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Theoretical Perspectives on Medicine and Society 13<br />

In so doing, the approach allows alternative ways of thinking about the<br />

truth claims of biomedicine, showing them to be as much social products<br />

as lay knowledges of medicine. Such a project has brought together sociologists,<br />

anthropologists, philosophers and social historians interested in<br />

the cultural assumptions in which biomedicine is grounded and the practices<br />

that sustain it. The feminist movement has led the way in devoting<br />

attention to the ways in which medical and scientific knowledges are used<br />

to privilege the position of powerful groups over others. It has developed<br />

a trenchant critique of the ‘biology as destiny’ ideology which has frequently<br />

been adopted in the medical context to deny women full participation<br />

in the public sphere (see Chapter 6 for a detailed discussion of<br />

feminist scholarship as applied to medicine).<br />

There are a range of political positions taken by scholars adopting the<br />

social constructionist approach (Bury, 1986). Some view medical knowledge<br />

as neutral, while others emphasize the social control function of<br />

discourses, arguing that such knowledge and its attendant practices<br />

reinforce the position of powerful interests to the exclusion of others.<br />

However, social constructionist scholars generally avoid viewing power<br />

as being wielded from above and shaped entirely by the forces of capitalism,<br />

recognizing instead a multiplicity of interests and sites of power. The<br />

notion that medicine acts as an important institution of social control has<br />

remained, but the emphasis has moved from examining medical power as<br />

an oppressive, highly visible, sovereign-based power, to a conceptualization<br />

of medicine as producing knowledges which change in time and<br />

space. Those adopting the social constructionist perspective argue that<br />

medical power not only resides in institutions or elite individuals, but is<br />

deployed by every individual by way of socialization to accept certain<br />

values and norms of behaviour.<br />

While the social constructionist perspective is currently rather fashionable,<br />

particularly in Britain, Australia and continental Europe, it is not a<br />

universally accepted perspective in sociology, a discipline that has traditionally<br />

been characterized by antipathy between competing paradigms<br />

(the Marxist/conflict perspective versus the functionalist/consensus<br />

school, for example). Constructionist analyses have been criticized for<br />

concentrating upon medical discourse at the macro-level, for making<br />

broad generalizations and avoiding a detailed examination of the microcontext<br />

in which discursive processes take place (such as the everyday<br />

experiences of people) for their insistence that discourses have general<br />

social effects, regardless of social class, gender or ethnicity and for not recognizing<br />

human agency and the opportunity for resistance (Outram,<br />

1989; Shilling, 1991; Turner, 1996).<br />

Critics of the social constructionist approach have argued that the<br />

approach, like all others influenced by the poststructuralist movement,<br />

can descend into relativism and nihilism if taken to its logical conclusion,<br />

that all knowledges are social products, and that therefore the insights of<br />

social constructionist analyses are themselves to be questioned. How are

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