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The Body in Medicine 37<br />
The prevalence of epidemics and plagues, and the miasma theory of<br />
disease common throughout the Middle Ages and up to the emergence of<br />
the scientific model of medicine, fed these notions of the body as permeable<br />
and highly susceptible to invasion and attack by disease. There are<br />
links between these notions and the still prevalent lay beliefs to do with<br />
vulnerability to infections such as colds and influenza in contemporary<br />
western societies. In one English study, for example, interviewees volunteered<br />
the beliefs that susceptibility to colds was increased by such behaviours<br />
as allowing one’s head to get wet, going outside after washing one’s<br />
hair, getting one’s feet wet, going into a cold room after a hot bath and<br />
getting caught in the rain, all of which were viewed as allowing the illness<br />
to enter the body (Helman, 1978).<br />
According to Vigarello (1988), notions about cleanliness changed from<br />
the eighteenth century. In the late eighteenth century the first ideas about<br />
bathing and its relationship to bodily hygiene became dominant. The idea<br />
of the body as a machine influenced notions about the properties of cold<br />
water as strengthening the body, to stimulate circulation and give firmness.<br />
Books on health advocated regular cold baths for invigoration, and<br />
as an ascetic practice of moral and physical toughening, ridding the body<br />
of ‘softness’ and feebleness. Cleanliness changed from values of appearance<br />
to notions of health, vigour, strength, austerity and morality. The<br />
body, rather than being perceived as passive and vulnerable to external<br />
forces as was the case in the Middle Ages, became endowed with endogenous<br />
power and vitality which could be released by such activities as cold<br />
bathing. Cleanliness induced by cold baths was viewed as the natural<br />
state of the body; the use of powder, perfumes and scented oils was<br />
decried as frivolous and artificial. The emphasis was now upon opening<br />
the pores rather than keeping them covered, to ‘free the skin’ by removing<br />
dirt, perspiration and oils which blocked the surface exits.<br />
In the late eighteenth century, with the scientific discovery of microbes,<br />
external signs of cleanliness were no longer considered sufficient<br />
(Vigarello, 1988). These theories were legitimized by science; washing was<br />
seen to rid the body of microbes and release it from the danger of rotting<br />
matter. Microbes were viewed as ‘invisible monsters capable of breaking<br />
down the body barriers’ (Vigarello, 1988: 204), all the more dangerous<br />
because of their tininess. Appearances were viewed as deceptive, for<br />
cleanliness and dirtiness were now invisible states, on the imperceptible<br />
microscopic level: ‘The clearest water might contain innumerable bacilli,<br />
the whitest skin might sustain every sort of bacteria’ (Vigarello, 1988: 203).<br />
As a result, touching of parts of the body became prohibited, and frequent<br />
washing was advocated to protect against invasion. New areas of the<br />
body were named and appropriated by the discourse of cleanliness. To be<br />
clean now meant to be free of bacteria, protozoa and viruses.<br />
This notion of cleanliness predominated in the twentieth century as<br />
medicine and science became ever more revered. One example is a<br />
Canadian women’s magazine advertisement from the 1930s, which used