point*of viewThe BigRedSongbook:100 Yearsof WobblySongloreFew workers’ associationsin the UnitedStates exist longenough to celebratetheir centennials. Tradeunions, fraternal organizations,and neighborhood alliances allfall victim to shifts in ideologicalor physical environments.Before a labor union reaches itshundredth year, it is likely tohave merged with parallel orsubordinate groups. Thus, membersface their anniversarieswith diverse feelings: do wehonor old age alone; is it onlysurvival that matters; or, alternately,do we elevate a particularsymbolic emblem or specialformulation to representout identity?From its inception in Chicagoin 1905, the Industrial Workersof the World chose as its guidingcause revolutionary industrialunionism. To the extent thatIWW members concerned themselvesconsciously with culturaltheory, like rival radicals, theyrelegated expressive materialto an auxiliary role. In short,bedrock economic struggletook priority over secondaryartistic forms.Songs, stories, sayings, skitsand related ephemera commentedupon class conflict, but didnot rise to the level of directaction in mine, mill, forest orfactory. Whether rebel viewedwork through Darwinian orMarxian eyes, each job sitedetermined the contour of lifeitself. A song, however categorized,might ease a worker’spain, help in getting through theday, or, even beyond individualneeds, assist in transformingsociety.As 2005 approached, in recognitionof the IWW’s centennial, agroup of friends discussed thepossibility of publishing The BigRed Songbook, a comprehensivegathering of songs andpoems as they appeared in thevarious editions of the IWW’s“Little Red Songbook.” Theseindividuals did not constitute aformal (or even an ad hoc) editorialcommittee. We undertookto research and write the variousportions of the new edition,forthcoming from the Charles H.Kerr Publishing Company. It ismy task, here, to present anoverview of IWW songlore.Even before the IWW’s formalchartering a hundred years ago,farsighted industrial unionistsspoke in many tongues reflectingdifferent nativities andphilosophies. Accepting theresponsibility of building a thennewworkers’ movement, laborunionloyalists, anarcho-syndicalists,and socialists framedtheir messages in a rainbow ofvoices. Similarly, hard-rock miners,straw cats who harvestedwheat, fruit and other crops,lintheads in textile mills,mariners, castaways and wanderersshouted or whispered astheir separate skills demanded.Some IWW writers and oratorsboth in their journalism and10 WIP 2006-2007 Winter
y Archie GreenFlyer for strikingIWW members,1920s, and LittleRed Songbook.From PFParchives.soapboxing mastered highrhetoric; others favored vernacularstyle. Readers of the IWWpress and street-corner listenersencountered language derivedfrom Shakespeare and Shelley,as well as the saloon and thebrothel. Unlike many radicalsbefore and after 1905, the IWWaccepted strange accents, surrealdeliveries, zany humor, and pungentcartoons as proper in theorganization’s discourse.IWW words declaimed or sungin poem and song functionedsimilarly to those in writing.Industrial-union pioneers did notcreate a rich body of songloreeither by calculated design or bydivine inspiration. Rather,founders came to Chicago wellacquainted with plural musicalgenres: classical radical fare (e.g.items in Socialist Songs withMusic, issued by Charles Kerr,1901); popular hits of stage andparlor (Stephen Foster to IrvingBerlin); evangelical hymns(Dwight Moody and Ira Sankey);traditional occupational folksong(not yet gathered in publishedanthologies but present inplural craft, regional, and ethniccommunities).In short, to understand theIWW’s contagious musical blend,one must hear in the mind’s earrebel unionists who knew“L’Internationale” and “LaMarseillaise,” as well as homespunshanties and ballads indigenousto ranch bunkhouse, hobojungle, or mountain miningcamp. Before and during theIWW’s formative years, textileworkers literally sang “HardTimes in the Mill”; coal diggersand hard-rock “ten-day stiffs”shared the mournful “Only aMiner”; itinerant toilers alongcountless miles of railroad tracksspun out pieces such as “BigRock Candy Mountain”— instraight or bawdy form, compensatoryvehicles for rootlessness.Of the many musical idiomsavailable to IWW members, oneform dominated: the polemical.With the appearance of IWWnewspapers (Industrial Worker,Spokane; Solidarity, Cleveland),readers submitted new tests usuallyset to then-popular vaudevilletunes or gospel-hymn standards.Editors varied in theirreception to minstrel contributions;they printed some items intheir journals and others onpocket-sized cards, reminiscentof earlier broadsides. In 1909, theSpokane IWW branch gatheredtwo dozen numbers, new andold, into a red-jacketed booklettitled Songs of the IndustrialWorkers of the World.In 1968, Richard Brazier reminiscedabout his role on the committeewhich prepared the firstsongbook. A few of his wordsreveal the editors’ rationale:“…to destroy the old myths thathave enslaved us for so long. Wewill have songs that hold upflaunted wealth and threadbaremorality to scorn, songs thatlampoon our masters…[Oursongbook] will exalt the spirit ofRebellion.”Subsequent editors in 1910-11added phrases to the booklet’stitle such as Songs of theWorkers: On the Road, in theJungles, and in the Shops; Songsto Fan the Flames of Discontent.No one knows who first taggedthis gathering the “Little RedSongbook.” It proved to be theIWW’s most popular publication;it caught on beyond the Union’sranks.The nickname “Wobbly” begancirculating in 1913-1914; it hasbeen joined at the hip to theorganization’s songbooks. In continuousprint from 1909 to thepresent, these booklets havegone through 37 editions.(Bibliographers still puzzle overthe exact number of printingsand the sequence of editions.)Over the years, editors havedeleted particular items either fordated content, in response to[Continued on p. 27 ➝]2006-2007 Winter WIP 11