver Sunshine Coast 1160Scarborough Agincourt 625 Vancouver Kingsway 1045Parkdale High Park 615 Kelowna, B.C. 915Source: 2001 Census, Statistics Canada, http://www.statscan.ca

62Table 11: Canadians of Japanese Ethnicity by religionCanadaToronto% Total Women Men % Total Women MenNo religion 47.3 34,665 18,450 16,215 38.9 6,770 3,390 3,380Protestant 23.8 17,430 9,560 7,870 28.5 4,960 2,735 2,225Buddhist 17.7 12,955 7,505 5,450 21.8 3,795 2,060 1,735Catholic 6.7 4,895 2,475 2,420 6.6 1,145 560 585Christian 3.0 2,200 1,270 930 2.7 465 280 185Eastern Religions 1.0 740 465 275 0.8 145 100 45Jewish 0.1 105 60 45 0.3 45 20 25Muslim 0.1 100 80 20 0.2 30 20 10Orthodox 0.1 90 50 40 0.1 20 10 10Other 0.1 60 40 20 0.1 10 10 0Hindu 0.1 55 30 25 0.2 40 20 20Sikh 0.0 25 10 15 0.0 0 0 0Total 73,320 39,995 33,325 17,425 9,205 8,220Source: 2001 Census, Statistics CanadaTable 12: World Cities with the highest percentage of foreign born residentsRank City % foreign born1 Dubai, United Arab Emirates 82.02 Miami, Florida 50.93 Amsterdam, Netherlands 47.34 Toronto, Ontario 45.05 Muscat, Oman 44.66 Vancouver, British Columbia 39.07 Auckland, Australia 39.08 Geneva, Switzerland 38.49 Mecca, Saudi Arabia 37.810 The Hague, Netherlands 36.6Source: Benton-Short, Price and Friedman 2003

63Table 13: World cities with most foreign born residentsRank City # foreign born1 Los Angeles, California 3 449 4442 New York, New York 3 139 6473 Toronto, Ontario 2 091 1004 London, England 1 940 3905 Medina, Saudi Arabia 1 893 2136 Mecca, Saudi Arabia 1 686 5957 Riyadh, Saudi Arabia 1 477 6018 Chicago, Illinois 1 425 9789 Sydney, Australia 1 235 90810 Miami, Florida 1 147 765Source: Benton-Short, Price and Friedman 2003Table 14: Largest Immigrant Groups in TorontoCountry of origin Number % of immigrants Main period ofimmigrationIndia 147 165 7.2 1990'sUnited Kingdom 142 990 7.0 1950's to 1960'sItaly 138 990 6.8 1950's to 1960'sChina, People's Republic of 136 135 6.7 1990'sHong Kong 110 735 5.4 1990'sPhilippines 103 170 5.1 1990'sJamaica 92 190 4.5 1970'sPortugal 78 895 3.9 1970'sPoland 70 490 3.5 1980'sSri Lanka 68 790 3.4 1990's...Japan 4 165 0.2 1990'sTotal # of immigrants 2 032 960 100.0 1990'sSource: Census 2001, Statistics Canada

64Average monthly rent, vacancy rates and percentage of households in needof more affordable housing in large Canadian cities, 2003Average rent Vacancy Rate In needToronto 1040 3.8 18.3Vancouver 965 2.0 17.0Ottawa 932 2.9 15.2Calgary 804 4.4 12.6Hamilton 778 3.0 15.5London 736 2.1 15.6Edmonton 722 3.4 12.5Canada 703 2.6 14.4Winnipeg 645 1.3 13.1Montreal 575 1.0 14.7Quebec City 567 0.5 13.0Source: Engeland et al 2005Average price of a home 2003 and home ownership rates 2001 for citiesPriceRateVancouver 329447 61.5Toronto 293308 63.2Ottawa 219713 61.7Calgary 211155 70.6Canada 206318 65.8Hamilton 197744 68.3Montreal 167047 50.2Edmonton 165541 66.3London 153637 62.8Quebec City 117586 55.5Winnipeg 108812 65.5Source: Engeland et al 2005.

65Appendix 1: Contact information for Japanese Churches in TorontoAgonshu Canada Buddhist Association, 阿 含 宗 カナダTel: 416-922-1272, 1255 Yonge St. Suite 302, Toronto M4T 1W6Grace Toronto Japanese Church, グレーストロントチャーチ( 北 米 長 老 教 会 )Tel: 416-789-1902, 95 Trinity St. Toronto M5A 3C7The Institute for Research in Human Happiness (IRH), 幸 福 の 科 学Tel: 905-257-3677, 484 Ravineview Way, Oakville L6H 6S8Web site: http://www.irhpress.co.jp/irhpress/index.htmlJapanese Gospel Church of Toronto, トロント 日 系 福 音 教 会Tel: 416-391-5271, 6 Garamond Court, Don Mills M3C 1Z5Web site: http://www.jgct.com/default.aspKingsway Baptist Church, キングスウェイ 日 系 バプテスト 教 会Tel: 416-239-2381, 41 Birchview Blvd. Etobicoke M8X 1H7Konko Church of Toronto, 金 光 教 トロント 教 会Tel: 416-261-9619, 398 Kennedy Rd., Scarborough M1K 2A6Seicho-No-Ie, 生 長 の 家Tel: 416-690-8686, 662 Victoria Park Ave. Toronto M4C 5H4Web site: http://www.snitoronto.caSoka Gakkai International Association of Canada, カナダ 創 価 学 会 インターナショナルTel: 416-654-3211, 2050 Dufferin St. Toronto M6E 3R6Web site: http://www.sgicanada.orgSt. Andrew's Japanese Anglican Church, 聖 アンドルーズ 日 系 聖 公 会Tel: 416-461-8399, 49 Donlands Ave. Toronto M4J 3N5Tenrikyo Canada Church, 天 理 教 カナダ 教 会

66Tel: 416-247-9791, 160 Gracefield Ave. Toronto M6L 1L5Toronto Buddhist Church, トロント 仏 教 会Tel: 416-534-4302, 918 Bathurst St. Toronto M5R 3G5Web site: http://www.tbc.on.caToronto Japanese Catholic Community, 日 系 カトリック 信 者 会Tel: 416-960-8827, 2685 Kingston Rd. Scarborough M1M 1M4Toronto Japanese Seventh-Day Adventist Church, セブンスデーアドベンチスト 日 系 教 会Tel: 416-292-1754, 19 Mortimer Ave. Toronto M4K 1Z9Web site: http://www.tjsda.comToronto Japanese United Church (Nichigo), トロント 日 系 人 合 同 教 会Tel: 416-516-0313Centennial-Japanese United ChurchTel: 416-536-7004Both housed at 701 Dovercourt Rd. Toronto M6H 2W7Web site: http://www.cjuc.org/backgrnd.htmToronto Nichiren Buddhist Church, トロント 日 蓮 仏 教 会Tel: 416-463-9783, 20 Caithness Ave. Toronto M4J 3X7Wesley Chapel Japanese Church, ウェスレイチャペル 日 系 教 会Tel: 416-425-6760, 2385 Warden Ave. Scarborough M1W 2L6Referencesa3pcon. 2004. "A3PCON History and Timeline." .Accessed February 3, 2004.Adachi, Ken. 1958. A history of the Japanese Canadians in British Columbia, 1877-1958.Toronto: National Japanese Canadian Citizens Association. Reprinted in RogerDaniels, ed. 1978. Two monographs on Japanese Canadians. New York: ArnoPress.

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