A DYNAMIC GLOBAL PICTUREProbation Ombudsman, to whom prisoners can refergrievances against the Prison Service.126. In many countries there is no real differencebetween the supervisory arrangements for public andprivate prisons, respectively. In the United Kingdom,for example, prison officers serving in private prisonshave to be licensed by the public authorities. In somecases, however, the State exercises little authority overthe management of private prisons. Notably in caseswhere prisoners work as trainees in private workshopsoutside the prisons, there is often no custodialsupervision. While prison authorities tend to stressthat work is only one aspect of the prison regime andof its inspection services, there can be scope for labourinspection services to train and collaborate withprison authorities on matters which relate strictly tothe work regime.Issues for the private sector127. There are two main issues with regard to privatesector involvement. The fi rst is the actual privatizationof prisons. The second is the role that may beplayed by the private sector in providing employmentand skills training for all prisoners.128. The view is often expressed that prison privatizationis most likely here to stay, as part of thepolitical economy of modern times. When prisonpopulations have been increasing sharply in somecountries, the private sector has often invested thecapital to build new prison facilities. There are clearlymixed views as to the desirability of such a trend. InGermany, for example, a 1998 decision of the FederalConstitutional Court on remuneration of prisonersaffirmed that certain prison labour must only be carriedout under the responsibility of the prison authoritiesand under public supervision. 44 Yet the centralissue in the debate on prisons and prison labour todayis not so much the merits or demerits of privatizationof public services – a matter that goes beyondthe scope of the present Report – but rather the securingof minimum safeguards for those detained inall kinds of prison establishment.129. On the second issue, concerns are expressedby both workers’ and employers’ representatives.Workers are strongly of the view that private entitiesshould not profit from prison labour, unless thisis derived from decent work performed in conditionsthat approximate a free employment relationship,and without artificial suppression of wage costs.Employers can point to the considerable difficultiesin determining a fair wage for prisoners, when theactual cost of providing training or the establishmentof health and safety standards for prisoners can behigher than the cost of providing such services in thefree market. There are also concerns that the averageproductivity of prisoners tends to be low.130. An added and understandable concern formany private companies is the reputational risk of involvementwith prison-produced goods. There havebeen cases where transparent labelling of prison-madegoods can inform consumer decisions. 45 Yet companiescan be faced with a range of questions on which thereis limited available information. It is often difficult toestablish the exact nature of the work, the operationalsafety and health standards, the levels of remuneration,or the voluntary nature of the work. Such problems forthe supply chain have often dissuaded companies fromsourcing materials from prisons. A possible remedy isto encourage prisons to distribute public information,for example through web sites, describing the standardsmaintained in the prison and the level of vocationaltraining provided to prisoners.The need for research and information131. Above all, the ILO meeting identified theneed for more solid information on which to basetechnical advice and policy prescriptions. The ILOwas encouraged to undertake a research programmeon – among other things – the magnitude and theeconomic dimensions of prison labour, the impact ofdifferent types of work on the welfare and skills ofprisoners, the empirical meaning of consent, the empiricalreality of conditions of work, good practice inprivatized prison labour, and bad practice of exploitativeforced prison labour, as well as on the elementsof a fair and acceptable prison labour model. Theseproposals are reflected in the Action Plan containedin Part III.44. BverfG, 2 BvR 441/90 of 1 July 1998.45. For example, the penal institutions of a number of federal states in Germany market hand-crafted goods produced by prison workshops andtrainee programmes under the brand name Haeftling. Products ranging from clothing to household linen are marketed under a “made inprison” label. Proceeds from sales are divided between the prison, the Government and the Haeftling corporation to cover marketing anddistribution costs.29
A GLOBAL ALLIANCE AGAINST FORCED LABOUR4. Poverty, discrimination and forced labour132. It is sometimes argued that poverty is one ofthe basic causes of coercive labour arrangements, andthat only by eradicating overall poverty can forced labourbe overcome. Conversely, however, poverty andextreme poverty can also be a direct consequence offorced labour practices. The poorest and most vulnerablemembers of society can be compelled to work, orinduced into debt which they or even their descendantsfind impossible to repay despite very long hours ofarduous work. They thus become locked in a cycle ofpoverty from which they cannot extricate themselves.133. In some cases, the persistence of forced labourtoday can be the result of very longstanding patternsof discrimination against certain ethnic and casteminorities. In Asia, the incidence of bonded labourhas been and remains particularly severe among theScheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in India;among indigenous minorities in western Nepal;and among non-Muslims in Pakistan. ThroughoutAfrica, contemporary forced labour and slavery-likepractices appear to be a particular problem in thosecountries which have a recent history of slavery, andwhere there are reports of continuing patterns of discriminationagainst persons of slave descent. In LatinAmerica, today as centuries ago, the main victims offorced labour are indigenous peoples. At times theseare the indigenous groups living in hitherto isolatedregions, where comparatively recent settlement hasencouraged a demand for cheap labour, and wherethere is virtually no state presence to provide protectionagainst forced labour. At other times forced labourhas been exacted from the indigenous peopleswho have long been integrated within the nationaleconomy and society, though in a situation of extremedisadvantage vis-à-vis the rest of the population.134. In all these regions, social reforms have beenenacted over the past half century to eradicate servilelabour arrangements, including serfdom and unpaidlabour in traditional agrarian systems. Such reformswere reviewed in some detail in the first <strong>Global</strong>Report on forced labour. Land and tenancy reformsin Asia and Latin America, for example, do seem tohave eradicated much of the rural serfdom which wasso widespread in these regions until the 1950s.135. At the same time, such land and tenancyreforms, together with the extension of labour lawprovisions to rural areas, have not prevented theemergence of new patterns or manifestations offorced labour. Moreover, a key feature of contemporarycoercion is that victims are very often trappedinto these forced labour situations through indebtedness.There are other common features. Women,often young women or even girls, seem increasingly tofall victim to forced labour in the developing world.In addition, forced labour either within or outsidethe victims’ countries of origin tends to affect disproportionatelythose who seek to earn a livelihoodaway from their own communities. The victims canbe seasonal agricultural workers, who can be transportedhundreds or thousands of miles within theirown country, to engage in crop harvesting over apossibly limited period. Similar cases of coercive recruitmentand debt bondage have affected migrantsmoving from poorer Indian states such as Bihar tocommercial agriculture in the wealthier Punjab; orindigenous workers moving from impoverished highlandregions to the new zones of commercial agriculturein Latin America. Similar patterns have beenidentified in southern African countries, in this casesometimes involving cross-border migration.136. <strong>Forced</strong> labour is also being detected in urbanand peri-urban areas, often in smaller establishmentsin the hidden informal economy, but also in somequite large enterprises. A feature of recent bondedlabour trends in South Asia has been its growingincidence in a wide range of industries beyond theagricultural sector. There are widespread reports offorced labour practices in assembly plants withinexport processing zones. Often, these involve therequirement, under menace of a penalty such as dismissal,to perform compulsory overtime without extrapayment. In transition countries, moreover, there arereports that workers released from former state enterprisesare being subjected to coercive recruitment andemployment practices in the emerging private sector.137. The varied nature of forced labour in developingcountries needs to be understood as fully aspossible, in order to put forward appropriate remedies.In part, eradicating forced labour will mean breakingdown the ties of serfdom which prevent people fromearning wages for their work and otherwise participatingin the modern market economy. But it willalso mean establishing systems of social protection,in order to temper the market forces that can drivepeople, often former rural dwellers uprooted fromtheir land, into new forced labour situations in urbanareas. The matter is thus very much a labour marketissue, requiring close attention to the adoption andenforcement of effective labour laws.138. Finally, questions of individual and social responsibilityneed to be addressed. Regrettably, evenlocal or national authorities can at times benefit fromthe forced labour exacted from poor villagers and peasants.Reference has already been made to the extremecase of Myanmar, where state policies permit localauthorities to use and benefit from the forced labourof the poor. There are many less well-known casesaround the world of local power structures facilitatingsuch exploitation. Government officials, magistratesand police officers, acting in collusion with local elites,can all have a vested interest in the survival of forcedlabour practices that perpetuate extreme poverty.30